Skip to main content

Full text of "Nile and Jordan, being the archaeological and historical inter-relations between Egypt and Canaan, from the earliest times to the Fall of Jerusalem in A.D. 70"

See other formats


NILE AND JORDAN 



I / 



NILE AND ORDAN 



BEING 



The Archaeological and Historical Inter-relations 
between Egypt and Canaan 



From the Earliest Times to the 
Fall of Jerusalem in A.D. 70 



BY 



Rev. G. A. FRANK KNIGHT, M.A., F.R.S.E. 

College and Kelvingvove United Free Church, Glasgow ; 

Sometime Thomson Lecturer on Natural Science in the 

United Free Church College, Aberdeen 



9.9. =21 



London 
JAMES CLARKE & CO., LTD., 13 & 14 FLEET STREET 

1921 



TO MY WIFE 

WHOSE UNFAILING ENCOURAGEMENT HAS STIMULATED 

ME TO THE ACCOMPLISHMENT OF A LONG TASK 

AND TO THE MEMORY OF MY FATHER 

REV. GEORGE H. KNIGHT 

WHO FIRST INSPIRED IN ME THE LOVE OF 
SACRED LEARNING 



Published uith the assistance of a generous grant from the Carnegie Trustees 

for the Universities of Scotland 



PREFACE 



No one possessed with any reverence for antiquity can stand on the summit 
of the Great Pyramid of Gizeh, and allow his eyes to wander over the vast 
prospect at his feet, without having his imagination powerfully stirred. 
The sight of the Nile threading its way from the far recesses of the mysterious 
South, fertilizing the desert sands, and disclosing its presence by the belt 
of emerald green on either bank, throws the mind back into the long 
pre-Christian centuries with their imperishable associations. What master- 
pieces of civilization, what renowned exploits, what celebrated cities, what 
world-famous names are linked to that river flowing at one's feet from the 
heart of Equatorial Africa ! 

Then if one turns eastward, the eye ranges across the level expanse 
of the Delta to where the horizon melts into nothingness. But the 
observer knows that yonder towards the sunrising lie the land of Goshen, 
the Sinai Peninsula, and the Wilderness of the Wandering. Beyond these 
he remembers that further to the north is Canaan, which to the imagina- 
tion of the toiling Hebrews was " the land flowing with milk and honey." 
And thus he associates the two countries, Egypt in her royal magnificence, 
Palestine in her sweet rural beauty. 

The object of this book is to trace the various links which united 
these two contiguous territories, from the earliest times till the fall of 
Jerusalem in A. d. 70. It is a long story, covering at least seven millenniums, 
and crowded with detail. The mere collecting of the facts, scattered 
over more than 1,700 volumes and journals, has entailed many years of 
research, in the scanty leisure available to one with constant professional 
duties as a minister in a city charge. It is more than likely that many 
important aspects of the inter-relations between Egypt and Canaan have 
inadvertently been overlooked, and that books and articles which should 
have been consulted have been unwittingly neglected. But the volume 
is a serious attempt to fill a gap in the literature of the two countries which 
as yet has not been occupied. Further excavations in both lands will 
unquestionably greatly extend our knowledge. 

My obligations to the great masters in Egyptology are evidenced on 
every page. Perhaps no country in the world has had such a magnificent 
succession of skilled explorers and scholars as Egypt can show. It has 
been an international theatre for the exhibition of the keenest archaeological 
enterprise, and the ripest and most patient and wonderful scholarship. 
The names of Brugsch, Birch, Lepsius, Lenormant, Chabas, Mariette, 
Sharpe, Diimichen, Erman, Daressy, Meyer, Wiedemann, de Morgan, 
Maspero, Lieblein, Naville, Flinders Petrie, Wallis Budge, Griffith, Garstang, 
Newberry, Sayce, Breasted, Reisner, Crum, W. Max Miiller, A. H. Gardiner, 
Grenfell, Hunt, Mahaffy, Quibell, de Garies Davies, H. R. Hall, Golenischeff, 
and many others indicated through the book, show how strong a fascination 
Egypt possesses in drawing to its exploration some of the finest minds 



vi Preface 

of the past and the present centuries. I have laid under contribution 
the many monographs issued by the Egypt Exploration Fund, the Egypt 
Research Account, the Bulletins of the various French Missions, the 
exhaustive Reports ot several German, Austrian and American Expeditions, 
and the volumes for which the Palestine Exploration Fund are responsible. 
A full bibliography will be found in Appendix II. But where there are 
so many divergent views represented on every point of detail, I have felt 
compelled to follow no single authority, but to strike out an independent 
course along the paths which seemed to me most consonant with the truth. 

To one point in particular I have devoted some special discussion. 
The Bible Chronology has by many scholars been described as unreliable, 
largely owing to the fact that it cannot be made to square with the 
identification of the Pharaoh of the Oppression with Rameses II of 
the XlXth Dynasty, and of the Pharaoh of the Exodus with Merenptah. 
But what if the identifications are wholly wrong ? They have the effect 
on the one hand of vastly extending the period assigned in Scripture as 
that subsisting between Abraham and the Exodus, and on the other hand 
of greatly curtailing the period allotted in the Bible to the era of the 
Judges. I have therefore brought forward a mass of evidence showing 
how all recent research — especially since the discovery of the Merenptah- 
Israel stele — has been in the direction of relegating the Exodus to the 
time of the XVIIIth Dynasty during the reign of Amenhotep II. Facts 
in support of this theory will be found in the Chapters dealing with the 
reigns of Hatshepset, Thothmes III, Amenhotep II, Thothmes IV, 
Amenhotep IV, and Merenptah. The scheme of Biblical Chronology, 
and its wonderful correspondence with the true date of the Exodus 
(B.C. 1445), will be found in Appendix I. 

Two Chapters (XIV and XXVIII) deal with special side issues which 
deserve fresh consideration. In the light of so constant and dominating 
an influence exerted on the Hebrew mind by Egypt, I have deemed it not 
inappropriate to embody the facts of the case in the Chapters on " Traces 
of Egyptian Influence in the Wilderness Narrative," and " The Egyptian 
Origin of the Book of Job." The evidence thus marshalled demands 
a new scrutiny at the hands of scholars. 

With great cordiality I acknowledge my heavy indebtedness to various 
libraries, and to friends who have helped me with their advice and encourage- 
ment. In particular, I wish to thank the Keeper and the Assistant 
Librarians in the Advocates' Library, Edinburgh ; the Staff of the Signet 
Library ; the Librarian of the Royal Society of Edinburgh ; Dr. James 
Kennedy, the Librarian of the New College ; and Dr. Hew Morrison of 
the Edinburgh Public Library. But my principal obligation is to the 
Library of Glasgow University, my Alma Mater, whose remarkably com- 
plete Egyptological treasures are but too imperfectly known, and where 
every facility for research is most readily and courteously provided by the 
Staft. 

My warm thanks arc due to Rev. W. M. Christie, late of Safed, and of 
Aleppo, and now of Glasgow, f<r kindly correcting the proofs, and for 
making many valuable suggestions. 

I have, further, to express my thanks to the Egypt Exploration Society 
for kindly permitting me to use their excellent maps of the Nile Valley. 

I also desire to thank the Carnegie Trust for the Universities of Scotland 
for their generous grant towards the publication of this work. 

G. A. FRANK KNIGHT 
5, Granby Terrace, 

1 1 11 1 mead, Glasgow 

October, 1920. 



TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS 

^[.Z.--Zeitschrift f. aegyptische Sprache. 

Z?./.=Josephus's "Bellum Judaicum." 

CIS. =Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum. 

D. B. -Hastings' "Dictionary of the Bible." 
Z).C.G.= Hastings' "Dictionary of Christ and the Gospels.'' 
E.E.F.M. =Egypt. Explor. Fund Memoirs. 

£..R.£\=Hastings' Encycl. of Religion and Ethics. 
Exp.= Expositor. 
E.T.— Expository Times. 
F.i/.G. = Miiller's " Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum." 
H.G.H.L.—Srmth's "Historical Geography of the Holy Land." 
#./.P.=Schiirer's " Hist, of the Jewish People." 

H.N.= Pliny's " Historia Naturalis." 
M.K.G. = Mittheil. d. vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft. 
O.L.Z. — Orientalische Litteraturzeitung. 
O.r./.C.-W. Rob. Smith's "Old Testament in the Jewish Church. 
P.E.F.Q.— Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement. 
P.S.B.A.= Proceedings of the Soc. of Biblical Archaeology. 

R.P. = Records of the Past. 
7\SJ3.yl.= Trans, of the Soc. of Biblical Archaeology. 
Z./l.r.I'l ;/ .=Zeitschrift f. die alttest. Wissenschaft. 
Z.Z).P.F.=Zeitschrift d. deutschen Palastina-Vereins. 



CONTENTS 

CHAPTER PAGE 

I. Introductory 13 

1. The Physical Connection between Egypt 

and Canaan, 
n. The Authorities, 
in. Chronology. 

II. Palaeolithic Man in Egypt and Canaan . . 19 

III. Neolithic Man in Canaan and Egypt ... 24 

IV. The First Three Egyptian Dynasties ... 37 

1. The 1st Dynasty (B.C. 5510-5247). 
11. The Ilnd Dynasty (b.c. 5247-4945). 
in. The Illrd Dynasty (b.c. 4945-4731). 
V. The Pyramid Builders of the IVth Dynasty 

(b.c. 4731-4454) 48 

VI. The Religious Fervour of the Vth Dynasty 
(b.c. 4454-4206) and the commercial activity 
of the VIth Dynasty (b.c. 4206-4003) . . 56 

VII. The Passing of the Memphite Empire and the Rise 

of Thebes ....... 69 

1. The Vllth Dynasty (b.c. 4003-3933) and 

the Vlllth Dynasty (b.c. 3933-3787). 
11. The IXth Dynasty (c. B.C. 3787-3687) and 

the Xth Dynasty (b.c. 3687-3502). 
in. The Xlth Dynasty (b.c. 3502-3459). 
VIII. The Golden Age of Egypt under the XIIth Dynasty 

(b.c. 3459-3246) 76 

IX. The Fall of the Middle Kingdom and the Invasion 

OF THE HYKSOS 95 

i. The Xlllth Dynasty (b.c. 3246-2793). 
11. The XlVth Dynasty (b.c. 2793-2533). 
in. The XVth Dynasty (b.c. 2533-2249) and the 
XVIth Dynasty (b.c. 2249-1731). 
X. The Later Hyksos and the Story of Joseph . 107 

XI. The War of Liberation and the New Kingdom . 123 
1. The XVIIth Dynasty (b.c. 1731-1580). 
11. The Beginning of the XVIIIth Dynasty 
(b.c. 1580-1353). 



CHAPTER 
XII. 

* XIII. 



XIV. 

XV. 
XVI. 

XVII. 



XVIII. 
^XIX. 

XX. 

XXI. 
XXII. 

XXIII. 

XXIV. 

XXV. 
XXVI. 

XXVII. 



XXVIII. 

XXIX. 
XXX. 

XXXI. 



XXXII. 
XXXIII 



Contents 

THOTHMES III AND THE OPPRESSION OF THE HEBREWS 
AMENHOTEP II AND THE EXODUS FROM EGYPT . 

Excursus : The Geography of the World 
as known during the XVIIIth Dynasty 
Traces of Egyptian Influence in the Wilderness 

Narrative 

The Reigns of Thothmes IV and Amenhotep III 
Akhnaton and the Conquest of Canaan by the 
Hebrews ...... 

The XIXth Dynasty (b.c. 1353-1224) 
1. Seti I (b.c. 1351-1324). 
11. Rameses II (b.c. 1324-1258). 
Merenptah and the Close of the XIXth Dynasty 
(b.c. 1258-1224) .... 

The XXth Dynasty and the Period of the Hebrew 

Judges (b.c. 1206-1102) 

The XXIst Dynasty, and David and Solomon 
(b.c. 1102-944) ...... 

The XXIInd Dynasty (b.c. 944-749) 
The XXIIIrd Dynasty and the Nubian Invasion 

(b.c. 755-7 21 ) 

The XXIVth Dynasty (b.c. 721-715) and the XXVth 
(b.c. 725-661) with the Assyrian Invasion 

The Restoration under the XXVIth Dynasty 

(B.C. 664-589) 

The Fall of the XXVIth Dynasty (b.c. 589-525) . 
Egypt under the Persians : The XXVIIth Dynasty 

(B.C. 525-405) 

The Last of Egypt's Native Dynasties 

I. The XXVIIIth Dynasty (b.c. 405-399). 

II. The XXIXth Dynasty (b.c. 399-378). 
in. The XXXth Dynasty (b.c. 378-342). 
iv. The XXXIst Dynasty (b.c. 342-332). 

The Egyptian Origin of the Book of Job 
The Rule of the First Ptolemy (b.c. 324-285) 

The Zenith of the Ptolemaic Empire under 
Ptolemy II Philadelphus (b.c. 285-247) . 

The Reigns of Ptolemy III Euergetes I 
(b.c. 247-222), and Ptolemy IV Philopator 
(b.c. 222-205) 

The Reign of Ptolemy V Epiphanes (b.c. 205-182) . 

The Reigns of Ptolemy VI Eupator, and 
Ptolemy VII Philometor (b.c. 182-146) . 



page 
140 

155 

167 

171 
191 

208 
226 



243 

253 

263 

278 

289 
296 

3i4 
328 

347 
364 



379 
406 

416 



43i 
441 

450 



Contents 



CHAPTER 

XXXIV. The 



XXXV. 



XXXVI. 
XXXVII. 



Reigns of Ptolemy VIII ; Ptolemy IX 

EUERGETESlI (PHYSCON) (B.C. I46-II7); PTOLEMY X 
SOTER II (LATHYRUS) (B.C. II7-81) ; AND 

Ptolemy XI Alexander I (b.c. 107-89) 
The Reigns of Ptolemy XII Alexander II 
(b.c. 81) : Ptolemy XIII " Auletes" (b.c. 81-51) : 
Ptolemy XIV Dionysus (b.c. 51-47) : Cleopatra 
VII (b.c. 51-30) ; Ptolemy XV, and Ptolemy 

XVI Cesarion 

Egypt and Palestine in the First Christian Century 
The Closing Phases till the Fall of Jerusalem 
Addenda (Additional Notes) . 
Appendix I. Biblical Chronology .... 
Appendix II. Index to the Books and Journals 
referred to » ■ 

Index of Scripture References .... 
General Index 



XI 

PAGE 



461 



473 
489 

5oi 

514 

5i5 

520 

543 
552 



Nile and Jordan 



CHAPTER I 

Introductory 

i. The Physical Connection between Egypt and Canaan 

By an arbitrary geographical terminology the world has agreed to regard 
Egypt and Canaan as belonging to separate Continents. Egypt is an 
integral part of Africa, and Canaan as unquestionably belongs to Asia. 
It is therefore difficult for us to banish from our minds the subtle pervasive- 
ness of this disparate conception, to take in the fact that the line separating 
these two continents is a purely conventional one, and to realize that the 
Nile Valley and that of the Jordan have always been, and still are, most 
closely associated in history, politics, literature, art, and social customs. 

It is not unlikely that comparatively few readers of Scripture have 
any vivid, or adequate, conception of how close and intimate this inter- 
relation between the two countries was. Most are content with knowing 
that Abraham visited Egypt, that Joseph met with sundry adventures 
there, that Jacob and the patriarchs entered that land, and died there. 
They may recall the facts of the Oppression, the Ten Plagues, and the 
Exodus, but they imagine that thereafter Israel and the old land of bondage 
had seen the last of each other till the time of the Prophets. Some 
may remember passing invasions of Palestine by Egyptian monarchs 
such as Shishak, Zerah, Tirhakah, or Pharaoh-Necho, but the belief is 
widely current that, once Israel had quitted Egypt, they had, so to speak, 
" cut the painter," and that their connection with the lands of the Nile 
was for ever past and gone. 

In this book I desire to show how misleading such a conception is, 
and to point out how during the Palaeolithic and Neolithic eras, through 
the Early, Middle, and Later Egyptian Empires, under native kings, or 
while subject to Nubian, Assyrian, Babylonian, Persian, Greek, or Roman 
conquerors, Egypt has ever been closely linked to Canaan, and that the 
influence the two countries mutually exercised upon each other was pro- 
found and lasting. Separated from each other by merely a short strip 
of easily traversable desert, the art and civilization, the customs and 
religious practices, the political ideals and domestic institutions, the 
literature and the politics of the one region reacted with no small force 
upon the other, and modern archaeological discovery is every day only 
emphasizing how powerful this interaction was. 

The interest of this connection between Egypt and Canaan extends 

13 



14 Nile and Jordan 

even into the vast geological ages lying far behind the few thousand years 
of human activity. Recent scientific investigation has revealed an inter- 
relation between Africa and Asia of a remarkably fascinating nature. By 
a comparative study of the respective faunas of the Sea of Galilee and of 
Lake Tanganyika, it has been established that the Jordan Valley, with 
its two fresh-water lakes — the Waters of Merom and the Sea of Galilee — 
and its salt Dead Sea, was once connected with the great inland waters 
of Central Africa. The researches of Ferussac, Ehrenberg, Olivier, Boissier, 
Bourguinat, Roth, 1 Lortet, and especially of Locard 2 and of Tristram 3 have 
shown that many of the shells which inhabit the Sea of Galilee and the 
Jordan with its feeders are more closely akin to the molluscs of the great 
lakes and rivers of Central Africa than to those of any other locality. 4 
It is the same with the fishes. Tristram asserts that an analysis of the 
38 species of fishes found in the Lake of Tiberias and the Jordanic basin 
points at once, not to any affinity with the fauna of the Orontes or of 
the Euphrates, but to that of Tanganyika and the other great African 
lakes. 6 

When this affinity between Galilee and Nyasaland, with their curious 
marine-like fauna, was first discovered, so great was the interest aroused 
that the Royal Society despatched two successive Tanganyika Expeditions, 
under Mr. J. E. S. Moore, to investigate the peculiarities of the fauna of 
these African seas. 6 Though many of Moore's hypotheses have not been 
accepted by other scientists, it seems now to be demonstrated that the 
peculiar character of the fauna of Lake Tanganyika and of the Sea of 
Galilee is due to the fact that formerly these lakes formed part of an immense 
system, which stretched from the Transvaal to beyond Damascus along the 
huge fracture represented to-day by Lakes Shirwa, Nyasa, Tanganyika, 
Kivu, Albert Edward Nyanza, and Albert Nyanza. The trough was con- 
tinued down the Upper Nile Valley, across the desert to, and up, the Red 
Sea, the Gulf of Akaba, the Dead Sea, the Jordan Valley, and Ccele-Syria. 
The extraordinary series of molluscs, crabs, prawns, sponges, and fishes 
found in Lake Tanganyika, all distinctly marine in type, and the corres- 
pondingly metamorphosed forms of aquatic life discovered in the Jordan 
basin, seem thus to have had a common origin ; 7 and in this way we 
are afforded a fascinating glimpse into a remote period when Africa and 
Asia were one, and when Galilee was united to Livingstonia. 

The connection between Egypt and Canaan is thus an exceedingly 
ancient one, and the geological history of the two countries merely reveals 
the simultaneous working of those forces which have produced the present 
physical characteristics. As science unfolds the gradual evolution of the 
Nile Valley and of the adjoining territory of Palestine, 8 one realizes how 

1 Roth, Spicilegiunt Molluscorum, 1855. * Malacologie des lacs ds Tibiriadc, 

d'Antioche, et d' Horns en Syrie, Lyons, 1883, etc. * Fauna of Western Palestine, 

1884, pp. xii., 178. « There are 16 species of Unto that are found exclusively in the 

Sea of Galilee and the Jordan system : these and the representatives of the genus 
Melanopsis are remarkably similar to those at present inhabiting Lake Tanganyika. 
* P.E.F.Q., 1894, p. 105. • In 1896 and 1899. The results were summarized 

by Boulenger, Trans. Zool. Soc. xv. (1898) : xvi. (1901) : Cunnington, Proc. Zool. 
Soc. 1899: and especially by Moore, The Tanganyika Problem, 1903. 7 On the 

transformation of marine into lacustrine forms, as exemplified in these Tanganyika 
species, see Sollas, The Age of the Earth, p. 208 f. 8 See Fraas, Geologische 

Beobachtungen : Schweinfurth in Zeitsch. d. Deutsch. Geolog. Gesellsch. Jahrg., 1883 : 
Milne in Quart. Journ. Gtol. Soc, xxxi. (1875), p. i. : Huddlcston, Proc. Geologists 
Assoc., Nov., 1882: Nature, April 30, 1885: Hull, Mount Seir, Sinai, and Western 
Palestine, 1889 : The Physical Geology of Arabia Petrcsa and Palestine, 1889 : Dawson, 
Gtol. Magaxine, Nos. 241-244 (N.S.) 1883-4: Egypt and Syria, their physical features 
in relation to Bible History, 1893 : J. W. Gregory, The Great Rift Valley, 1896, p. 248 f. 



Introductory *5 

these neighbouring lands were subjected to very similar geological vicissi- 
tudes, and passed in common through the same telluric processes of alternate 
submergence and elevation, as if from remotest times they had been 
predestined to be linked together in a like destiny. Even Josephus in 
ancient days noted the physical connection between the Nile and the 
Jordan. He pointed out the similarity between the fishes in the fountain 
at Capernaum and those in Egypt. "Some," he writes, "have thought 
this fountain to be a vein of the Nile, because it produces a fish similar 
to that produced by the lake near Alexandria." 1 

Passing from these physical connections between Egypt and Canaan 
to the inter-associations of the peoples that inhabited these contiguous 
countries, we find that as the history of Palestine presents no such orderly, 
progressive, and systematic framework as that furnished by the successive 
Dynasties of Egypt, it is best to base the story of the mutual relationship 
of the two territories on the fuller and better-known projection of Egyptian 
history. The connections between the two countries will be studied 
chronologically, following the scheme of Dynasties bequeathed to us by 
Manetho, which has been of incalculable service to archaeology. 

II. The Authorities 

The sources of our information regarding ancient Egypt are many. 
There are : (i) the classical writers, such as Herodotus, Diodorus, Strabo, 
Pliny, and others, whose testimony, though of interest as being largely 
that of eye-witnesses, is not infrequently unreliable owing to their inveterate 
tendency to accept legend for history. Their works, therefore, though of 
great value, must always be read with caution. (2) The native sources, 
which are by far the most reliable. Countless monuments scattered up 
and down the country for a thousand miles in the form of temples, obelisks, 
steke, statues, sphinxes, tombs, and other antiquities afford a vast number 
of inscriptions from which the history of Egypt may be pieced together 
in a tolerably adequate fashion. Tablets, vases, scarabs, pottery, domestic 
utensils, graves, cemeteries of cats and crocodiles, and papyrus rubbish 
heaps have contributed their quota to the sum of knowledge, and the 
labours of a devoted band of enthusiasts toiling year after year have given 
us a wonderfully complete idea of the internal and external condition of 
Egypt during four or five millenniums. 

From this mass of general contributions to knowledge, there stand 
out several particular sources of information which have conspicuously 
helped to systematize our information regarding the various kings and 
the Dynasties to which they belonged. These are (a) the "Stele of Palermo," 
a fragmentary but exceedingly valuable tablet of black granite, now in 
the Museum of Palermo, containing annals of Egyptian Kings up to the 
time of the Vth Dynasty, when it was compiled. It is very regrettable 
that it is merely a torso, for its accuracy seems of a high standard. 2 

(0) The " Tablet of Karnak," showing Thothmes III adoring 61 of his 
ancestors whose names are given, but in a very haphazard and inaccurate 
sequence. 

1 Jos. Wars, iii. 10, 8. On the identification of this fish, the Coracinus, see Gill 
in P.E.F.Q., 1907, p. 317, and Masterman," The Fisheries of Galilee," ibid., 1908, p. 49. 
* The inscriptions are published and translated by Schafer in Abhandl. d. K. Preuss. 
Akad. der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 1902. See also Naville's Lecture on it delivered 
to the Congress of Orientalists at Hamburg, 1902, in Rec. de Trav., 1903, p. 64 f. ; 
Gauthier in Le Music Egyptien, iii. and fasc. (1915), pp. 29-63 : and Seymour de Ricci 

in Comptes Rendus de I'Acadimit des Inscript., 1917, pp. 107-115. 



16 Nile and Jordan 

(y) The " Tablet of Sakkara," of the time of Rameses II, containing 
47 Royal cartouches. 

(8) The " Tablet of Abydos," discovered in 1864 in the temple of Osiris 
at Abydos, where Seti I and Rameses II are shown speaking to 75 of their 
predecessors, (y) and (8) are of distinct value, being remarkable for their 
accuracy. 

(e) The Ai'yv7ma/ca of Manetho. 1 In the reign of Ptolemy 
Philadelphus this celebrated priest of Sebennytos was commissioned 
by the King to draw up a general history of Egypt from native sources, 
and to translate his annals into Greek. From information which he 
obtained from priestly registers and ancient documents, Manetho compiled 
his history, dividing the long tale of his country's fortunes into thirty 
Dynasties, grouped as follows : — 2 

(1) The Old Empire : Dynasties I— X 

(2) The Middle Empire : „ XI— XVI 

(3) The New Empire : „ XVII— XXI 

(4) The Foreign Dominion : ,, XXII — XXV 

(5) The Restoration : Dynasty XXVI 

(6) The Persian Supremacy : Dynasties XXVII — XXX 

Manetho's labours, however, suffered much at the hands of later 
ignorant copyists. Four chief recensions of his " King-List " have come 
down to us, and are preserved in the Chronography* of George the Monk, 
the Syncellus of Tarasius, Patriarch of Constantinople (a.d. 790). The 
versions are (1) that of Julius Africanus (c. a.d. 170-240) : (2) that 
contained in the Chronicle of Eusebius of Caesarea (a.d. 264-340) : (3) the 
Old Chronicle : 4 and (4) the Book of the Sothis. 5 Of these, the version 
of Julius Africanus is by far the most accurate and reliable, inasmuch 
as it tallies closely with the evidence of the monuments. Egyptologists 
will never cease to regret (until a duplicate has been discovered) the 
destruction of the Royal Papyrus of Turin (compiled in the time of the 
XlXth Dynasty) which seems to have contained a fairly complete 
chronological list of the Dynasties and their Kings, written in the hieratic 
character. The papyrus, declined for purchase by the French Government 
in 1818, was bought by the King of Sardinia, and arrived in a tin box in 
practically a fragmentary condition. 6 Champollion le Jeune discovered 
its value, but was unable to restore it ; and the so-called " restoration " 
of Seyffarth was of such a nature that its absurdities and reckless trans- 
positions fully deserved the scathing criticism and condemnatory verdict 
of scholars like Rosellini, 7 Birch, 8 De Rouge, 9 and others. 

in. Chronology 

Into the hotly contested field of Egyptian chronology it is impossible 
to enter here in detail. The rival adherents of a "long" and of a "short" 
chronology have fiercely debated the problem. Some important dates 
have been fixed for us by their synchronisms with the accurately registered 

1 Full lists of Manetho's Kings will be found in Cory, Ancient Fragments, 1832, 
and in Budge, Hist, of Egypt, i. 130 f. 2 See Fruin, Manethonis Sebennyta 

Reliquia, Lyons, 1847. * Greek texts in Bunsen, Egypt's Place in Universal 

History, i. Appendix: Lepsius, Der Konigsbuch der Alten JEgypter, 1S58 : Miiller, 
Hist. GrcBC, ii. (ed. Didot) : Brugsch-Bouriant, Le Livre des Hois, 1887. 
* Miiller, op. cit., ii. 534. 'Miiller, ii. 607. * Champollion-Figeac in Revue 

Archiol., vii. (1850), p. 398. "• Monumenti Storici., i. 147. * Trans. Royal Soc. 

of Literature, i. 204 (and Ser.), 1843. • Revue Archiol., vii. 560. 



Introductory *7 

Assyrian eponyms. The latter are so precise that if we can establish 
a correspondence between any Egyptian event and the year of a certain 
Assyrian limmu (the official from whom the year was named), we have 
at once a sure guide to enable us to date the Egyptian incident with almost 
infallible accuracy. 1 In this way, for example, the date of Amenhotep III 
is verified, inasmuch as he was a contemporary of Burnaburiash, King of 
Babylonia, whose era we know ; and that of Amenhotep IV is similarly 
discovered, for his letters to Ashur-uballit of Assyria have been unearthed. 
These dates having been ascertained, the dates of other monarchs up and 
down can easily be counted, and the results checked by collateral evidence 
on the monuments. By these synchronisms the reigns of the Kings of 
the XVIIIth and XlXth Dynasties can be dated with a large degree of 
certainty. 

But it is otherwise with the Dynasties prior to the XVIIIth. The 
great gap in the monumental evidence occurs between the close of the 
Xllth Dynasty and the beginning of the XVIIth, and the crux of the 
whole problem of Egyptian chronology lies in the question of how many 
or how few years must be allowed to embrace these five intermediate 
Dynasties. 2 An attempt has been made to solve the problem by a study 
of the heliacal rising of the Star Sothis or Sirius. 3 Sirius rises "heliacally " 
{i.e., contemporaneously with the sun, or as nearly contemporaneously 
as is consistent with visibility) about the season of the beginning of the 
annual Nile inundation, and the period was therefore regarded from the 
earliest times as a convenient one frcm which to reckon the beginning of 
the year. Owing, however, to the want of a leap year in the Egyptian 
calendar, the New Year suffered a cyclical change ; and after passing through 
all the months, when 1,461 years had elapsed, the heliacal rising of Sirius 
once more fell on the first day of the first month. 4 

Now, Borchardt 5 has proved, from a heliacal rising of Sirius recorded 
on a papyrus from Kahun which took place on the 17th of Pharmouthi 
(21st July) in the 7th year of Senusert III, that this event must have 
occurred in either B.C. 1874 or B.C. 3335, that is, 1,461 years earlier. Which 
date is the more likely for this great monarch of the Xllth Dynasty ? 
Which era fits in best with the other Dynasties ? Which allows adequate 
time for all the events of the XHIth, XlVth, XVth, XVIth, and XVIIth 
Dynasties, the abounding details of which Egyptological research is con- 
tinually bringing to light ? Are 250 years sufficient into which to crowd 
all the reigns represented by the decline of the first Theban Empire, the 
Hyksos period, and the rise of the second Theban Empire ? 6 Borchardt 
himself answers in the affirmative, and in this he is followed by others 
of the so-called " Berlin school," such as Professor Breasted 7 and Professor 
Lewis Paton. 8 Professor Flinders Petrie, 9 on the contrary, unhesitatingly 

1 See Lepsius, TJber den Chronologischen Werth der Assyrischen Eponymen und 
einige Beriihrungspunkte mit der Mgyptischen Chronologic, Berlin, 1869 : Oppert, 
Memoire sur les Rapports de I'Egvpte et de I'Assyrie dans I'Antiquite, Paris, 1869 : 
George Smith, The Assyrian Epony'm Canon, 1876. a For an elaborate discussion on 

the intricacies of Manetho'3 chronology, see Unger, Chronologie des Manetho, Berlin, 
1867 ; and especially Gauthier, Livre des rois d'Egypte (2nd livraison), who gives a 
very complete collection of royal names and titles. 3 On this see Ginzel, Handbuch 

der Mathematischen und Technischen Chronologie (1906), i. 181, and Foucart in Hastings' 
E.R.E., iii. 95 (1910), art. Calendar (Egyptian). * See Lieblein, " Le Lever hehaque 
de Sothis le 16 Pharmouti, " in Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., xxii. (1900), p. 352. 5 Zeilsch. 

f. /Egypt. Sprache, xxxvii. 99-101. 6 Manetho's copyists allow 453 years for the 

XIHth Dynasty alone, and 510 years for the Hyksos Kings, making in all 963 years 
for the period. ' 1 Hist, of Egypt. 8 The Early History > of Syria and Palestine (1902), 
p. xii. 9 Researches in Sinai (1906), pp. 163-185 : Historical Studies, p. 10 f. (1911)- 

B 



i8 



Nile and Jordan 



gives his vote for the longer period, urging that it is impossible to cram 
into 250 years the mighty series of events just alluded to. So cogent is 
his reasoning, and so strong are his arguments, that on this point I feel 
I have no option but to adopt in the main the validity of his plea for the 
" longer " chronology. 1 

While, therefore, Professor Ed. Meyer's 2 date for the commencement 
of the 1st Dynasty is B.C. 3315, and that suggested by Hall 3 is 
about B.C. 3600, Petrie 1 boldly dates the Pyramid period from 
B.C. 4000-5000 ; that of the Heliopolitan Sun-worshippers from B.C. 
5000-7000 ; the era of the Western Osiris worshippers from B.C. 7000-8000 ; 
and the primitive animal worshippers, perhaps Palaeolithic, from before 
B.C. 8000. Without committing myself to this daring excursion into a 
very dim and remote era, I append Petrie's former date for the 1st Dynasty, 
and his dates for the succeeding Dynasties : — 5 

Dynasty 



I began B.C. 5510 Dyna 


sty XVII began B.C. 1731 


II , 


M 5247 


XVIII , 


„ 1580 


III , 


.. 4945 


XIX , 


„ 1322 


IV , 


„ 4731 


XX , 


, ,, 1202 


V , 


,1 4454 


XXI , 


, „ 1102 


VI , 


„ 4206 


XXII , 


„ 952 


VII , 


,, 4003 


XXIII , 


.1 755 


VIII , 


,, 3933 


XXIV , 


, ., 721 


IX , 


„ 3787 


XXV , 


>, 715 


x , 


„ 3687 


XXVI , 


„ 664 


XI , 


„ 3502 


XXVII , 


,. 525 


XII , 


,. 3459 


XXVIII , 


„ 405 


XIII , 


,, 3246 


XXIX , 


„ 399 


XIV , 


» 2793 


XXX , 


, „ 3/8 


XV , 


„ 2533 


XXXI , 


., 342 


XVI , 


„ 2249 







1 Yet it is well to bear in mind the formidable difficulties attaching to this view in 
connection with the corresponding Cretan periods known as " Middle Minoan II " 
and " Late Minoan II " : see Hall. P.S.B.A. (1909), pp. 135-148. 2 Geschichtc der 
AUertums (2nd ed., 1909). 3 The Ancient Hist, of the Near East, p. 27 (1913). 

4 In his Drew Lectures (1914), see Ancient Egypt (1914), p. 16. 5 To show how these 
dates synchronize with those of Biblical history, I have prepared a chronological table 
on page 515. 



CHAPTER II 

Palaeolithic Man in Egypt and Canaan 

The mention of Manetho's thirty Dynasties must not lead us to suppose 
that they mark the extreme limits of human occupation of the Nile Valley. 
Behind these historical Dynasties, modern discovery has revealed a vast 
hinterland of Neolithic and even Palaeolithic man. We must picture the 
Egypt of Palaeolithic times as being confined almost entirely to the plateaux 
which hem in the river on either side, for it was on these arid wastes that 
primitive man seems to have lived and died, while, down below, the dense 
jungles and swamps of the Nile were the haunt of ferocious crocodiles, 
and the lair of great herds of hippopotami. Here on the bare slopes, 
Palaeolithic man eked out a miserable existence, supporting himself on 
the desert gazelles and lizards, and continually exposed to attacks from 
cobras, snakes, and scorpions that lurked behind every stone. 

The evidence for the existence of Palaeolithic man in Egypt has, 
however, not been accepted by all as adequately attested. Forbes 1 
strenuously maintains the negative nature of the testimony adduced : 
Sir J. W. Dawson 2 arrives at an equally unfavourable view : Beadnell 3 
sums up his investigations rather adversely to the theory ; while 
Blanckenhorn, 4 who has minutely studied the configuration of the Nile 
Valley of the Tertiary and Quaternary periods, states his conviction 
that much more work by geologists and anthropologists is needed before 
the existence of Palaeolithic man in Egypt may be considered an established 
fact. It must also be frankly acknowledged that the greatest caution is 
necessary in arguing from the presence of so-called " Eoliths " in Egyptian 
gravels, for Boule 5 has published photographs of chipped " Eoliths " 
artificially produced from flints freshly dug from the chalk by the washing 
mills of cement works, the action in these being closely analogous to that 
of a torrent stream. Similar results from various accidental causes have 
been noticed by other observers. 6 

But on the other hand, quite a number cf skilled and competent 
scientists have arrived at the conclusion that the evidences for the existence 
of Palaeolithic man on the bare wind-swept plateaux that border the Nile 
are indisputable. General Pitt-Rivers 7 in 1881 discovered numerous 
Palaeolithic flint implements in these localities, and his reasonings were 
adopted and amplified by de Morgan 8 and Sir John Evans. 9 Schwein- 

1 " On a Collection of Stone Implements in the Mayer Museum " in Bullet. Liverpool 
Museum, ii., Jan., 1900. 'Egypt and Syria, their Physical Features in relation 

to Bible History, p. 141 f. 3 Geolog. Mag., Ser. iv. x. 53. * Zeitsch. d. Gesch. fur 

Erdkunde, 1902, pp. 694, 753. 6 " L'Origine des feolithes " in I'Anthropologie, xvi. 

257. « See Anthrop. Journ., xxxv. 337, and Man, 1905-06. 7 Journ. Anthrop. 

Instit. xi. (1882), 382. 8 L'Age de la Pierre et les Metaux, 1896, p. 101. 9 The 

Antiquity of Man, p. 13, an address delivered in Birmingham, Oct., 1899. 

19 



20 Nile and Jordan 

furth's l investigations have also been fruitful in revealing abundant 
fresh evidence. On the desert slopes above Thebes there may be picked 
up innumerable flint implements and perfect weapons, burnt black and 
patinated by ages of sunlight. In the sandstone regions at Assuan, 
Palaeolithic implements of quartz and other hard rocks have been 
discovered. 2 Seton-Karr has found numerous specimens at the Wady-esh- 
Shekh on the right bank of the Nile opposite Maghagha. Ayrton and 
Hall discovered examples of the typical Chellean and Acheulian forms 
in similar localities, 3 while Findlay 4 made a collection of worked flints 
from Gebel el Gheir near Luxor. Specimens of unworked flints, finely 
worked knives, saws, javelin heads, etc., mostly from Helwan, are preserved 
in the Museum of the Society of Antiquaries in Edinburgh. 5 Petrie 6 
mentions the finding of similar flints in abundance at Helwan, 7 Gizeh, 
and at the back of Birket Qurun 8 ; at Medinet Mahdi in the Fayum 9 ; 
at Tell-el-Amarna on the top of the desert plateau ; at Abydos 10 ; at 
Ourneh n ; at the south of Medinet Abu, and at El Kab. 9 Palaeolithic 
flint implements have also been found in different parts of Egypt by Sir 
Richard Burton, Jukes Brown, Greg, Haynes, Sterns u and others, 
while collections of flint arrowheads have been made from Libya, 13 and 
from the Egyptian Sahara. 14 

The question whether the climate of the Nile Valley was in any way 
different from what it is to-day has been much debated. There are those 
like Professor Breasted who maintain that " plenteous rains, now no 
longer known there, rendered it a fertile and productive region," but 
" geological changes have since made the country almost rainless, denuded 
it of vegetation and soil, and made it for the most part uninhabitable." 15 
On the other hand, observers such as King and Hall, 16 urge that there 
has been no alteration in the climate, that the lateral wadies, which present 
an appearance to-day of deserted river channels that were once clothed 
with primeval forests, were really excavated by abnormal rainstorms 
acting through an unknown number of centuries, and that these debouching 
valleys and their adjacent plateaux were never covered with fresh vegetation. 
The problem is still undecided. 

It must always be remembered, in dealing with the date of these 
primitive flint implements, that the use of stone weapons of a rude type 
survived into comparatively late epochs of Egyptian history, being found 
in use even during the Xllth Dynasty. 17 Stone knives were for long 
de rigueur in connection with the art of embalming, the only legitimate 
way of opening the body for this purpose being to employ a flint lancet. 18 
A dagger-like instrument of flint from Egypt, still mounted in its original 
wooden handle, is in the British Museum. 19 Another knife of cherty flint 

1 Petermann's Geog. Mitteil. 1903, Heft 11 : Zeitsch. f. Ethnologie, 1903, p. 798. 

I Schweinfurth, Zeitsch. f. Ethnologie, 1909, p. 735. "King and Hall, Egypt and 
Western Asia in the light of recent discoveries, p. 9. * Proc. Soc. Antiq. Scot., 1894, 
p. 226. 6 Journ. Anthrop. Instit., iv. 215-222 : vii. 323, 396-412 : viii. 290-318 : 
x. 424-428: xi. 382-400. and V Anthropologic iii. 405-425. 6 Hist, of Egypt, 
i- 7- ' Sec H. S. Cowpcr in Man 1911, No. 5, for minute flint implements from 
the sandy plain just west of Helwan. 8 Kahun, p. 21. » Berlin Anthrop. 
GtStU. Nov. 16, 1889. 10 Ibid. "Journ. Anthrop. Instit. iv. 215. 

II F. H. Stern3 in Harvard African Studies, i. (1917), pp. 48-82. 13 Congress 
Internal. Prihist. Arch., Stockholm, i. 76-79. " Rev. Archiol., xlii. (1881), 1-18. 
11 Breasted, Hist, of Egypt (1906), p. 25. 16 Op. cit., pp. 1-14. " For a description 
of the < xquisitely formed flint knives in use till even the Xllth Dynasty, see Griffith, 
Beni-Hasan, Pt. iii. (1896), p. 33 f. : Petrie, Kahun. PI. xvi. : Petrie, Illahun, PI. vii., 
xiii , and the chapter by Spurrcll in the last-named memoir, p. 51 f. 18 See Herod. 

■ : Diod. Sic, i. 91. lu Figured in Evans, Ancient Stone Implements of Great 

Britain, p. 8. 



Palaeolithic Man 21 

from Egypt, 8| inches in length, 2j inches in breadth, is remarkably similar 
to one discovered in the river gravels of France. 1 

From this brief survey of the evidences of the existence of Palaeolithic 
man in Egypt from Thebes to the Delta, we turn to look at the tract of 
land which unites Egypt to Canaan, namely the peninsula of Sinai. 
This region was, practically from the earliest to the latest times, an 
integral portion of the Egyptian Kingdom, and its connection with the 
government in the Nile Valley was intimate and enduring. It is of 
interest therefore to note that in Sinai as in Egypt traces of the presence 
of Palaeolithic man are to be discovered. As far back as 1862, unworked 
flakes and tanged spear-head-like implements of chert were found in a 
cave at Wady Maghara. 2 In 1905, Currelly discovered many Palaeolithic 
flints in the same region, and on the great Tih road between Suez and 
Akaba he found the plateaux strewn with thousands of flakes and 
implements of the standard pattern. 3 While the majority were of poor 
workmanship, some were of the regular celt shape, the rest being 
small scrapers. The significance of the discovery of these flints lies 
in the fact that this highway has always been one of the main 
arteries of communication between Egypt and Canaan. Palaeolithic man 
may thus with the greatest ease have passed from the Nile to the Jordan 
and vice versa, and the innumerable flint remains found along the 
ancient highway are evidences of his wandering propensities. 4 

On entering Palestine, numerous traces of the same Palaeolithic 
civilization meet us. At Lachish (Tell-el-Hesy), Bliss found long 
Palaeolithic flint implements, " some of which for length and thinness 
were marvels, the regularity of thickness, the length without a curve, 
and the cleanness of the edge, making their likeness to ribbons not un- 
reasonable." 5 In the neighbourhood of Gezer, 6 Macalister came across 
flint implements in great profusion. 7 In the fields between Gezer and 
Ramleh they were in such numbers as to attest the fact that this must 
have been a centre of Palaeolithic population. 8 Specimens of the 
characteristic axehead have been picked up on the Maritime Plain, in 
yet greater numbers on the plateaux south of Jerusalem, and in considerable 
quantities in the region to the south of Ammam, east of the Jordan. Some 
also have been discovered far to the south in the neighbourhood of Petra. 
It is significant that none are as yet reported from the lower reaches of the 
Jordan Valley, the explanation no doubt being that in the Chellean period 
these were still covered by the Dead Sea, then much more extensive than 
in its present shrunken dimensions. 9 In the Museum of the Monastery 
of Notre Dame de France at Jerusalem there is a collection of Palaeolithic 
implements, over 5,000 in number, principally obtained by Pere Germer- 
Durand from the plain of the Biqa'a and neighbourhood, and from the 

1 See Cartailhac, L'Age de Pierre dans les Souvenirs et Superstitions Populaires, 
p. 65 : Materiaux pour I'Histoire de I'homme (1874), ix. 24 : La France 
Prihistorique, p. 7 : and for an exhaustive summary of the case as it stands to-day, 
see Petrie, "The Stone Age in Egypt " in Ancient Egypt, 1915, Pt. ii. 59 : hi. 122. 

* Journal Anthrop. Instit., i. 338, 344: Proc. Soc. Antiq. Scot., vi. 253. 3 Petrie, 
Researches in Sinai, pp. 227, 267. and Plate 163. 4 On the other hand, Woolley 
and Laurence (Pal. Explor. Fund Annual, 1914-15, p. 19) assert that these flints are 
modern, and not of prehistoric date. 5 Bliss, A Mound of many Cities, 
p. 193. "Not, however, on the hill on which Gezer was afterwards built. 7 " In 
the fields around, especially to the N.W. and N., stone axes of the Chellean type, the 
most frequently represented among the Palaeolithic remains of Palestine, are to be 
found, especially after the soil has been turned up by the plough" — Macalister, The 
Excavation of Gezer, i. 6: ii. 121 (1912). 8 P.E.F.Q., 1902, p. 324 : 1904, p. 108. 

• Macalister, A Hist, of Civilization in Palestine, p. 9. 



22 Nile and Jordan 

district round El-Bireh. 1 At the back of Olivet, Professor Clermont- 
Ganneau reports having discovered " a prodigious quantity of flint chips." a 
The village of Siloam has furnished other examples of the presence of 
Palaeolithic man, and both the east and west hills inside Jerusalem must 
once have been tenanted by these primitive folk. 3 Similar Palaeolithic 
specimens have been found at Bethsaour, 4 the plain of Rephaim, 5 and at 
Bethlehem ; 6 by Conder in Galilee, and in the great caverns of Moab 
with their stalagmitic floors ; 7 by Macalister and Currelly 8 round the 
foot of Tell Kamon, between Haifa and Tell Mutasellim, along the plain 
called Merj el-Gharak, especially south of the village of Sanur, and at 
other spots. 9 Greville Chester discovered at Beirut the site of a 
Palaeolithic flint factory, consisting of eight little mounds where the primitive 
workers must have sat chipping their implements into shape, while in the 
rubbish heaps, some beautiful leaf-shaped lance heads, saws, and other 
tools were unearthed. 10 Dawson also records the discovery in Lebanon 
of the traces of primeval man associated with a fauna now extinct. 11 

From these facts it is evident that we can trace the presence of 
Palaeolithic man from the far north of Canaan, southwards into the region 
about Jerusalem, onwards into the Negeb and the rocky fastnesses of Sinai, 
from there into the Delta of the Nile, and along the plateaux that line both 
banks of the river as far up as Thebes. Further investigation would 
doubtless still more amply corroborate these conclusions. How extensive 
were the migrations of these primitive peoples, how many centuries they 
remained in their primeval savagery, to what stage of development of 
tribal organization and social laws they attained, are questions of great 
interest which unfortunately it is beyond our power to answer. Yet the 
homogeneity of the types of implements bequeathed by these early 
dwellers in Egypt and Canaan suggests a close inter-relation between the 
two countries, an association which was prophetic of the still more 
intimate correspondences of subsequent times. 

Keenly would we like to know the nature of the religious views held 
by these primitive inhabitants of Palestine and Egypt. Canon MacCulloch 12 
has, with considerable success and much ingenuity, collected evidence 
which shows us that Palaeolithic dwellers in other lands, and reasonably 
therefore in the Eastern countries of which we are treating, were by no 
means destitute of religious sentiments. 13 Indeed his researches and 
arguments suggest rather that the men of Quaternary times possessed 
a comparatively rich religious heritage. They had " high gods," whose 
aid they invoked by means of a " bull-roarer " ; 14 they represented their 

1 Revue Biblique, 1897^.439. * Clermont-Ganneau, Arch&olog. Researches, i. 

273 : 3ee alsoG. A. Smith, Jerusalem, i. 285, and for other localities, see Vincent. Canaan 
d'aprds Vexploration ricente (1907), ch. vi., pp. 375 f. s Guthe in Zeitsch. Deutsch. 

Paldst. Verein, v. : Clermont-Ganneau, op. cit. i. 291. 4 Black in Proc. Soc. Antiq., 

Scot. (1892), ii. 398 (3rd Ser.) : and Joum. Anthrop. Instit., i. 337-344. 6 P.E.F.Q., 

1912, p. 83: 1913, p. 184. • Conder, Syrian Stone Lore, p. 47. ^ Ibid. 

I P.E.F.Q., 1905, p. 17. • P.E.F.Q., 1912, p. 82. 10 P.E.F.Q., 1875, p. 227. 

II Dawson, Modern Science in Bible Lands (1888), ch. iii. 12 " The Religion 
<-f Palaeolithic Man" in Expos. Times, xvii. (1906), p. 487 f. 13 Professor Alex. 
M.t< alister has also stated (P.E.F.Q., 1908, p. 190) in connection with his son's excava- 
tions at Gczer, " On the wall of the cave were found extremely graphic linear pictures 
scored on the surface by the old cave-dwellers. ■ . . these are the earliest examples of 
Palestinian art that have come down to us. And as these compare with and resemble 
those found in many caves in the South of France, they show that the dwellers in 
Palestine, in the Stone Age, had a great deal in common with those who lived in the 
South of France. They are mostly rude outlines of animals, generally cows, and 
comparable with those found in the caves of Cannstadt, Perigord, and Laugerie Basse." 
14 Cf. Andrew Lang's article on Bull-roarer in Hastings' E.R.E., ii. 889. 



' Palaeolithic Man 2 

divinities in artistic shape, mainly as goddesses of the Aphrodite-Ishtar 
type : they prayed to them, for rude wall-paintings reveal certain human 
figures wearing animal masks, while the arms and hands are raised in front 
of the face as if in supplication. They worshipped the dead, stripped 
the flesh from the bones, and either ate it or otherwise disposed of it, in 
order that the strength of the deceased might pass into themselves. They 
believed in a future life, for they painted the bones with red ochre to make 
them presentable to the gods to whom the departed one had now returned, 
and decorated the corpse with shells. They believed in ghosts and were 
probably animists.* They wore amulets, and therefore believed in magic. 
They worshipped certain animals as totems, and in particular they venerated 
the serpent, and regarded trees as objects of reverence. They adored the 
sun, and in that early age they had already evolved a certain number of 
quasi-religious symbols. 

Some of Canon MacCulloch's conclusions may require modification, 
but in any case there is every reason to believe that Palaeolithic men, both 
in Egypt and in Canaan, were theists in some dim and fragmentary sense, 
and that in their mutual pathetic strivings after religious certainty, they 
sought God, if haply they might feel after Him, and find Him. 1 

1 Acts 17," 



CHAPTER III 

Neolithic Man in Canaan and Egypt 

If the remains of Palaeolithic man in Canaan and Egypt are tantalizingly 
baffling as we endeavour to extract from them answers to the many questions 
which we would fain have resolved, when we turn next to deal with Neolithic 
man, the very wealth of material at our disposal raises other problems 
equally embarrassing and difficult. 1 

i. Neolithic Man in Canaan 

During his excavations at Gezer, Macalister 2 came upon many traces 
of Neolithic man. Celts of polished basalt, and flint implements of many 
patterns, were numerous. That the users of these tools were not Semites 
is proved by the fact that they habitually sacrificed pigs. It has even been 
conjectured that the Semitic abhorrence of the pig as an article of diet, 
or as an object of oblation, may be based on the fact that the animal was 
associated in the Semitic mind with the unclean Neolithic race which 
they had superseded. The soft limestone rock of which Gezer is composed 
yields a profusion of caves, some of large dimensions, and the convenience 
of a ready-made shelter induced many of these early Neolithic peoples to 
become troglodytes. 3 The3' practised cremation of their dead, as is testified 
by the half-burnt remains of human bones ; and in some cases they were 
addicted to cannibalism, for the half-eaten body of a girl was discovered 
in one of the Gezer caverns. From the circumstance that one of the chamber 
floors was found to be covered with cup marks, we learn that the floor 
was looked on as a gigantic table for the reception of offerings either to the 
dim divinities whom they feared, or to the manes of their deceased friends. 4 
And when we find that similar gifts in similar Neolithic sanctuaries have 
been discovered by Schumacher at Megiddo, 5 and by Sellin at Taanach, 6 
we recognize in these Palestinian funeral customs a practice closely analogous 
to that current in Egypt, whereby food supplies and other offerings were 
placed in mastabas for the benefit of the dead. Thus, in these far-off 
in historic days we light upon a link connecting Canaan with the religious 
conceptions of the Nile Valley. 7 

It is a matter of profound interest to trace the future of these 
i-arly Stone Age inhabitants of Ualestine. These troglodyte Neolithic 
peoples may, with some probability, be identified with the Horitcs or 

1 For Neolithic remains round Jerusalem, see Kellncr, P.E.F.Q., 1913, p. 184. 
1 1' I F.Q., 1902, pp. 324, 367: 1903, p. 196: 1904, pp. 108-114. 'Full details 

in Vincent, op. cit. 'Macalister, The E.vcavntwn of Gezer, i. 139. t Mittk. 

und Nachrichten d. Deutsch. Paldst. Verein, 1906, Fig. 16. 6 Exne Nachlese, etc. 

p. 20 f. 7 See Vincent, op. cit. p. 252. 

24 



I Neolithic Man 25 

Horim, who were the predecessors in Palestine of the later Semitic 
races. 1 The name " Horite " has been explained as meaning " cave- 
dweller." 2 If that be so, we discover interesting reminiscences of how 
widespread were their early dwelling-places in the fact that the 
aboriginal tribes which inhabited the rocky canons and caverns of 
Mount Seir are described as bearing the same name. 3 Centuries 
later, Chedorlaomer smote the Horites in their Mount Seir* After 
the territory was allotted to Esau, there seems to have taken place a mingling 
of the two races — the primitive cave-dwellers and the invading Semites. 
Although the latter possessed the land, the ancient inhabitants for a time 
at least preserved their national identity, for we have genealogies of Horite 
dignitaries even after the Semitic wave had broken over their ancestral 
seats. These are the sons of Seir the Horite, the inhabitants of the land . . . 
these are the dukes that came of the Horites, the children of Seir in the land 
of Edom. 5 But gradually the Neolithic race dwindled away. The Horites 
dwelt in Seir aforetime, but the children of Esau succeeded them, and destroyed 
them from before them, and dwelt in their stead. 6 

The question whether these Neolithic Horites are to be regarded as 
akin to the other primitive races of Canaan — the Rephaim, Anakim, 
Avvim, and Zuzim — is not easy to determine. The troglodytes were of 
small stature, and were seemingly not one with the race of gigantic 
aborigines. The latter, however, though their ancestry cannot be accurately 
traced, seem to have formed part of the prehistoric inhabitants of Canaan, 
and belonged to the same Neolithic civilization, individuals of which sur- 
vived till a comparatively late period. Their once wide dominion, their 
terrifying aspect, and their enormous brute strength contribute to form 
one of those " romances of lost empires," on which archaeology is to-day 
casting fresh light. It may be well, therefore, briefly to indicate the later 
history and final disappearance of these wild Neolithic peoples of Palestine 
before we pass on to speak of their contemporaries in Egypt. 

The most general term for these early giant races of Canaan is the 
Rephaim. They inhabited both sides of the Jordan Valley, but were 
specially prevalent in later ages in the region to the north-east of Gilead. 
Chedorlaomer smote the Rephaim in Ashtaroth-Karnaim : 7 Bashan is called 
the land of the Rephaim* Jehovah promised Abram that his seed would 
possess the land of the Rephaim. 9 But their extinction progressed apace. 
By the time of Moses, the Neolithic giants had almost disappeared : Only 
Og, King of Bashan, remained of the remnant of the Rephaim. 10 The name 
lingered on into later periods in association with certain localities where 
the gigantic race had once been predominant. In Judah, there was a 
township known as Beih-rapha. 11 To the south of Jerusalem was the well- 
known Valley of the Rephaim. 12 A few of the ancient stock survived into the 
historic period, such as Ishbi-benob, who was of the sons of Raphah, the weight 
of whose spear was 300 shekels of bronze ; 13 Saph, who was of the sons of 

1 For a further discussion, see Isid. Levy, " Les Horites, Edom, et Jacob dans 

les monuments £gyptiens " in Rev. des Etudes juiv, li. (1906), pp. 32-51. 2 See 

Driver, Deuteronomy, p. 38. This meaning, " cave-dweller," has been disputed. 
Hommel (Anc. Heb. Trad., p. 264) identifies the Horim with the Egyptian Khar, i.e., 
dwellers in the land of Khar (or Gari), or Southern Palestine, but more especially 
Edom. See also Paton, Early Hist. 0/ Syria and Palestine, p. 37, though with some 
hesitation. 3 It is of interest to note that the Horites of Petra and the ancient 

Neolithic inhabitants of Upper Egypt hollowed out caverns from the same rock 
formation— the Nubian Sandstone. ' 4 Gen. 14. « s Gen. 36 20 21 29 30 6 Dt. 2 12 22 . 
7 Gen. 14.* 8 Dt. 3 13 9 Gen. 15. 20 10 Dt. 3, 11 Jos. 12,* 13." 

11 1 Chron. 4." 12 Jos. 15,* i8, 18 2 Sam. 5, 18 22 23, 13 Isa. 17. 5 13 2 Sam. 21 16 . 



26 Nile and Jordan 

Raphah ; 1 and the man at Gath of great stature, who also was born to the 
Raphah, that had on each hand six fingers, and on each foot six toes. 2 Pre- 
sumably also, Goliath of Gath, whose height was six cubits and a span, 3 though 
politically a Philistine, was ethnologically of the stock of the Rephaim. 
Later, when this mammoth race had become practically extinct, their name 
became a synonym for the ghostly dwellers in the underworld of shades 
into which the once all-powerful giants had descended. The Rephaim 
tremble beneath the waters* Wilt Thou show wonders to the dead ? Shall 
the Rephaim arise and praise Thee ? 5 Her house inclineth unto death, and 
her paths unto the Rephaim. 6 He knoweth not that the Rephaim are there, 
that her guests are in the depths of Sheol. 1 The man that wander eih out of the 
way of understanding shall rest in the congregation of the Rephaim. B Sheol 
from beneath is moved for thee to meet thee at thy coming, it stirreih up the 
Rephaim for thee. 9 They are the Rephaim, they shall not rise. 10 The earth 
shall cast forth the Rephaim. 11 Surely it is one of the most extraordinary 
instances of the utter and overwhelming downfall of a once proud race 
which trusted in its brute strength, that after centuries of gradual but 
systematic extinction, nothing should survive of its past fame except its 
name, now associated with the underworld of the dead ! 

Another branch of this primitive Neolithic stock which continued 
into the historic period was that of the Anakim, also of giant size. Their 
principal seat was in the south of Canaan at Hebron, where Ahiman, Sheshai, 
and Talmai, the children of Anak, were. 12 Their gigantic stature induced 
the Hebrew spies to describe them as Nephilim, 1 * the legendary demigods 
of primeval tradition. 14 Moses is represented as saying at a later day : 
" Thou art to go in to possess cities great and fenced up to heaven, a people great 
and tall, the sons of the Anakim, of whom thou hast heard say, ' Who can 
stand before the sons of Anak?'" 1 * Under Joshua this giant race was 
exterminated. Joshua cut off the Anakim from the hill country : there was 
none of the Anakim left in the land of the children of Israel, only in Gaza, 
in Gath, and in Ashdod, did some remain. 1 * 

In the mountainous backbone of Canaan, as well as near Gaza, there 
was a third group of primitive people kncwn as Avvim, who also were 
gradually exterminated by foreign invasion. The Caphtorim, which came 
out of Caphtor, destroyed the Avvim which dwelt in villages as far as Gaza, 
and dwelt in their stead. 11 The process of extinction was slow, for even 
in the time of Joshua the land of the Avvim, on the south, 18 had not been 
subdued, while one of the cities allotted to Benjamin was still known 
as Avvim. 19 They represented probably a branch of the Neolithic 
stock which survived into historic times, though in greatly reduced 
numbers. 

On the east of Jordan we come across traces of the survival of still 
a fourth branch of the same Neolithic race. The Zuzim 20 in Ham 21 occupied 
the region south of the Bashanite Rephaim, in the territory occupied later 
by the Ammonites. They were smitten by Chedorlaomer at the same 
time as the Rephaim and the Horites. They are to be identified with 

1 2 Sam. 2i ,B — i Chr. 20. 4 ! 2 Sam. 21" = 1 Chr. 20. • s i Sam. 17*. 

4 Job 20.* *Ps. 88. l0 • Prov. 2 18 7 Prov. g. 18 » Prov. 21. 14 

8 Isa. 14.* 10 Isa. 26" ll Isa. 26. ,9 u Num. 13." * as v 33 

" r;en. 6. 4 » Dt. 9. 1 ■ 16 Jos. ii.« "; cf. Jos. 14," 1S , 15, is " 2I, 11 Judg. 1." 

17 Dt. «|.M lB Jos. 13.* 1B Jos. 18." "Gen. 14." 5 *' As regards 

this Ham, whether it is a locality (= Ammon ?), or to be translated CH3 , or 

as in the LXX &n* auroTs = " with them," see Hastings' Did. oj th/ Bible, 
ii. 289. 



Neolithic Man 27 

the Zamzummim, 1 regarding whom we possess the interesting archaeological 
note : That also is accounted a land of Rephaim : Rephaim dwelt therein 
aforetime : but the Ammonites call them Zamzummim, a people great, and 
many, and tall as the Anakim ; but the Lord destroyed them before them 
and they succeeded them, and dwelt in their stead. 2 

The last branch of these Neolithic Canaanite races was seemingly 
the Emim. Their name — the " terrible " or " formidable " ones — suggests 
the dread with which they inspired the other inhabitants of the land. 
They, too, were attacked by Chedorlaomer in Shaveh-Kiriathaim. 3 But 
like the other prehistoric races they were doomed to extinction, and soon 
they left merely a name behind them. The Emim dwelt therein aforetime, 
a people great, and many, and tall, as the Anakim : these also are accounted 
Rephaim, as the Anakim: but the Moabites call them Emim. 11 

It is probable that it is to this prehistoric Neolithic stock that we owe 
the vast megalithic monuments found in such profusion in Canaan, mainly 
on the east of Jordan. 5 While many of these belong to a comparatively 
late period, the majority must be ascribed to the Stone Age. They consist 
of gigantic menhirs, solitary, upright blocks, the prototype of the Egyptian 
obelisk ; cromlechs, or circles both of stone and of earth ; dolmens, or 
stone tables formed by placing one flat slab on two uprights ; cairns of 
all sizes ; and barrows or subterranean earthworks and tunnels. In the 
solid, rectangular shape of the great dolmenic tomb of Rujm-el-Melfuf, 
and in the Kabur ben Israim near Jerusalem, which belong to the advanced 
period of megalithic civilization, it is fascinating to trace clear analogies 
to the pyramids of Egypt. The Syrian type never advanced beyond the 
rude massive structure, the Nilotic type developed by insensible degrees 
into the magnificence of the true Egyptian pyramid. Their respective 
builders belonged originally to the same stock, and their community of 
ideas found vent in fundamentally similar structures. 6 These Neolithic 
megalithic structures have been traced through North Africa, Spain, France, 7 
England, Ireland to the Scottish Hebrides, and their similarity and homo- 
geneity of type suggest the question whether those who erected them 
may not all have belonged to a single blond race of European origin, the 
so-called Kelto-Libyan stock, which once occupied the entire coast of the 
Mediterranean. If this supposition be correct, the Palestinian Neolithic 
peoples may not have been autochthonous, but themselves immigrants 
from Europe into Canaan. 8 

1 For the variation of the names Zuzim and Zamzummim, as derived from the trans- 
literation of a cuneiform original, see Sayce, Higher Criticism and the Monuments, p. 160 : 
and Expos. Times, viii. (1897) 463. The word Zamzummim has been conjectured 
to be akin to the Arabic zamzammah, a " distant and confused noise," and it may 
refer to the spirits of the giants which were supposed to haunt the hills and ruins of 
Eastern Palestine, and to whisper and murmur at nightfall. See Schwally, Leben 
nack dem Tode, p. 64 f.: and Z.A.T.W. (1898), p. 132 f. : Robertson Smith in Driver, 
Deuteronomy, p. 40. a Dt. 2 2021 . 3 Gen. 14 5 . 4 Dt. 2 10 ". 

5 For full information regarding these huge structures, and illustrations of 
them, see Perrot and Chipiez, Hist, de V Art dans V AntiquiU , iv. 375 f . : 
Pere Lagrange in Rev. Biblique, x., Pt. 2, 1901 : Conder, Heth and Moab, ch. vii. 
pp. 196-275 : Syrian Stone Lore, pp. 42, 43, 70 : P.E.F.Q., 1882, p. 75 f. : Schumacher, 
The Jaulan, p. 123 f. : and Across the Jordan, pp. 62, 149 f. 6 Mackenzie, Megalithic 

Monuments of Rabbath Ammon at Amman (P.E.F. Annual, 1911), p. 12. 7 Capitan 

and Arnaud d'Agnel (" Rapports de l'Egypte et de la Gaule a l'epoque nSolithique " 
in Comptes Rendus de I' Acad., 1905, p. 423 f.) have shown that as far back as the Neo- 
lithic period, France was repeatedly visited by Egyptian navigators, who have left 
traces of their presence. 8 This view that the megalithic monuments of Asia, 

North Africa and Europe are the work of one race, and that their wide extent is to 
be explained by the migrations of that race is strongly urged by T. Eric Peet, Ann. 
of Archaol. and Anthrop., v. (1913), 1 12-128. 



28 Nile and Jordan 



II. Neolithic Man in Egypt 

When we pass from the consideration of Neolithic man in Canaan 
to the contemporary Neolithic civilization in the Nile Valley, we find 
remains of the race in question in such abundance that their graves may 
be counted by the thousand. When these graves were first explored, 
Professor Petrie was led into supposing that they were relics of a New 
Race," who had imposed themselves on Egypt some time after the IVth 
Dynasty and before the XII th. 1 At the other extreme, Amelineau, 2 who 
in 1895-98 excavated at Abydos, carried away with enthusiasm over 
his discovery of the alleged tomb of the mythical Osiris, 3 relegated these 
graves to the most ancient periods of the semi-divine age with which legend 
has filled up the vast stretch of centuries prior to the establishment of 
the dynastic Egyptians. For this period, during which gods and demi- 
gods ruled in Egypt, Manetho has allowed an era of 12,843 years ! 

The dispute was finally set at rest by de Morgan, 4 who, by thorough 
examination of the graves, proved that Petrie's " New Race " were really 
the Neolithic aborigines, or at least, the peoples inhabiting the Nile Valley 
before the dynastic Egyptians became paramount. The error in diagnosis 
was immediately admitted by Quibell, 5 the joint explorer with Petrie of 
these ancient graves at Nagada and Ballas, and Petrie also retracted what 
he had too hastily advanced. 6 

The distinguishing features of this Neolithic civilization are the shallow, 
oval graves in which their dead were buried, sometimes only a few inches 
below the surface. The corpses are frequently placed in a rough casing 
of pottery, often without even a mat to cover them, laid always on the left 
side, the knees drawn up to the chin. Their cemeteries were placed at the 
entrance to wadies which debouch on the main Nile Valley, where they 
would be exposed to winds that sometimes swept the bodies bare, and left 
them exposed to the ravages of jackals and of human beings. In the 
graves were deposited flint weapons ; various stone tools ; pots of red and 
black, or buff and red, coloration ; slate palettes, upon which they ground 
green malachite, with beautifully carved representations of animals on 
them, and other objects. The remains were never embalmed, nor were 
there any mummies. 7 

By the pottery found in enormous abundance in these ancient graves, 
their chronological sequence may be roughly ascertained. The black and 
red ware represents the more primitive type, the buff and red designs 
the later forms of pre-dynastic art. According to Petrie, these types were 
introduced to Egypt by an immigration from Palestine 2,000 years before 
the 1st Dynasty. 8 Petrie has been able to draw up a table of sequence- 
dates (from 30 to 80), which has been adopted by Randall Maclver and 
other explorers. 9 The gradual evolution of the primitive desert grave 

1 The theory was developed in Petrie and Quibell, Nagada and Ballas, 1896, p. 59 f. 
2 Amelineau, Les Nouvelles Fouilles d' Abydos, 1896. s Le Tombeau d'Osiris, 

p. 91 (Paris, 1899). The alleged tomb has since been found to be only a copy. For 
an explanation of the blunder of Seti I, and his royal scribes, in identifying this tomb 
(really that of King Khent or Zcr) with that of Khent-Amenti-Osiris, lord of Abydos, 
and of the underworld, see King and Hall, op. cit., p. 87. 4 Recherches sur les 

Origines de I'Lgypte (1898), vol. ii. B El-Kab (1897), p. 11. • Diospolis 

Parva (1901), p. 2. 7 An excellent series of photographs of pre-dynastic graves and 

their contents is given by Ayrton and Loat, The Pre-dynastic Cemetery of El-Mahasna, 
191 1. • P.E.F.Q., 1902, p. 222 : Welch (76. 1900, p. 342) states that this pre- 

dynastic pottery is in many ways similar to that used in early Canaan by the 
" Amorite " population. • Petrie, El Amra and Abydos, 1902. 



Neolithic Man 29 

I to the most elaborate tomb has also been traced. By their excavations 

at El Amra, Maclver and Wilkin have been able to show a progressive 

! development from the simplest pot interment to the small brick chamber, 

|the prototype of the mastabas of the 1st Dynasty. 1 Professor Garstang 

(has explored similar prehistoric cemeteries at Ragagna, north of Abydos, 

and the same phenomena have presented themselves at Naga-ed-Der 

opposite Girga, and at el-Ahaiwa, excavated by Reisner, Mace, and 

Lythgoe. 2 

According to Petrie, the present limits of Neolithic culture are in the 
districts of Abydos 3 and Thebes, from El-Kawamil in the north to El-Kab 
in the south, 4 but numbers of Neolithic flint weapons are to be found in 
the desert on the borders of the Fayum, 5 and at Helwan, south of Cairo. 
The Neolithic type of contracted burial is found existing side by side with 
mummified bodies in the necropolis of Medum in the IVth Dynasty ; at 
Dashasha in the Vth Dynasty ; and amongst the poorer classes under 
the Vlth Dynasty. From being universal in the palmy days of Neolithic 
culture, it became restricted among the early dynastic Kings to persons 
of lower rank, until finally, under the advance of new ideas as to the disposal 
of the dead, the custom was altogether laid aside, though in some remote 
districts it lingered on, possibly even to the Xllth Dynasty. 6 

Questions relating to these Neolithic Nile races have given rise to much 
discussion. What was the ancestral home of these pre-dynastic peoples ? 
With what stock or stocks are we to identify them ? In what relation- 
ship do they stand to the dynastic Egyptians ? Were they the ancestors 
of the nation who built the pyramids, mummified their dead, and figured 
so largely on the pages of history ? Or were the dynastic Egyptians 
immigrants from some other locality ? 

To these questions it may be said, in the first place, that there are some 
scholars, like Professor Sergi, 7 who can find no difference of race on 
anthropological or craniological grounds between the aboriginal peoples 
and the dynastic Egyptians ; and who assert that both alike belong to 
the " Mediterranean " stock, and are of African origin ; and who, like 
Newberry and Garstang, 8 declare it is impossible to separate the prehistoric 
from close affinity with the historic Egyptians. 

But there are others who discover a cleavage between the races. 
Some have pointed out that there is evidence to show that the Neolithic 
population was of Hamitic, that is, native African stock, while the dynastic 
Egyptians reveal distinct Semitic affinities. 9 Certainly as one studies 
the gradual development of Egyptian religion, one is conscious that, down 
all the centuries, there are interwoven two originally distinct strands. 

1 Hall (Anc. Hist, of the Near East, p. 84) remarks: " In nothing is the 
continuity of the archaic culture with the Neolithic of Upper Egypt shown more 
clearly than in the development of the graves, which progress uniformly from the 
oldest shallow oval pit to the characteristic chambers of the 1st Dynasty, through 
the staircased graves of the IHrd to the Vth, and to the deep pits with chambers 
of the Vlth and the Xllth." 2 Early Dynastic Cemeteries of Naga-ed-Der. 

'The latest account of Abydos is by Naville in The Journal of Egypt. Archceology, 
i. p. 1. (1914). * But Seligmann has discovered a Neolithic site near a permanent 

water-hole at the foot of a rocky hill projecting out of the plains of the Gezira, south 
of Khartoum. (Journ. of Roy. Anthropol. Instit., xl. 209.) ° See also Seton-Karr's 

report of Neolithic flint implements found by him in the desert north of the Fayum. 
(Annates du Service des Antiq., vi. (1905) 185.) 6 Such as at Kostammeh, a few 

miles to the north of Dakkah (Garstang and Jones in Arch. Rep. Egypt Explor. Fund, 
1905-06, p. 20. 7 The Mediterranean Race, p. 112. 8 A Short Hist, of Ancient 

Egypt, 1904, p. 10. ' Naville (Journ. Anthrop. Instit., xxxvii. (1907)) maintains 

that the pre-dynastic Egyptians were native African hunters and fishers untouched by 
Asia : the dynastic Egyptians were improved by immigration from Arabia through 
Nubia. 



30 Mile and Jordan 

The one is as thoroughly " African " as the other is Semitic : and although, 
in process of time, the two types seem to coalesce, and become almost 
indistinguishable, it is still possible by careful scrutiny to dissever afresh 
these anciently distinct, and once antagonistic, forms of belief. The 
predominant element in the religion of the Neolithic Hamites seems to 
have been an animistic veneration for sacred animals. It was their fertile 
imagination which peopled the lower world with those grotesque and 
elaborate animal forms which we are accustomed to associate with the 
Egyptian religion. Their animistic conceptions lingered on through all 
the succeeding centuries, and by captivating the minds of the dynastic 
Egyptians, led them to that extravagant and degrading worship of cows, 
crocodiles, snakes, cats and other animals, which lasted into Roman times, 
and excited the amazement of tourists and historians. So powerful indeed 
was the pervasive influence of their religious beliefs that Budge contends 
that the origin of Egyptian religion, and especially its central figure, Osiris, 
with his ritual of death and resurrection, is to be found in Africa. 
" Egyptian religion," he affirms, " in its cruelty, its cannibalism, its blood- 
thirstiness, its brutal customs, its eschatology, its general negroid colouring, 
is African through and through." 1 

On the other hand, however, inwoven with this savage Neolithic 
element, we can discern traces of a higher and purer faith. This was 
associated with the worship of the Sun, and of sacred stones dedicated to 
the Sun. This was distinctly a Semitic, and even a Canaanite, type of 
religion, for the mazzeboth, so frequently referred to in Scripture, 2 were 
peculiarly Palestinian. The Sun-worship was principally associated with 
On, or Heliopolis, in the Delta, where Semites predominated. Even 
the Egyptian name for the Sun-god — Ra — is probably connected with 
the Semitic " or," " light." 3 The great Ptah, worshipped mainly in the 
North of Egypt, means the " opener," the name being akin to the Hebrew 
word pathach} He was always represented as a little bow-legged 
hydrocephalus dwarf, whose appearance suggested affinity with the 
Phoenician Ka/3e^oi. So that even the god from whom Egypt took 
its name was originally non-Egyptian, but a Semitic importation from 
Canaan. 5 Seeing then that Hamitic Africans and Semitic Asiatics are 
discoverable side by side in the Nile Valley, we ask, did the Hamite 
displace the Semite, or did the Semite conquer the Hamite ? 

There is much to be said for the latter view, namely, that the 
Neolithic population was overrun by a Semitic invasion which imposed 
a new civilization, with fresh ideals, and a different culture. It has been 
maintained by a number of scholars that after the Neolithic tribes had 
come down the Nile from their aboriginal seats in Abyssinia, and had 
settled in Middle and Lower Egypt, 6 they were themselves overwhelmed by 

1 Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, 1912. 2 Ex z% * 34 " 
Dt. 7," i6.« 1 Ki. 14," 2 Ki. 3 ,» 10," 17." i8,« 23," Jer. 43," Hos. 3 ,'« io,' * 
etc. ' litf. Though this is denied (Breasted, Amer. Journ. Sem Lang 

■'"» (xxx), P- 127)- * nnS 5 See Hall (op. cit., p. 85)! 

• It may be taken as certain that the Neolithic races came down the Nile from 
the South, for in their characteristic physiognomy, their pottery and flint implements 
their religious conceptions and their burial customs, they reveal close resemblances 
to tli-' modern Gallas and Somalia. Indeed, Hall points out (op. cii., p. 95) that 
"certain N11I. 1. m tribes remained in a state of culture closely resembling that of the 
NeolithJi men ol Upper Egypt, and dearly of the same origin, even as late as the time 
of tin- XVIIIth Dynasty : nay, even to this day, pottery of the Neolithic Egyptian 

■ is made in Nubia. 1 lie <<>nclusion is that the Nubians were the descendants 
(in later times much mixed with negroes) of those Southern tribes which remained 
in Nubia after the greater part of the race had passed into Egypt, where by contact 



' Neolithic Man 31 

an incursion of Semites, who swarmed across the Red Sea from Arabia, 
subdued the old Hamitic population, and in due time emerged to the 
view of history as the dynastic Egyptians. There have also been evidences 
adduced to show that these Semites brought with them the primitive 
culture of Babylon, a culture which was really the product of the still 
earlier non-Semitic Akkadian civilization which the dynastic Babylonians 
dethroned, and later adopted for themselves. The proofs of an actual 
connection between Egypt and Babylon are so remarkable that I may 
be allowed to marshal them as follows : — 

(1) What has just been said about the two strands in Egyptian religion 
goes to suggest an early correspondence between the Nile and Euphrates. 
The Hamitic strand, brutish, degrading, consisting largely in the worship 
of revolting animal forms, and built up on magic, existed alongside of a 
higher type of religion wherein the sun, the blue sky, the stars of heaven, 
were adored. This nobler and purer faith was closely akin to that cultivated 
in Babylonia. 

(2) The Neolithic Hamites buried their dead in a cramped position. 
The dynastic Egyptians and the dynastic Babylonians employed the 
horizontal posture. Similarly, while the Neolithic Nilotes never embalmed 
their dead, the dynastic Egyptians systematically practised mummification. 
The Babylonians also had knowledge of embalming, and for that purpose 
they used salt, " kingly oil," and honey. Further, the tombs of the first 
two Egyptian dynasties show the Babylonian custom of partially 
burning their contents after interment. 

(3) The cylinder seals, in use in Babylonia from the earliest to 
the latest eras, are discovered as a feature of Egyptian life as far down as 
the XVIIIth Dynasty. The royal mace-heads of Sargon I of Agade are 
almost identical with those excavated in Egypt from pre-dynastic graves, 
and from some of the 1st and Ilnd Dynasties, suggesting an early affinity 
between the two countries, and the ideas associated with monarchical 
emblems. 

(4) On some of the early Egyptian palettes, for example that of 
Narmer, there is depicted a castle or fortress, whose crenelated outline 
suggests that of a Babylonian palace at Warka, Telloh, or Muquayyar. 1 

(5) There is a remarkable similarity, if not identity, in the meanings 
of the names of the oldest cities in both Babylonia and Egypt. Eridu, 
the oldest home of culture in South Babylonia, means in Akkadian " the 
city of the good (god) " : while Memphis, in ancient Egyptian meant the 
same thing — M en-no fer, " the good abode." 2 

(6) There is a significant resemblance between the cosmological con- 
ceptions current in Babylonia and in Egypt. According to the Akkadian 
theory, the universe was presided over by Anum, the god of the sky, by 
En-lilla, and by Ea, the god of the primeval waters. This trinity is 

with the proto-Semitic Northerners, they developed Egyptian civilization, leaving 
Nubia as a backwater of barbarism." So also Petrie (Anc. Egypt, 1. 115) points out 
that the numerous similarities in the burial practices of Egypt, and those oi 
various African tribes, undoubtedly indicates descent from a common source. 
1 These first four arguments are elaborated by King and Hall, Egypt and Western 
Asia, p. 35 f. 2 It was shortened in common parlance to Mennefe or Mefjfe, 

which in Assyrian became Mempi, and with the Greek and Romans Memphis [\\ . Max 
Muller inHastings' D.B., iii. 338). Once in the Hebrew text of the U.I., it is speJiea 
Moph P|b Hos. g. 6 Elsewhere it is rendered erroneously Noph P]j, Isa. io, 13 
Jer. 2, 16 44 » 46, M 19 Ezek. 30. 13 18 But Johns (Ibid., iii. 559) suggests that Noph 
is not a corruption, but a Hebrew transformation of the final syllable ol A Men-neJe 
or Men-nufe. 



32 Nile and Jordan 

paralleled by the Egyptian triad of Nun, Shu, and Seb, whose signification 
is identical with that held in the Euphrates Valley. Again, the Babylonian 
Merodach finds his counterpart in the Egyptian Osiris, their respective 
ideograms alike signifying " house + eye." The Babylon " Enzu " is 
reproduced in the Egyptian " Khonsu," and the Semitic " Ishtar " in 
" Hathor." The Sun-boat and the eight attendants of the Sun are very 
similar in the Babylonian and Egyptian cosmogonies. 1 The signs of the 
Zodiac, the names of several of the constellations, the number of 
" decans," are all identical in the two civilizations. 2 

(7) The Egyptian language shows undoubted, though remote, Semito- 
Babylonian affinities. 3 Sethe 4 has published a treatise on the Egyptian 
verb, in which he shows that in the earlier texts the vast majority of the 
roots of verbs are triliteral, that all were originally so, and became biliteral, 
as they appear in the later texts, through the loss of a consonant. This 
confirms Benfey's contention that the Egyptian language was originally 
Semitic, and further strengthens the views of Erman 5 and of Maspero 6 
in their advocacy of the theory that the Egyptians originally came from 
Babylonia. 

Arguments (5), (6) and (7) were adduced by Hommel in a paper on 
" The Babylonian origin of Egyptian Culture," read in 1892 at the Ninth 
International Congress of Orientalists. Hommel has now gone the length 
of declaring that " the Chinese, like the Egyptians, derive their earliest 
culture from Babylonia, 7 and that " as Egyptologists have long since 
agreed that the Egyptian language is derived from Asia, we may venture 
to affirm that Northern Babylonia was the region whence a band of 
enterprising colonists marched out to carry the primitive forms of culture 
and civilization to the banks of the Nile." 8 

(8) Another link has been suggested by Sayce, 9 who points out that 
in the case of the first King of the Ilnd Dynasty, the idea of divinity was 
denoted, as in Babylonia, by a star, not as in later days of Egyptian history 
by an axe. 

(9) From a story of casts of the sculptured Egyptian plaques in the 
British Museum, the Louvre, and from Hierakonpolis, Heuzey 10 has 
determined that the motifs of the two long-necked " lions " are exactly 
reproduced on a cylinder from Mesopotamia, now in the Louvre. 11 On the 
cylinder the design is accompanied by a purely Chaldaean lion-headed eagle. 
Heuzey therefore holds that this affords another proof of the close 
relation that once subsisted between primitive Egypt and primitive 
Babylonia. 12 

(10) Some of the words in commonest use in the two regions in question 
m fundamentally to be the same, as if the primitive terms employed 

to denote the simplest things had been the property of both races before 
they separated from each other. Thus, Hrozny 13 has pointed out that 
one of the names of the primitive " emmer-corn " in Babylonia was bututtu, 
which is akin to the Egyptian boti ; that the Chaldaean word for " beer," 

1 Hommel in Mcmnon, i. 80. 2 See further on this point in Chapter XXV., 

,)9. 3 See Erman, Zeitsch.d. Deutsch. Morg. Gesell.,. xlvi. 1 (1892), pp. 93-129, 

and especially W. F. Albright in Amcr. Journ. Sent. Lang., xxxiv. (1918) 81-98: 

155. 4 See Arch. Rep. Egypt Explor. Fund] 1899-1900. 5 Life in Ancient 

1 ■'•' P. 3°. 'Dawn of Civilization, p. 45. ' Civilization 'of the East, 

p. 1 (1900). • Ibid., p. 37. 'Expos. Times., ix. 58. See also Sayce, 

Archeology of the Cuneiform Inscriptions, Chap. IV., where he argues that much of 

Egyptian civilization owes its origin to Babylonia. 10 Rev. Arch., 

x xxiv. . "See also Weigall, Annales du Service, xi. 170. 1S For 

further marshalling of the evidence for this Chaldaeo-Egyptian connection 

see Budge, Hist, of Egypt, i. 38 f. » Sitzber. Akad. IVien, 1910, p. 172. 



Neolithic Man 33 

henqi, becomes Mqu in Egyptian ; l that the Babylonian name for a hoe, 
marru, is mr in Egyptian : and that the vase for mixing beer, namzitu, 
corresponds to the Egyptian nm's-t. It is not as if these articles were 
foreign luxuries which when introduced into Egypt had their foreign 
names attached to them : they were things which were common to all 
nations, and the similarity in nomenclature strongly suggests a remote 
but decisive connection between Babylonia and Egypt. 

(n) The name of Egypt's great river, the Nile, has been thought by 
some to have been derived from Babylonia, where, even to this day, the 
so-called canal, the Shatt-en-Nil, preserves a reminiscence of an ancient 
title, carried by the primitive emigrants from Chaldaea to the land of their 
adoption in the West. 2 

(12) In regard to the remote ancestral connection between cuneiform 
and hieroglyphic, Professor Friedrich Delitzsch and Leonard King have 
stated : " During the last twenty years excavations have been carried 
on in Southern Babylonia which have brought to light thousands of 
Sumerian inscriptions dating from the period between B.C. 4500 and 2500. 
A careful examination of them proves that the Babylonian system of 
writing was in reality very similar to that in use among the Egyptians : 
each had a pictorial origin." 3 The same conclusion has been arrived 
at by Professor W. Max Muller, 4 who adduces strong reasons for believing 
that the Egyptians at an early period were acquainted with Babylonian 
cuneiform, and that through this knowledge there arose the so-called 
syllabic method of writing in Egypt. 5 

(13) From a wonderfully carved ivory handle of a flint knife found at 
Gebel el-Arak, Petrie has deduced that the source of the pre-dynastic culture 
of Egypt is to be traced to Elam, where civilization advanced more rapidly 
than in the Nile Valley : that these Elamites transmitted their high-prowed 
boats, entwined serpents, compound mace-heads, etc., to the West : that 
they fought with long-haired Syrians : that they were close-cropped like 
the Sumerians, and were of dark hue, and that they were the ancestors of 
the makers of slate palettes, and of the founders of dynastic art. 6 

It has been held by many that the actual route of this Semitic invasion 
of Egypt may be identified. The Asiatics seemingly crossed from Arabia 
by the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, and proceeded northwards up the Red 
Sea coast to Kosseir, where the Wady Hammamat gave them an easy 
passage over the desert range into the fertile Nile Valley at Coptos. 7 At 
Coptos, Petrie found three colossal statues of Min, of rude workmanship, 
and ornamented with figures of Red Sea shells (Pteroceras) sawfish, ostrich, 
and elephant, the former of which point to an invasion from the direction 

1 Wiedemann, however, disputes this (Sphinx., xv. 130), and holds that the 
Egyptian name for beer is not derived from Babylonia, but is purely native^ that 
which overcomes." a See Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradeis, p. 71. 3 P.E.F.Q., 

1904, p. 182. * Mittheil d. Deutsch. Paldst. Vet., xvu. (1912), pp. 

237-326. B These strong arguments in favour of an early connection between 

the Nile and the Euphrates Valleys have not, however, convinced all Egyptologists 
Prof. Naville says (The Old Egyptian Faith, p. 50), " I cannot believe that Egypt 
was Babylon's daughter. We may admit that both came from the same region, 
namely Arabia : from it they diverged, and it is this common point of departure 
that explains the analogies that exist between them." Von Biasing similarly estimates 
the signs of Egyptian indebtedness to Babylonia as very trivial, and believes that 
the Egyptian civilization grew up in the Valley of the Nile out of the earher 
Neolithic culture (L 'Anthropologic ix. 408). 6 Anc. Egypt, 1917, p. 30 • A 

slight modification of this theory is that of Naville (Rev. de VHistoire des Religions 
1905), who holds that " the Semitic invaders came into Egypt from Arabia through 
Massowah and Ethiopia, and with their native energy, as a ruling caste, developed the 
primitive African civilization which they found there into what we know as Egyptian 
culture." 

c 



34 Nile and Jordan 

of the set. 1 Certainly at Coptos an found the earnest tombs; and the 
historical traditions oi the dynastic Egyptians associate this part of the 
rivei with the beginnings oi their Empire. Manetho, indeed, places the 
seat ol the first two Dynasties at This, in this very region. 

This invasion has ingeniously been brought in to explain the legendary 

t of the god Horns along with his followers, the SkoHSU-Hor, or Mcsniu, 
the " Smiths " or " Usersoi Metal," against the " Ann," who, as worshippers 
"-ot. the rival oi Horns, represented the original Neolithic population. 2 
\ cording to this theory, the Semitic invaders were the " followers of 
Horns," who after pouring into Coptos from the Red Sea littoral, turned 
down the Nile, followed it to its mouth, subdued all the Delta, and gradually 
unified Egypt by establishing the 1st Dynasty. The legend is thus held 
to commemorate poetically the fact of the overthrow of the early " stone- 
ii- by the new and more advanced " metal-users, " the Neolithic 

peoples of the Nile Valley being subjugated by a race which possessed a 
knowledge of copper. 

This theory, however, plausible and fascinating though it be, has had 
to be discarded through the onward march of archaeological discovery. 
The view which at present holds the field is mainly as follows. The remote 
ancestral connection between Babylonia and Egypt is allowed. The 
early emigrants from Chaldau carried with them the elements of 
Mesopotamian civilization in the form of a few domestic customs, some 
primitive names for common objects, and a similarity of incipient religious 
beliefs. In the course of ages, there was a steady infiltration into Egypt 
from Arabia of this Sennto-lxibylonian stock, who entered the Delta 
across the Isthmus of Suez, while other Semites streamed into Egypt from 
Canaan. 3 Simultaneously with this peaceful invasion from the east, 
there was going on an immigration into the Delta from the west. A branch 
of the Libyan stock, fair-skinned and tall, akin to the modern Berbers. 1 
tied in the Lower Nile Valley, and mixing with the Asiatics,' 1 produced 
a i ace of Semito-l.ibyans. It was they who brought with them sun-worship, 

who introduced the " higher " elements in Egyptian religion. But 
when they entered the Delta, they found there already a third race. 
large-skulled, round-faced, short-nosed. 6 Almost European in feature. 
this race belonged to the " Mediterranean " stock from which, it is possible, 
the early " £geans " also sprang, and from which, accordingly. Cretan 
civilisation took it> origin. 7 Swamped at the outset by the incursion 

1 retrie. Hist. i;,. , » See Xaville. Mytk* a Herns, pi. iz-io: 

I Horns " in EhuUs de Af) n. J13 f. : King and 

.»'.'., i. 43. Later. "in 1910, Naville identified the 

Air J with the pre-dynastic population oi Egypt, but with the aborigines 

including the residents in Sinai and Libya (A \\\. 

5 •»■< P- 90. * Elaborate attempts have been made 

to find the name " Berber " in the " Sinus Barbancus " and " Barbana " of 

Ptolemy, th rapher - 4), and in the Creek and Latin words $cLp3apoi, 

Btrbari Gliddon, 1 j 1849). P- M5 *• 

■hUspero (/•' - >, p. 4J ) classes the pre-d; s with this 

white Libyan stock which made its way into (hfl West. If thev found 

an earlier black race in posse- upper" waters oi the Nile, he maintains 

th *t I them. (For farther dis see M 

137 *■) Qaibatt also (Ei B97. p. 13) maintained 

bitants v in a tall, fair race, akin to the modern 

their dead in primitive la.-hion. and who were overcome by 

•ht with them th • writing, ot mummification, and 

P5 r •Hall 

' ' v actually lmks the | nana 

the F n - iled " isiand civilization." 



Neolithic Man 35 

of the Semito-Libyans, the " Mediterranean " stock in time asserted its 
inherently higher endowments. More and more it became the dominant 
power, and spread its culture and its art far up the Nile Valley to the south. 
In this way the remarkable resemblances between the Egyptian and the 
Cretan civilizations may be explained. 

Upon these peaceful inhabitants of Lower Egypt there now burst 
the storm of invasion on the part of the Neolithic peoples of the South. 1 
Essentially Hamitic and probably indigenous to Africa, these races had taken 
possession of the primitive seats of Palaeolithic man, and in the course of 
ages had made considerable advance in the knowledge of technical arts. 
Gradually their association with the neighbouring Semito-Libyan civiliza- 
tion taught them to discard the use of stone weapons, and to adopt that 
of metals. But no sooner had this knowledge been assimilated, than they 
employed their freshly-acquired powers to attack the peaceful population 
of the North. It was they who swarmed down the Nile as the " followers 
of Horus," engaged in a tremendous struggle for the conquest of the Delta, 
and under the leadership of the pre-dynastic Hierakonpolite kings, achieved 
their object. Ever after, a festival was observed in commemoration of 
the " Year of the Smiting of the Anu," the Semitic worshippers of the 
Canaanite god, Set. 2 

This view thus completely reverses that formerly advocated. It 
was the Neolithic South which conquered the Semito-Libyan North, not 
vice versa. Nevertheless, though Egypt remained fundamentally " African," 
" Nubian," " Nilotic," what we knew as " Egyptian " civilization was 
really the fruit of the Semiticizing of the conquerors by those whom they 
had subjugated. 3 Just as Rome, when she had subdued Greece, succumbed 
to the influence of the culture of the nation she had crushed, so the Neolithic 
Upper Nilotes, of Hamitic but not negroid blood, after overwhelming 
the Semito-Libyan settlers cf the Delta, became more or less Semiticized 
by the superior culture and intelligence of the latter. Throughout all 
the subsequent centuries, the Egyptian people inherited a vague tradition 
that their mother country was in Punt or Somaliland, 4 and it is there- 
fore to that region that we must look for the original seat of the Neolithic 
pre-dynastic race, which by its conquest of all the lower Nile Valley as 
far as the Mediterranean, constituted the Kingdom of the Pharaohs, and 
established the 1st Dynasty. 

Recent craniological investigation tends to confirm this newer theory 
of the history of early Egypt. From a study of 137 mummy heads and 
skulls from Thebes, Dr. Stahr leans to the belief that the " Egyptians," 
as we know them, were a mixed African and Asiatic race, the latter element 
being the most characteristic. 5 Dr. Eliot Smith, as the result of similar 
studies, considers that in prehistoric times there were well differentiated 
races in Upper and Lower Egypt respectively, and that the fusion of the 
two was the cause of a marked change in the population of Upper Egypt 

1 Hall, ibid., pp. 90, 95. 2 The older interpretation of the legend, viz., that 

the Semites were the " followers of Horus." who exterminated the stone-using 
Neolithic population, was given by Hall and King, Egypt and Western Asia. p. 40 f.: 
the newer view, viz., that it was the Neolithic population who slaughtered the 
peaceful Semites, is now advocated by Hall, Anc. Hist, of Near East (1913). PP- 
92-97, who has abandoned his former opinion. 3 King and Hall (op. at., p. 45) 

point out that the names of the Nomes suggest the early Neolithic inhabitants of 
Egypt rather than the dynastic Egyptians. They are nearly all represented by 
figures of the magic animals of the primitive faith, and by fetish emblems of the 
older deities. They represent primitive tribal demons. * Naville, Deir el-Bahari, 

iii. 11. 6 Die Iiassenfrage im Antihen Mgypten. 



36 Nile and Jordan 

at the beginning of the Dynastic period. Henceforward, the Neolithic 
type conformed more and more to that which was characteristic of Semitic 

Canaan. 1 

The names of a number of these pre-dynastic monarchs have been 
recovered from tombs, fragments of pottery, ornaments, and other sources. 2 
The Palermo Stele 3 affords us the names of Seka, Tesau, Tau, Thesh, 
Neheb, Uatch-nar, and Mekha as Kings of Lower Egypt, titles suggestively 
primitive in cast. The Neolithic sovereigns of Upper Egypt are equally 
nebulous to us, for regarding Tcheser, De, Ro, Ka, and Sma, 4 we are even 
uncertain whether the names represent kings at all. 5 But in the dim and 
misty ages of pre-dynastic Egypt, we can see in existence two principalities, 
entirely distinct and independent, each with twin capitals. Semito-Libyans 
of the North looked on Buto 6 and Heliopolis as their metropoles, 
while the Neolithic peoples of the South regarded Edfu and Hierakcnpolis 
as their capitals. When the long war between North and South ended 
in the victory of the South, Egypt became a homogeneous yet a double 
Kingdom. The original disparate condition of the Nile Valley was ever 
after commemorated in the titles borne by the kings of United Egypt — 
" King of the South and North " — the South being always mentioned 
first ; while on their heads the two crowns were united, the white crown 
(" Hatchet ") of Upper Egypt, and the red crown (" Tashert ") of Lower 
Egypt. A favourite designation was " Lord of the Two Lands," that is, 
not the east and west banks of the Nile, but the two States of Upper and 
Lower Egypt. 7 The Biblical name for Egypt, Mitzraim, the " two Mazors " 
or " fortresses," by its dual form preserved to the latest ages a remembrance 
of the time when the Nile Valley was not one compact Kingdom, but 
divided into two mutually hostile territories. 

1 Cairo Scientific Journal, No. 30, vol. iii., March, 1909. 2 See an article by 

Peet on " The Art of the Pre-dynastic Period," in Journ. of Egypt. Arch., ii., Pt. ii., 
p. 88 (1915). 3 Pellegrini, Archivio Storico Siciliano (New Ser., 1896): Naville, 

Les plus Anciens Monuments," in Rec. de Travaux, xxi. * As Sma means 

' The Uniter," was he the King who actually united the two Kingdoms ? 5 These 

names were discovered by Petrie at Abydos : see Royal Tombs, Pt. ii., PI. 13 : 
Pt. i. 14 : and Abydos (1902), i. 5 ; cf. also a discussion on Petrie's, Sethe's, and Naville's 
views of these early Kings, by Legge in Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., xxvi. (1904), 125. 
•The site of Buto is still uncertain. Edgar {Ann. du Service, xi. 87) places it at El 
Farain. 7 A very elaborate article on the names of Upper and Lower Egypt, 

and on the expressions for " North " and " South " is contributed by Sethe, Mgypt. 
Zeit., xliv. 1. 



CHAPTER IV 
The First Three Dynasties 

I. The 1st Dynasty (b.c. 5510-5247) 

The traditional founder of the 1st Dynasty is Menes or Mena. 1 But his 
personality is so shrouded in obscurity that the modern tendency is to 
regard him as a composite figure. 2 He seems to combine within himself 
the legendary exploits of two monarchs of Upper Egypt, who were 
instrumental in overcoming the Semito-Libyans of the Delta, and thus 
founding the United Kingdom of Egypt. These two were the famous 
Narmer and Aha (the " fighter "). 

Narmer was the great Neolithic monarch, who, when his people had 
learned the use of metal weapons, led them down the Nile, and who, in 
a succession of battles, made 120,000 prisoners, and captured 1,420,000 
small, and 400,000 large cattle. 3 His celebrated slate palette, found by 
Quibell 4 at Hierakonpolis, is believed to be a record of his conquest of the 
Harpoon-Nome, the last stronghold of the Northern Kingdom. 5 The 
final struggle took place at a port on the Mediterranean, near the Canopic 
mouth of the Nile, a spot destined to figure prominently more than 5,000 
years later as the site of the great city of Alexandria. 6 The palette 
represents the King clubbing to death a prisoner with an Asiatic type of 
physiognomy. 7 Above is the figure of a hawk (symbolizing the Kingdom 
of Upper Egypt) which holds a rope passed through the Semite's nose. 
It is perhaps the earliest representation we possess of a Canaanite in the 
hands of an Egyptian, and it is significant and sadly prophetic of the future 
that this first encounter between members of these neighbouring races 
displays deadly warfare and not peaceful barter. We may also identify 

1 So Herodotus, ii. 4 : Manetho (Cory, Anc. Fragm., p. 94), and Diodorus, i. 45 : 
ii. 89. 2 Hall {Near East, p. 106) calls him " a sort of Egyptian King Arthur," 

and though Breasted {Hist, of Egypt, p. 36) states that "the figure of Menes, but a few 
years since as vague and elusive as those of the ' worshippers of Horus,' who preceded 
him, has now been clothed with unmistakable reality, and he at last steps forth into 
history to head the long line of Pharaohs," it is to be feared that his personality is 
not quite so emphatically distinct. Erman {Historische Nachlese in Zeit. f. Algypt. 
Sprache, xxx. 46) calls him '* semi-mythical." 3 Breasted, Hist, of Egypt, p. 47. 

4 Quibell, Hierakonpolis, i. 10, PI. xxix. 5 For an investigation of the various 

Nomes of Egypt, see Dumichen, Zur Geogvaphie des alten Mgypten, 1894. P- 37 T - 
6 Newberry in Liverpool Annals of Archeology and Anthropology, i. 21 : King and Hall, 
op. cit., p. 53. ' On the question of the ethnic affinity of this and other proto- 

dynastic figures represented on palettes, etc. — whether they bespeak an Asian or a 
Central African type— see C. G. Seligmann in Liverpool Ann. of Arch, and Anthrop., 
vii. (1914). 43- 

37 



38 Nile and Jordan 

Narmcr with the " Scorpion-King " l of whom the inscriptions found at 
Hierakonpolis speak. 

The second portion of Menes' composite personality is borrowed from 
Aha. 2 In 1897, de Morgan 3 excavated at Nagada the large tomb of a 
king whose Horus name 4 was Aha, but whose personal name — Men — 
may have given rise to the " Menes " legend. On the other hand, Newberry 
and Garstang believe that Aha was actually buried in Abydos, that holy 
spot where every pious Egyptian desired to be laid to rest, 5 and that the 
Nagada tomb belonged to Neit-hetep, a royal princess of Sais, who was 
possibly Narmer's daughter and Aha's wife. 6 By her alliance with Aha, 
she united the South and the North, and through her son produced a royal 
heir to the throne of United Egypt. 7 

In the Nagada tomb were found vases of obsidian, a most interesting 
discovery, 8 for the nearest spot whence obsidian could have been obtained 
was the volcanic island of Santorin in the ^Egean. At this remote era, 
therefore, we have evidence that the Mediterranean w r as ploughed by the 
keels of vessels carrying various commodities from the shores of pre- 
Mykensean Greece to those of the Delta. 9 A still more interesting 

1 Budge (Hist, of Egypt, i. 84) is probably right in this identification, for though 
the name has been given to Tcha or Ateth of the 1st Dynasty, Junker (Anzeiger of 
Vienna Akad., 1st June, 1910) has found in an early cemetery at Tura a piece of a 
vase inscribed with the name of the " Scorpion King," who has the title of " King 
of Upper Egypt " only. It is, therefore, probable that the fragment is a reminiscence 
of Narmer before he united the two crowns. 2 His personality is so difficult to 

determine that Naville (Rec. de Trav., xxiv. 109) has identified him with Besh, or 
Khasekhemui, the first King of the IHrd Dynasty : Budge (op. cit., i. 182) suggests' 
his identity with Teta, the second (or third) King of the 1st Dynasty. 3 Recherches 

sur les Origines de I'Egypte (1897), p. 160. 4 The Kings of Egypt bore many 

names, and much speculation has been devoted to the elucidation of the meanings of 
their respective titles. The royal names were (a) a Ka name, as the representative 
of Horus : (b) a name as representative of the god, Set, the divinity worshipped by 

the Semiticized Egyptians of Lower Egypt : (c) a name as the lord of the South 






and North Jg^ (the bee) : (d) a name as being the " Horus of Gold " 
(cf. Piehl., Sphinx, iv. 59, for discussion on the " Golden Hawk " title) : (e) a name 
as the lord of the shrines of the vulture and uraeus, JuiZ : (/") a name as "Son 
of the Sun." ^^ (See Budge, i. 16.) Petrie (Arch. Rep. Egypt Expl. Fund, 

1897-98, p. 8) makes the interesting suggestion that we may perhaps see in the variety 
of the royal titles, symbols of the gradual accumulation of sovereignties. Thus, the 
Ka name would be the royal title of the dynastic race : the Ra name (" Son of the Sun ") 
the royal title of the Heliopolitan rule : the personal name in the cartouche would be 
the royal style of another conquered race, perhaps the Libyans : the Golden Hawk 
(or rather Falcon) name and the Vulture and Uraeus names, would be the royal styles 
of other sovereignties, all the names being absorbed by the dynastic race, like the many 
titles united till lately in the ruler of Russia — " Autocrat of all the Russias, Grand- 
duke of Finland," etc. See also Petrie, Rova! Tombs (1900), i. 36 : Newberry (P.S.B.A., 
xxvi. 295 (1904) ) associates the Hawk in the Horus title with Hierakonpolis. He 
originally the totem of the tribe, then it became the emblem of the 
1 ict, and finally the badge of the King who ultimately conquered all Egypt. 
1 1 1 seems now to be clearly established that many of the Kings had two tombs, one 
the actual spot where he was buried, the other a dummy. The reason was not to 
I lundercrs, but to give the Ka, or ghost, a locus in the sacred enclosure of Abydos 
aa the case might be. Thus, Aha had two tombs, and in this he was 
!, y many of hi 1 su< cessors down to the time of Rameses III. " Newberry, 

1,1 ■ fa 'bating artii le [P.S.B.A., xxviii. (1906), p. 68) has traced out the connection 
n the goddess. .With, tin- patron divinity of Sais, and Pallas Athene 
He -hows how ancient were those intimate associations between 
• . wbi< li we have been accustomed to regard as comparatively modern. 
c full details, b aardt, /Egypt. Zeitsch., xxxvi. 87. 8 Sayce in Expos. 

• Another link l l ;V pt and the yEgean is pointed out by 

■ lio (P.S.B.A., xxviii. i. t ) shows that in the early forms of Neith, the 
name is seen m that of Alias wile, and to whom Aha erected a 
pie, the shield is g-shaped, like that of the Mykemeans, Hittites, and early Italians. 



The First Three Dynasties 39 

connection was revealed in 1911 by the discovery in Jerusalem on Mount 
Ophel of a grave of this period containing bowls, whose red and black 
markings are in closest correspondence with those found in the Nagada 
tombs. It shows that such ware was highly prized in Canaan, and that 
there was commercial intercourse between the Nile and the Jordan even 
at this remote era — a fact of exceptional importance for the understanding 
of the early history of the inter-relations of the two lands. 1 

Later tradition credited " Menes " with the transference of the seat 
of government from Upper to Lower Egypt. According to Manetho, 2 
his first capital was This or Thinis, 3 near Abydos. But Herodotus 4 
relates that Menes, desiring to found a new metropolis in the North, chose 
the spot where the Nile, emerging from its enclosing hills, throws itself 
out with seven streams across the great green plain of the Delta. His 
foresight has been justified by the verdict of history. From time to time, 
the seat of royal authority has moved elsewhere — to Heracleopolis, Thebes, 
Tanis, Bubastis, Sais, Alexandria — but it has always come back to the spot 
chosen by the " first " Egyptian King in the sixth millennium before Christ. 
Modern Cairo, the capital, is close to ancient Memphis. Nevertheless, 
according to Manetho, the first two dynasties were Thinite, and it was 
not till the Illrd Dynasty that the centre of gravity was actually transferred 
to Memphis. 

Herodotus further states that Menes experienced some difficulty in 
securing a suitable site. The Nile ran at the base of the Libyan hills, 
on the wrong side of the valley. It was essential that the new capital 
should have the river between it and the open desert to the eastward, 
whence swarms of Asiatic invaders might pour in. Menes successfully 
undertook a gigantic engineering task. He reared a vast embankment 
across the Nile, 100 stadia (about 12 miles) south of Memphis, and in this 
way completely diverted the course of the river to the opposite side of 
the valley. 5 On the ground thus reclaimed, Menes reared his new capital. 6 

By building here a temple to Ptah, who we have seen was probably 
a Semitic god, he propitiated the Canaanite dwellers in the Delta, and made 
Memphis a great religious centre. 7 In 1892, de Morgan in excavating 
a temple at Memphis, discovered two magnificent statues of Ptah, and a 
colossal model in rose granite of the sacred boat of Ptah. This led him 
to conclude that the site was identical with the renowned structure 
attributed to Menes. In 1893, Sir Norman Lockyer and Captain Lyons 
determined the orientation of the temple, and ascertained that it was 

1 Vincent, Underground Jerusalem, p. 28. 2 Cory, Anc. Fragm., p. 94. 3 The 

exact site of This has not been ascertained. Brugsch proposed the village of Tineh 
(Geog. Inschriften. i. 207) and Diimichen (Gesch. JEgyptens, p. 154) supports this. Others 
identify it with Girgeh or Birbeh (Sayce, "Gleanings from the land of Egypt " in Rec. 
de Trau., xiii. 65 ; and Daressy, ibid., xvi. 124. See also Weill, ibid., 1907 (xxix), pp. 
26-53, f° r an elaborate discussion of the whole Thinite period). 4 Herod., ii. 99. 

6 Herodotus says that the Persians, when dominant in the Egypt of his day, 
yearly fortified and repaired the dam with fresh earth, to lessen the risk of an inundation 
of Memphis. Maspero (Dawn of Civilization, p. 233 n.) states that " the dyke supposed 
to have been made by Menes is evidently that of Qosheish, which now protects the 
province of Gizeh, and regulates the inundation in its neighbourhood." Sethe 
(Untersuchungen, iii. 65) agrees that in this statement Herodotus was largely historical. 
•On the other hand, King and Hall {Egypt and Western Asia, p. 92), and Hall (Anc. 
Hist, of Near East, p. 108) from the fact that the Sakkara Tablet of Kings commences 
with Merpeba, the sixth King of the 1st Dynastv, and not with Menes, argue that 
this fact enshrines a local and reliable tradition that it was not " Menes " (i.e., Narmer 
+ Aha) but Merpeba, who was the real founder of Memphis. 7 The sacred name 

of Memphis was Ha(t)-ka-ptah=" the abode (or temple) of the Ka of the god Ptah " : 
and from this the city seems to have given its name to the whole country, of which 
it was the capital, Al-yv-irros — E-gy-pt. 



40 Nile and Jordan 

the same as that of the obelisk in the Ptah temple at Heliopolis oriented 
to Capella in B.C. 5200. They concluded, therefore, that the Star Capella 
was personified by Ptah, and that the date of the temple must be about 
B.C. 5300. x As Petrie's date for the 1st Dynasty is B.C. 5510-5247, based 
on other considerations, the approximation of the two lines of calculation 
is interesting. A further indication of Semitic influence on Egypt, even 
at this early date, is afforded by the discovery by Moller, 2 in a 1st Dynasty 
cemetery at Abusir el Maleq, of a figure apparently that of a camel. This 
tends to* show that this animal had been introduced to Egypt from Canaan 
even at this far-off period, although later it seems to have become either 
extinct, or very scarce. 

As the dynasties rolled on, Memphis maintained its premier position, 
though for a period the glories of Thebes dimmed its magnificence. It 
had everything in its favour. Its site was splendid. Watered by an 
unfailing stream navigable to the Mediterranean, yet sufficiently far up 
the river to escape piratical attentions from bold sea corsairs, with the 
richest alluvial soil to yield abundant harvests of grain, with excellent 
quarries near at hand in the mountain, with a climate warm in winter 
yet comparatively cool in summer, with an almost perennial blue sky 
overhead, is it to be wondered at that this " White- Walled " city rose to 
be the famous, beloved, and populous capital of a great, proud race ? 

Later ages ascribed to Menes many accomplishments which are open 
to question. He was credited with gifting to his people written laws 
and formal institutions of divine worship. 3 If he be really a 
" combination " of Nairn er and Aha, the fame of successful expeditions 
against the Libyans may be allowed him. 4 But the stories of his invention 
of the art of dining at table ; 5 of his miraculous escape from his hounds 
across a lake on the back of a crocodile ; of his grateful founding of the 
city of Crocodilopolis ; 6 and of his death from an enraged hippopotamus, 7 
are purely legendary. He was, in after centuries, worshipped alongside 
of Ptah in the city he had built. 

His successor 8 in the 1st Dynasty was Khent, or Zer, 9 or Shesti, 
or Teta, 10 of whom memorials were discovered by Quibell ll while excavating 
the ancient temple of Hierakonpolis. Manetho 12 credits him with " reigning 
57 years, building palaces at Memphis, and leaving anatomical books, 
for he was a physician." Then came Tcha or Ateth or Ati, whose tomb 
at Abydos 13 was excavated by Amelineau, and later by Petrie; 11 Ata 

1 Dawn of Astronomy, p. 317. 2 Mitth. d. Dentsch. Orient. Ges., 1906, No. 30. 

8 Diodorus, i. 94 : JEUvlti, Hist. Animal., xi. 10. * Manetho in Miiller, Ftag. 

Grcec, ii. 539 f. 5 Diodorus, i. 45. 6 Ibid., ii. 89. 'Manetho, 

°P- cit. 8 It is only by comparing books written about the middle of last century 

with works appearing to-day that one can estimate the enormous progress made in 

in recent years. The work of De Rouge, Recherches sur les Monuments 

peut attribuer aux six premieres dynasties de Maneihon, Paris, 1866, was excellent 

for the time in which it appeared, but is now completely antiquated by the revelations 

of rei ent discoveries. • It has recently been ascertained by Newberry (P. SB. A., 

1 (1914) 35) lrora a broken Royal stele in Cairo that Zer is the proper reading of 

which formerly was read Khent. "Amelineau identified Khent 

with Teta : Petrie [Royal Tombs, p. 5) identified Teta with Zer: Budge identified 

with Narmer. Naville [Mgypt. Zeitsch., xlvii. 65) reads the name as "Shesti" 

Khenl or Zer. "Quibell, Hierakonpolis, Pt. i., 1900. "In Cory, 

18 Regarding Abydos, the holy city of the ancient Egyptians, 

antly says (El Arabah, p. 1), " Probably it can be claimed for no 

thai not one Dynasty, from the first to the last, is unrepresented in its 

1 • <! < posits of this site, could an adequate series be brought together, would 

plete illustration of the changes through 4,000 years in the 

08, but would provide also examples of the types prevailing elsewhere 

ughout E 11 contemporaneously at several different epochs." u Royal 

Tombs (1900), p. 8. 



The First Three Dynasties 41 

or Zet, 1 of whom Manetho says : "He reigned 23 years : he raised the 
pyramids near Cochome ; 2 and Den Semti or Hesepti, whose tomb at 
Abydos, floored with granite blocks from Assuan, and walled with brick, 
was explored by Amelineau and afterwards by Petrie. 3 It is in Den's 
reign that we find the earliest mention of the famous Sed i festival, which 
Breasted 5 believes marked each King's thirtieth anniversary as legally 
appointed crown -prince and heir of the Kingdom, but which Hall, 6 with 
greater verisimilitude, understands had reference to the fact that, after a 
reign of thirty years, the early monarchs were either deposed or killed 
to avoid the inconvenience to the nation of having aged and decrepit 
sovereigns. 7 An ivory plaque of Den shows the King smiting a bearded 
enemy who seems to be an Asiatic. It may indicate the renewal of the 
age-long strife between Egypt and Canaan. 8 

The remaining Kings of this Dynasty were Merpeba 9 or Atchab, 
whose burial place at Abydos was similarly investigated by Amelineau 
and Petrie ; 10 then Semerkha, or Hu, or Nekht, in whose large, scented 
tomb at Abydos were found also the bones of dwarfs. 11 He seems to 
have been the first Egyptian King to visit the turquoise mines of Sinai, 
for Petrie discovered on the rocks of the Wady Maghara a representation 
of him, crowned with the double Egyptian crown, clubbing to death a 
Bedawy chief with a characteristic Semitic face. 12 Thus even in the time 
of the 1st Dynasty, the Egyptian Kings claimed the Sinai region for them- 
selves, and the Semites of Lower Canaan stood in awe of the incipient 
might of the Pharaohs. Probably in this way we may account for the 
presence in Egypt of the camel during the 1st Dynasty, already referred to. 13 

Lastly there came Sen or Kebh or Ka, whose name appears on a diorite 
stele 14 above his tomb at Abydos, and also on an ivory tablet 15 from the 
region of the Cataracts, showing a prisoner with a strongly Semitic cast 
of countenance. It would seem that the Semitic population of Lower 
Egypt was again in a spirit of revolt ; that local rebellions were breaking 
out in various districts against the royal authority ; and that possibly 
Semerkha's expedition to Sinai may have stirred up the Canaanite dwellers 
in the Negeb and the Tih to an attack on the Delta. If that be so, it is a 
striking influence how potent, even at this remote era, was the influence 
of Canaan on Egypt. In any case, the 1st Dynasty seems to have expired 
amid some convulsion of the established government, 16 and the rise of 
the Ilnd Dynasty was probably synchronous with a pacification of the 
Semito-Canaanite element in the population, and with a reassertion of the 
royal authority over the whole stretch of the Nile Valley, from the Delta 
to beyond the cataracts at Assuan. 

1 In 1 91 2, Wainwright discovered at Senar a great mastaba of crude brick in splendid 
preservation, which on investigation turned out to belong to the reign of Zet (Petrie 
and Wainwright, Tarkhan I. and Memphis V ., 1913, P- 13)- 2 " Cochome" is 

the Greek equivalent of the great cemetery of Memphis, situated in the desert of 
Sakkara, called by the Egyptians " Ka-qam " (Budge, Hist., i. 193)- * Royal 

Tombs, p. 11. *The word means" tail." 5 Hist, of Egypt, p. 39. •h.ear 

East, p. 108. 7 For many parallel examples of this in ancient and modern times, 

see Frazer, Golden Bough, i. 221-231, and Early History of the Kingship. ^V 

Peet in Journ. of Manchester Egypt, and Orient. SoC 1914-15, p. 3 2 - The 

elucidation of the identity of Den=Semti-.Hesepti. and of Merpeba=Atchab, is due 
to Sethe: see Mg. Zeit., xxxv., 1, and Untersuchungen, in. "Royal Tombs, 

pp 12 17 19 f 1X Ibid., PI. 13. 12 Petrie, Researches in Stnai, p. 41, tigs. 

45I47/ "Two examples' of the camel's head during this Dynasty have been 

discovered (Petrie, Cizeh and Rifeh, 1907, P- 23, correcting an earlier error in 
Hierakonpolis, Ixii., and Abydos, ii., x. 224, where the animal is misnamed a donkey. 
14 Discovered by Amelineau. 15 Discovered by Petrie, Royal Tombs, 1., 11. 

xvii. 30. i6 Petrie (Gizeh and Rifeh, 1907, pp. 2-7) gives an account ot other 

tombs of the period which he had excavated at Gizeh. 



42 Nile and Jordan 



n. The Ilnd Dynasty (b.c f----4945) 

Our information regarding the Ilnd Dynasty is even more fragment aiy 
than what we know of the 1st 1 Like its predecessor, This is named by 
>f?TVPthn as its capital, though King and Hall maintain 2 that this is a 
pure conjecture on Manetho 's part, and that the original seat of these 
two Dynasties must have been HierakonpoL The names and the 

sequence of the Kings have been matters much discussed, but it now 
seems evident that Besh, who was formerly held to open the Ilnd, in 
reality began the Illrd Dyna : 

Of Hzti: ----- :::■:: :::vi, we have mention on a fragment of a stone 
bowl found at Abydos. Raxeb, the second King, reigned, according to 
Manetho, 39 years, and under bfm the bulls Apis in Memphis, and Mnevis 
in Heliopolis, and the goat of Mendes, were " appointed to be gods.'' 4 
The e xp r essi on may mean that the South was now formally thrusting its 
theriomorphic chvinities upon the Semites and Libyans of the North, and 
forcing an amalgamation of the two divergent tendencies in religion. If 
so, it evidence ry interesting event in the history 7 of the purer Semitic 

cults of the Delta. In the reign of Neneter Manetho says it was decreed 
that women could enjoy royal prerogatives, and receive royal honour. 5 

e the Palenr does not mention this fact, its references to religious 

festivals to the observations of the annual height of the Xile inundation, 
and to the biennial census of the population, testify to the rnce of 

age of civilization already highly developed even at this remote era. 

pt has always been the home of the census, * as of most of the other 
:' public life. 

So strong were the Semitic influences in the land, notwithstanding 
all the suppression to which they were exposed, that the next monarch, 

hemab, deemed it prudent to propitiate Semitic susceptibilities by 
adopting as his Set-name the title Peke : '' while still retaining his 

shadowy Ekketek has left his name on some clay 
sealings of jars excavated by Quibell 8 at Sakkara in 1910 : the records 
of U ire equally faint. Pe? nly a Set-name, in this 

way placating his Semitic subjects, but he had a tomb created for himself 
in holy Abydos. The great palace fortress of this early monarch has been 
discovered* at Shnnet-ez-Zebib. It reveals a large rectangular space enclosed 
with ma ;;ck walls reminding us of a Babylonian royal 

palace. Here the of the primitive Dynasties had their main 

It was used, like our Wine tie generation after generation, 

by tl pal Far. but by the Xllth Dynasty it was abandoned 

stery for mummified ibises. It 
still stands on th of the desert as one of the oldest ruins in the world, 

dismantled palac which the jackals now prowl. 

Let Origines de VEgypU Pharaonique, has summarized in a 

Ul our present in: m relative to the Ilnd and Illrd Dynasties. 

'■ * The early predominance of Hiorakonpolis can 

ptian history. On the east bank of the Nile ri 
k* Eileithy: El Kat, :t, and thus 

, lay Nekhen, or Hierakonpolis, the City 
.'fill. Anc. Frag., p 

• pt in connection with -.us at the time 

Jesus Christ, see Rams-- ,rn at BetMektm -.yrton, 

"Arch. Rep. 1. t Fund, 1910-11, p. 23. 

Ayrton, Al . . , p. 1 f. 



The First Three Dynasties 43 

Of Sent, the next King, we know that he and Perabsen woe veret= :ed 
and worshipped in later ^tes : of Kara we know nothing ; bnt of 
Nefer-ka-SA we have definite remains. Bis :;mb was discovered in 
1906 by Barsanti, in the desert at Zanyet-el-Aiyan. The worfananship 
E superb ; the mass: veness ;:' the granite and limestone flooring with its 
subterranean chambers a feeling of amazement at the stupendous 

nature of the undertaking. 1 Maspero thinks if is probably the foundation 
of a pyramid. 2 As yet. we h: v : :■ :t: tt t ; :: :e -iriir.; Xi?I7.-;-l-_-5 :-;.-.?: 
and Hetchefa with whom the Ilnd Dynastv expired. 3 

Looking at the Ilnd Dynasty as a whole, it is evident that while 
Canaan does not bulk very largely in its recorded annals, its influence, 

ertheless was continuous and pervasive It 
convulsion arising out of Semitic troubles that the Dynasty rrobabiv 
look Its origin, and we have had reason to observe other slight indications 
pointing to the steady pressu: ted by the Semito-Canaanite popula- 

tion of the North on their conquerors from the South. The Semite had 
a personality which was not to be floated ^ith impact -- 

m. The III D -*sfy (b.c. 4945-4731) 

It seems now established that the firs: King of the Illrd Dynasty 

rZKHEMTi, or Tchatckai. or Besb Be as a notable figure. 

A Southerner, he seems to have legitimized his seizure of the throne 

marriage with Xe-maat-Hap, 4 the daughter of the last monarch of the 
;;ts I Xettaett ::: s-tttt 

and had tried to wi:: tt: .tt.tt: :: : tsaheted Sentt: eiemen: 
But the tew King's methods were forcible, Ombefl's discoveries 
at Hierakonpclis show him claiming to have sl au g htere d -1-.209 °f 
his Xerthert er. •.:::: s ; A:rc ptdnt to hht.s r.at_:e and the t-;s:n;t 

of 2 se;;td Xante: I t\ce:he: :he Ite'rtii mi tt I 

under an iron sceptre, and proclaimed peace between Haras and 
Set formally shifting the seal ::' government from This : I iemphis. 
The date was celebrated as 7::e Year ■;: ?._::_::; and Smiting the 
Xertt." r.i tt -titty ;.s : tttttt.td in the t::ttr .: H : ..- .: 

rakonpohs herein he dedicated a great alabas:er vase, and two 
.:';'.. stt.ts - sen'rei :: : :he nan.rer ;: his .art r 

s: tnab. his;; vet: A~ehneat :s ; : fee: h t ani t: : - 

5J ;hambers. In i: stored all that his k*, or ghost, could require 

in the world of Shades— s:a;ks of vases Hied :.: wine or corn, corked 
and sealed ; joints of o>. copper pans, pottery fishes - slabs 

for kokl, gold buttons, and numberless 
monarch used while in life. But most path 
;:' slaves :n the side chambers leading ' 

sla. i to accompany their mast: t : work! :.: 

must have his servants, his body-guard, his harem, even his dwarf beside 
bin: « ait on him, and to amuse him in the tomb, as the ad done on 

:h. 7 



. .. 



- 



'aspero, AmwUs im Serrk: 
indefinite : it is possible he mar belong realhr to the Illrd • " - 

(see Hi .7, p. II, ■' ?:■:>.:• ■:. :.v :a.-..-::-- .^ r.:r.v-: ::_:.-:.:> :: ::.e 

Ilnd and Hlid Dvnasties at Giieh on which no names woe found. They ma 
::::::->;:^:-::::::;:;:-;::::v-::::;.::::^ - ;~; .-.-.•■:-■.:.-. :* 
-• -). *7.«.. " Possessing the Rights o: the tutelary c 

(Hall, op. ciL. r >uibe«. H u trnktrnpe l is, ii. 44. - 

.".■-:...- -'j.-: -..;- :<- 1: « "" t Breasted. HisL *f Egypt, p. 4 i. 



44 Nile and Jordan 

His son, Tcheser, or Khetneter, was a powerful sovereign. He 
has left his name in the famous " Stele of the Famine," discovered in 1889 
by Wilbour on the island of Sahal in the first Cataract. 1 Evidences of 
his wide dominion are to be seen in inscriptions on rocks in the Wady 
Maghara in Sinai where he worked the turquoise and copper mines. 2 But 
the most lasting memorial of his reign 3 is the celebrated Step-Pyramid 
of Sakkara. It is the oldest of those vast funerary structures which have 
resisted the lavages of more than sixty centuries. The Step-Pyramid has 
six gigantic steps, in height respectively 38, 36, 34J, 32, 31, and 29I feet, 
while the width of each step is from 6 to 7 feet. 4 The length of the sides 
at the base are, north and south, 352 feet ; east and west, 396 feet ; the 
actual height is about 197 feet. 5 It is formed entirely of limestone from 
the neighbouring mountains. Inside is a perfect labyrinth of galleries, 
passages and chambers. The porch with its columns, and the various 
galleries all lead to a kind of enormous shaft, at the bottom of which the 
builder had secreted a hiding-place to contain the more precious of the 
funerary furniture. 6 But the discovery in 1901 by Garstang 7 of a huge 
mastaba 8 tomb of Tcheser at Bet Khallaf, north of Abydos, 300 feet long, 
150 feet broad, and 40 feet high, with an archway leading down to 18 
underground chambers at a depth of 90 feet from the top of the mastaba, 
would lead us to the belief that, though the pyramid was erected to be 
the royal tomb, it was not used as such. It was merely a secondary or 
sham sepulchre, reared in the Necropolis of Memphis as a compliment 
to Sokar, the Northern god of the dead. The pyramid therefore stands 
as a memorial of the powerful influence exercised in the Delta by the 
primitive religion of the early Libyo-Semitic peoples. Sokar, whose name 
is perpetuated to-day in Sakkara, was associated with Ptah (a Semitic 
divinity), 9 and the fact that this vast monument was erected in his honour 
testifies to the degree of reverence in which the Memphite-Semite god was 
held. The pyramid with its massive proportions, its lonely, huge bulk 
out in the sands of the desert, its chambers lined with beautiful blue faience 
tiles, 10 and its other remarkable peculiarities, reveals how wonderfully 
advanced, even in this archaic period, was the architectural, engineering, 

1 Brugsch, Die biblischen Sieben Jahre der Hungersnoth nach dem Wortlaut 

einer agypiischen Felseninschrift, Leipzig, 1891, p. 1. Maspero, Revue Critique (1891), 

ii. 149. 2 Benedite, Rec. de Trav., xvi. 104 ; Petrie. Researches in Sinai, p. 37. 

3 Another memorial is the fact that in his reign lived the wisest man of this remote 

millennium — Imhotep — the famous proverb-maker, physician, and architect. His 

proverbs were quoted through all the succeeding centuries, and he was even deified 

as a god of medicine, in whom the Greeks recognized their own Asklepios. A temple 

was erected to him in Memphis (Breasted, op. cit., p. 113). 4 Carefully measured 

by tin- Egyptian Exploration Fund. The Pyramid was first excavated in 1819 by the 

■ - ril, Minutoli (Reise zum Tempel des Jupiter Amnion, 1824, pp. 295-299). 

area are Budge's (Hist., i. 219), but Maspero (Dawn of Civilization, p. 243) 

1 the height at 1.59 feet 9 inches. ' Maspero, ibid., -p. 244. 'Garstang, 

Mahasna and Bet Khalldf (Egypt Res. Ace), 1902. * It is interesting to 

observe that the Step-Pyramid is really a series of mastabas imposed one on top of 

1 ther [for a full account of mastabas, see Maspero, Manual of Egyptian Archaology 

113]. A mastaba usually comprised a chapel above' ground, a shaft, and 

e subterranean vaults : see Mariette, Les Mastabas de VAncien Empire, p. 17, 

and ■ ly Perrot and ChipieZ, Hist, del' Art dans I'Antiquitc, i. 169-178: Budge, 

Hi I. oj Egypt, ii. 139. The name" mastaba" is taken from the stone benches or 

platforms seen in modern Egyptian towns in front of each shop. See also " The 

lution <.i Hi'' Egyptian Mastaba from the Neolithic graves" by Dr. G. ElliotSmith 

in Ridgeway Studies, 1713. P- 500 f. 'Seepage 30. 10 The glazed tiling 

;. air attributed by Stern ("Die Eandbemerkungen zu den 

hen Ivnigscanon " in Zeit. f. /Egypt. Sprache, 1885, p. 90), and by 

11 (" Die ThQr ana der Stufenpyramide bej Sakkara" in ibid., xxx. 83-87) 

to I" restorations conducted under the XXVIth Dynasty. The point is un- 

ned. 



The First Three Dynasties 45 

and artistic skill of the Egyptians. Under the Xllth Dynasty, Tcheser 
was deified. 

His brother, Sa-nekht or Hen-nekht, seems to have been a veritable 
giant. He had a skull of extraordinary massiveness, a stature of seven 
feet, and a build of such strength that Professor Sayce, on seeing his bones 
in the Cairo Museum, was at once reminded of passages in Eratosthenes 
and Manetho in which they speak of one or two giant Kings of the period, 
named Sesochris, (who was five cubits in height) and Momcheiri, 
respectively. Sa-nekht has left a memorial of his sovereignty over Sinai 
in the figure of himself carved on a stele in the Wady Maghara. The 
physiognomy portrayed there is markedly Ethiopian in character. 1 

Before the Illrd Dynasty ended, there seems to have reigned a shadowy 
monarch named Nefer-ka-ra, 2 who may be identified with Huni. 3 The 
latter name occurs in the famous Prisse Papyrus as that of the King in whose 
reign the fragmentary " Oldest. Book in the World " was composed. 1 
The Instruction of Kegemni must be dated somewhere about B.C. 4700. 
Only the last two pages of the treatise have survived the ravages of time. 
The book is a collection of moral precepts laid down by the vizier of Huni 
for the guidance and instruction of his sons and daughters. 5 But what 
is of fascinating interest to us is to discover in this primitive Egyptian 
treatise the same sententious forms of composition which, in later centuries, 
made their more extended appearance in the Instruction of Ptah-hotep, 
the Proverbs of Solomon, the Book of Ecclesiastes, the Wisdom of Jesus 
the Son of Sirach, and the Wisdom of Solomon. Many of the Proverbs 
attributed to the Jewish monarch show a striking resemblance to those in 
this ancient Egyptian Hochma literature. It would almost seem as if 
Solomon, through his Egyptian connection, was acquainted with the works 
of his predecessors in this great field of moralistic writing, and that he 
adopted many of the wise sayings, current in the Nile Valley as traditionary 
aphoristic lore, to suit the circumstances of his Hebrew subjects. This 
will be brought out more emphatically in connection with the longer treatise 
of Ptah-hotep, but even the fragmentary Instruction of Kegemni affords 
some evidence of the plausibility of this theory. A few instances will 
suffice : — 

Kegemni Proverbs 

He who fears me (Wisdom) is pre- Whoso hearkeneth unto me (Wisdom) 

served. shall dwell safely, and shall be 

quiet from fear of evil. 6 
Praise is to him whose ways are Blessings are upon the head of the 

righteous. righteous.' 1 

Open is the treasure of my (Wis- / (Wisdom) cause those that love 

dom) word. we to inherit substance that I 

may fill their treasuries* 
Large is the dwelling of my (Wis- Wisdom hath builded her house, she 

dom) peace. hath hewn out her seven pillars. 9 

iPetrie, Researches in Sinai (1906), p. 43. fig- 4»- wl * The excavations of 

Barsanti (in 191 1) at Zauyet-el- Aryan have brought to light a block of granite bearing 
the cartouche of a Illrd Dynasty King named Neb-ka-Ra. It is possible that there 
is some confusion between him and Nefer-ka-ra (Annates du Service, xn. 57)- s ° 

Budge, Hist, of Egypt, i. 222: Borchardt (Egypt. Zeit., 1909, p. 12) disputes this and 
asserts that the name Huni is an ancient mistake for Aha. See Lauth papyrus 

Prisse, 1871. 'See Revillout, Les Drames de la Conscience, Pans. 1901, p. o. 

Isaac Myer, Oldest Books in the World (New York, 1900) pp. 53~°3- ^ rov - «• 

7 io. 6 8 8. ai 9 9. x 



46 Nile and Jordan 

Kegemni Proverbs 

Words furnished with knives to The Lord thrusteth away the desire 

thrust away the indolent. of the wicked . . . the hand of 

the diligent maketh rich. 1 

If thou sit with a company of When thou sittest to eat with a ruler, 

people, desire not the food consider diligently what is before 

which thou lovest : short is the thee : put a knife to thy throat if 

moment of anguish, and glut- thou be a man given to appetite : 

tony is an abomination. be not desirous of his dainties, 

seeing they are deceitful meat. 2 

It is a vile man who stuffs his Be not among wine-bibbers : among 

belly : he departeth only when gluttonous eaters of flesh : for the 

he is no longer able to fill full his drunkard and the glutton shall 

belly in men's houses. come to poverty* 

Beware of making strife, for one Go not forth hastily to strive, lest 

knowcth not the things that thou know not what to do in the 

God will do when he punisheth. end thereof} 

Sexeferu seems to have been the last King of the Illrd Dynasty rather 
than, as is usually supposed, the first King of the IVth Dynasty. 5 During 
his reign of 29 years, he developed the Sinai turquoise mines, built a fort, 
and erected there a temple to the goddess Hathor. His famous sculpture 
at Serabit el-Khadem, depicting his smiting a Semite Bedouin with a mace, 
has now been transported to the Cairo Museum for greater security. 6 
The warlike attitude of the Pharaoh may be a reminiscence of the fact 
of a very early invasion of Egypt by the Amu, Canaanites from the borders 
of Palestine, who flung themselves across the isthmus of Suez in a vain 
attempt to seize the rich lands of the Delta. Seneferu attacked them, 
and drove them back with merciless slaughter. 7 

Seneferu built two pyramids, one near Dahshur, the other at Mediim, 
on a plan quite unlike that of ordinary pyramids. The Mediim pyramid 
was opened by Maspero in 1881, and further examined by Petrie in i8o,i, s 
and again in 1910. 9 It is over 120 feet in height, and consists of three 10 
large unequal cubes with slightly inclined sides, arranged in steps one 
above the other. 11 Originally a small building, it was added to externally 
by thick, fresh layers of masonry, and Petrie's latest researches on the 
spot have led him to the conclusion that it was during the reign of Seneferu 
himself that the whole was covered with an outer facing of polished stone. 12 
After his death, the King was deified, and his worship continued even 
until the period of the Ptolemies. 13 

During these first three Dynasties, there was a steady progress in culture, 

1 Prov. io. 8 * ' 23. 1 -' 3 23." 21 ■ 25.8 6 So Petrie, Ten Years Digging in 
Egypt. 1893, pp. 138 f.: Hist, of Egypt., i. 31 : Researches in Sinai, p. 96. 6 Petrie, 

Res. in Sinai, pp. 84. 96, 122, 130, and chap. xvii. The history of the Egyptian 
mining operations in Sinai has been worked out by Palmer, Sinai from the Fourth 
Egyptian Dynasty to the present day, 1878 : Ebers, Durch Gosen zum Sinai : most of 
the inscriptions discovered, down to his date, are translated by Birch in the Account of 
the Ordnance Survey of the Peninsula of Sinai, p. 168 f.: and more recently by Captain 
VY. ill in his Recueil des Inscriptions Egyptiennes du Sinai, 1894. 7 Golenischeff 

in /Egypt. Zeit., 1876, p. no. 8 Petrie, Medum, p. 21: and an interesting 

summary in Ten Years Digging in Egypt, pp. 138-147. e Petrie, Mackay, and 

Wainwnght, Meydum and Memphis, i<n . 10 Makrizi, Description d'Egypte et d u 

Cane. i. 116, says " There is another pyramid called the Pyramid of Medum, which is 
like a mountain, and has five stories." It seems at one time to have had even 
mv » Petrie, Median, p. 5. 1: Meydum and Memphis, p. 8. 13 For 

the deifii ation <>f hrroes and kings, see Scthc in Hastings' E.R.E., vi. 047, art. Heroes 
and Hlko-cods (Egyptian). 



The First Three Dynasties 47 

invention and in architectural and engineering skill. Each reign evidences 
some advance upon the civilization of its predecessor. Already by the time 
of the 1st Dynasty, writing, partly ideographic, partly alphabeto-syllabic, 
had been invented. Ornament in stone, so remarkable in the later 
Neolithic period, had been superseded by beautiful carvings in gold, ivory, 
and copper. Seneferu's reign was marked by great industrial expansion. 
He built vessels nearly 170 feet long for traffic and administration upon 
the Nile. He was probably the author of the chain of fortresses from 
the Bitter Lakes to the Gulf of Suez, for everywhere his name is associated 
in the Eastern Desert with roads and stations. 

We would fain have details as to the state of Canaan during these early 
transitional ages, intermediate between the Neolithic culture, of which we 
have found traces in Palestine, and the great period of the Pyramid Builders, 
of which we have next to speak. But the information is exceedingly 
scanty. Nevertheless, the references to invasions of Egypt by the Amu, 
the systematic repression of the Semites in the Deltaic regions, and beyond 
these to the frontiers of Canaan, the pictures illustrating the slaughter 
of Bedouins in Sinai, and other indications all show that Egypt and 
Canaan were by no means without considerable mutual inter-relations. 1 
Above all, the fact that Seneferu despatched a fleet of 40 vessels to the 
Phoenician coast to procure cedar beams from Lebanon, and that the Abydos 
tombs 2 were constructed partly of huge trunks of timber obtained from 
the forests of Mount Amanus, reveals that Egyptian commerce had already 
thrown out feelers over the neighbouring Asiatic territory, and that the 
Nile dwellers already regarded Palestine as being a region subject to their 
influence. While the timber was brought by sea, we may at the same time 
well believe that Egyptian armies advanced on land along the Canaanite 
seaboard to overawe the restless Semitic tribes. Thus early Palestine 
learned how dangerous for its peace was the proximity of the inhabitants 
of the Valley of the Nile. 

1 Something of the predominance of Semites in the Delta may be learned from 
the tombs. Professor Junker (" Bericht uber die grabungen in Turah " in Denkschriften 
Kais. Akad. d. Wissens. Wien., 191 1) has excavated a late pre-dynastic and proto- 
dynastic cemetery at Turah. Dr. Derry's examination of the skulls reveals that they 
belong to the same race as the prehistoric people of Upper Egypt, with very little 
intermixture of the " Gizeh type." But that portion of the cemetery which belongs 
to the Illrd Dynasty contains almost exclusively the more massive Gizeh type of 
skull which Dr. Elliot Smith ascribes to early Syrian immigrants into the Delta. 
2 The Abydos tombs of the Illrd and IVth Dynasties, other than those of royal per- 
sonages, have been described by Peet and Loat, The Cemeteries of Abydos, iii. (1913). 
p. 8 f. 



CHAPTER V 

The Pyramid Builders of the IVth Dynasty (b.c. 4731-4454) 

The IVth Dynasty l has the distinction of being the age of the great 
Pyramid Builders. Never before or since have more gigantic monuments 
been erected on the face of the globe, and, as long as the world stands, 
these huge structures at Gizeh will remind mankind of the genius and 
the autocratic power of some of the most imperial minds of antiquity. 

It is needless to discuss the many fantastic opinions which have been 
broached as to the object these monarchs had in view in rearing such 
colossal monuments. The theories that they were erected for astronomical 
observations, 2 for astrological divination, for establishing a metrological 
standard, 3 for teaching the immortality of man, and for setting forth 
the nature of the Triune God under geometrical emblems, 4 have all been 
advocated. That they were erected to resist the encroachments of the 
desert sand ; that they were Joseph's granaries ; 5 that they were built 
as treasure houses for the safe storage of jewels and gold, have all been 
urged, along with many another ridiculous suggestion. Sober modern 
thought, with absolute unanimity, regards them simply as tombs reared 
on a gigantic scale. 

As regards the construction of the pyramids, two chief theories have, 
in the main, held the field. The first was propounded by Lepsius, 6 as 

1 It is evident to every reader of Herodotus that in his history, Dynasties IV — VI 
(the Pyramid Kings) are placed after Dynasties VII — XXV. Following a suggestion 
by Dr. Apostolidos, Petrie (Journ. Hell. Studies, 1908, xxviii. 275) has shown how this 
may be due to the misplacement of a single roll of papyrus containing chapters 100-123. 
The whole second book might be divided into 12 rolls, and one of them has become 
transposed in its present completed state. * While, of course, in no way identifying 

himself with any astronomical absurdity, Sir Norman Lockyer has thoroughly worked 
out the astronomical problem associated with the Great Pyramids in his Dawn of 
Astronomy, 1894. He verified the fact that the four faces of the Pyramids are turned 

towards the four cardinal points (cf. De Merval, Etudes sur I' Architecture Egyptienne, 
p. 125). 3 For ingenious, yet far-fetched reasonings from the data furnished 

by the Great Pyramid and its interior sarcophagus, whereby there was supposed 
to be enshrined for ever in the heart of this mountain of stone a standard measure 
of capacity of which the British quart is the fourth part, see Professor Piazzi Smyth, 
Our Inheritance in the Great Pyramid, (1864), and Proctor, The Great Pyramid, 1882. 
There are still some fanciful religious enthusiasts, particular the American sect, " The 
Millennial Dawnists," who imagine that the profoundest religious truths are built into 
the structure of the Great Pyramid, and that the initiated will receive divine light 
on God, and on human destiny by a study of these ancient structures ! * See 

Galloway, Egypt's Record of Time to the Exodus of Israel, (1869), p. 340. 5 Dionysius 
of Tell Mahrc (wth cent.) a Syrian Christian, refers to this belief, and explodes it, 
(Chronique de Denys ds Tell Mahri, Paris, 1895). See also Benjamin of Tudela, 
(a.d. 1 168) and Sir John Maundevillc (a.d. 1322) in Bohn's Early Travels in Palestine, 
pp. I2i, 154, for this absurd view. For a list of the mediaeval writers who supported 
this fantastic opinion, see Wiedemann, P.S.B.A., xxxiv. (1012) 302. ■" Uber 

den Bau der Pyramidon " in the Berliner M onatsberichte (1843), pp. 177-203. 

48 



The Pyramid Builders 49 

the result of prolonged investigation. It was that " after a suitable site 
had been chosen and cleared, a mass of rock was, if possible, left in the 
middle of the area to form the core of the building : around this core a 
truncated pyramid was built, layer by layer, the steps being filled up with 
suitably shaped blocks of stone. Coat after coat of stone was built round 
the work, which grew larger and larger till it was finished." Lepsius 
thought that, on ascending the throne, a king built for his tomb a small 
but complete pyramid, and that he placed a new coating of stone round 
it every year. When he died, the sides of the pyramid, which then resembled 
long flights of steps, were finished off by filling up the steps with right- 
angled triangular blocks of stone. 1 On the other hand, Petrie maintains 
that this is impossible : that " the Great Pyramid was set out from the 
first upon a vast scale, and that it could 'not have been designed of any 
much smaller size is shown conclusively by the internal passages." 2 
Modern opinion, however, is veering round to the view that Lepsius was 
practically right, and that his theory needs only some minor corrections 
to be strictly accurate. 3 

The founder of the Dynasty seems to have been Sharu, a monarch 
whose name has only recently been discovered. 4 He is most probably 
to be identified with King " Soris" of Manetho, and the hitherto unknown 
fact that he was King of all Egypt is revealed by the presence of the two 
Horus hawks of Upper and Lower Egypt above his name. His pyramid 
has not yet been identified, though its ruins may some day be 
discovered. 

With Khufu 5 or Cheops, vastness of architectural plan reached 
its climax. He was the creator of the Great Pyramid at Gizeh. 6 This 
mountain of stone has been so often described that it is superfluous to 
reiterate the story in full detail. 7 Yet the following few particulars may 
be given. The present height of Khufu's Pyramid is 454 feet, but originally 
it stood 481 feet high on a base 755 feet square. To-day the greatest 
length of its sides is 750 feet. Its cubic contents have been estimated 
to amount to over 3,000,000 yards, or 89,000,000 feet, and the weight of 
its mass to 6,840,000 tons. Its base occupies a space of I2§ acres. Thus, 
its apex was higher by 6 feet than the spire of Strasburg Cathedral ; 30 feet 

1 Budge, Hist, of Egypt, ii. 40 f. * Petrie, Hist, of Egypt, i. 38 : Pyramids 

and Temples of Gizeh, p. 60 f. 3 Lepsius' theory is maintained by 

Wiedemann, /Egypt. Gesch., p. 181 f. : but Perrot and Chipiez, Hist, de I'Art, i. 
214-221, and Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, p. 385, assail it. The theory, amended 
in detail, has been upheld by Borchardt, Zeit. f. Mgypt Sprache, xxx. 102-106, and 
by Ed. Meyer, Gesch. d. Alten /Egypt., p. 106 f. 4 It was found in 1895 by F. W. Green 
at Ro-Anti, among some graffiti, which on being studied by Somers Clarke, Quibell 
and Sayce, revealed the cartouche of this new King. Is it possible that he and Khufu 
may have reigned for some time simultaneously ? For while Manetho ascribes to 
Khufu a reign of 63 years, the Turin Papyrus gives only 23 (or 33, according to the 
reading of De Rouge, Recher. sur les Monuments, p. 154). On the other hand, if Lepsius' 
theory be correct then the size of Khufu's pyramid would require a long term of years 
such as is suggested by the number 63. See Sayce, P.S.B.A., xxi. (1899), p. no : 
xxvi. (1904), p. 93. 5 Khufu's signet cylinder, obtained by Petrie, is figured in 

Ridgeway Studies, 191 3, p. 192. It bears a pyramid engraved on it. 6 It has 
been ascertained that, as far back as the 1st Dynasty, Gizeh was used as a cemetery, 
and that the pyramids of the IVth Dynasty were erected, not on virgin soil, but on 
ground already held sacred through three previous Dynasties. (Petrie, Arch. Rep. 
Egypt. Explor. Fund, 1906-07, p. 28). 7 Full details will be found in Belzoni, 

Narrative of the Operations and Recent Discoveries within the Pyramids (1820), 
pp. 255-282 : Vyse and Perring, The Pyramids of Gizeh (1839-42), and Operations 
at the Pyramids of Gizeh in 1837 (1842) :' Piazzi-Smyth, Life and Work at the Great 
Pyramid, 1867 : Sir Henry James, Notes on the Great Pyramid of Egypt (1869) : and 
most exhaustively and satisfactorily of all, Petrie, The Pyramids and Temples of Gizeh 
(1883). 

D 



50 Nile and Jordan 

higher than St. Peter's at Rome ; 50 feet higher than St. Stefan's at Vienna ; 
120 feet higher than St. Paul's, London ; and nearly 200 feet higher than 
the Capitol at Washington. Were tht contents of the Pyramid to be laid 
out in a row, the stones one foot in breadth and depth, then the line would 
be nearly 17,000 miles in extent ; in other words, it would girdle two-thirds 
of the earth's circumference at the Equator. 1 

Every device was adopted to baffle and mislead any profane intruder 
on the sacred silence of the mighty dead. The outside limestone casing 
began at the top, and continued to the bottom, 2 so that the entrance to 
the tomb was completely concealed under a smooth polished coating. 
The entrance really lay on the north side, 45 feet from the ground. Strabo 3 
says that a movable flagstone, working on a stone pivot, disguised it so 
effectively that no one, except the priests and custodians, could have 
distinguished the stone from its neighbours. Borchardt, 4 however, 
disputes this, and maintains that the movable stone was simply a flat 
slab fitting to the sloping side of the pyramid, and not a carefully devised 
block, pivoted and swinging on its axis. In any case, when the stone 
was tilted up, a yawning passage was revealed 3! feet in height, with a 
breadth of 4 feet. This passage sloped steeply down through masonry 
and solid rock for 318 feet ; it passed through an unfinished chamber 46 
feet long, zy feet wide, io-6 feet high, and it ended in a cul-de-sac, 59 feet 
further on. intended to mislead possible riflers of the tomb. It is difficult 
to discern the joints between the exquisitely adjusted polished blocks. 5 

But 62 feet from the entrance, a corridor branches off upwards, at 
an angle of 120 ; ascends 108 feet, and then at a wide landing-place again 
bifurcates. The lower road conducts to what is called the " Queen's 
Chamber," a room 19 feet long, 17 feet broad, 20 feet high. The other 
passage continues to ascend, but it is no longer narrow. It expands into 
a vast gallery, 148 feet long and 11 feet high, with the courses of stone 
converging on each other towards the roof, until the two walls are only 
1 foot 8 inches apart. An arduous and difficult climb up this gallery 
brings one to another short landing with what seems to have been four 
rocky barriers to shut off intruders from the shrine. At last the " King's 
Chamber " is reached, a room 17 feet high, 17 broad, and 34 feet long. 
It contains a broken red granite sarcophagus, 7 feet 6 inches long, 3 feet 
3 inches broad, 3 feet 5 inches high. Directly above this chamber are 
cunningly placed five small chambers, one above the other, in order to 
prevent the roofs of the royal vaults from being crushed in by the weight 
of the superincumbent masonry. The highest of these has for a roof 

1 Rawlinson, Egypt (Story of the Nations), pp. 71, 75. Another calculation 
he mentions is as follows : Were one to erect a solidly-built house, with walls 
one foot thick, with 20 feet of frontage. 30 feet deep from front to back, its foundations 
6 feet deep, its exterior walls 24 feet high, and its partition walls to one-third the extent 
of its main walls, the result would be a building with 4,000 cubic feet of masonry. 
The Great Pyramid would build a city of 22,000 such houses piled on high ! The 
pyramid contains some 2,300,000 blocks, each weighing on the average, i\ tons. For 
many details and wonders of its construction, see Barber, Mechanical Triumphs 0} 
the Ancient Egyptians, 1901 ; and for a scientific investigation into the methods of 
engineering pursued by these primitive builders, see Choisy, Art debdtir chezles Egyptiens, 

■ red among some XVIIIth Dynasty foundation deposits 
at Deir-al-Bahri, and elsewhere, models of cradle-like structures which he believes 
were used by these builders to raise the heavy blocks tier by tier up the side of the 

imid, but Borchardt (" Zur Baugcschichte des Amonstempel von Karnak " in 

1 hungen, Bd. v.) raises serious objections to Choisy's theory. s Herod., 

» ' •Strabo, xvii. 1, 33. * JEgypt. Zeiisch. xxxv. 87. Borchardt also 

M.uns that the structure of the Pyramid shows that it was built at three different 
periods, each time with enlarged plans. & Pacts ascertained by Petrie, Pyramids 

an I Temples of Gizclt, p, 1 | , f . ; Ten Years Digging in Egypt, p. 24, 



The Pyramid Builders 51 

enormous blocks tilted at an angle against each other. 1 The device shows 
great engineering skill, and the wisdom of its adoption has been proved 
by the permanence of the structure, which has withstood the earthquakes 
of so many centuries. The heat in the interior of the vaults being stifling, 
two air-shafts, 8 inches square, lead from both royal chambers to the 
open air right through the sides of the Pyramid. 2 

It is an exceedingly interesting fact that a fragment of wrought iron 
was discovered in one of these airshafts, in such a position that it must 
have been placed there at the time of the erection of the Pyramid. This 
conclusion was at first scouted by some European archaeologists, especially 
Professor Montelius of Upsala, who refused to believe that Egypt was 
in possession of the knowledge of iron 5000-4000 years B.C., while Europe 
did not enjoy that knowledge earlier than B.C. 1000. But Petrie's discovery 
at Abydos in 1902 of an undoubted fragment of iron, along with bronze 
tools, in a tomb of the Vlth Dynasty, and above all, Wainwright's 3 finding 
of iron beads along with gold ones in two pre-dynastic graves at El Gergeh, 
40 miles south of Cairo, which turn out to be of wrought iron, have proved 
how ancient the culture of Egypt was. The Nile Valley was many centuries 
ahead of its neighbours, even as China, with the mariner's compass in 
her hands, retained possession of the secret for 2,000 years before Europe 
learned it, and even as Babylon had astronomers who observed eclipses 
and made intricate astronomical calculations, while all the rest of the 
world (except Egypt) was still in savagery. 

Well may we ask how so gigantic a structure was reared. Herodotus 4 
says it required 100,000 men for 20 years, working three months at a time. 
Diodorus 5 and Pliny 6 mention 360,000 men spread over 20 years, and 
we may well believe it. The basement stones are sometimes 30 feet long, 
5 feet high, 5 feet wide, and weigh 46 to 57 tons ; how were they moved ? 
The granite blocks which form the roof of the " King's Chamber " are 
nearly 19 feet long, 2 feet broad, and 3 to 4 feet deep. How were they 
placed in their present lofty position to form this room of solid granite ? 7 
The mathematics of the structure are most precise. It was built at such 
an angle that the height was the radius of a circle equal to the circuit of 
the base. 8 How was it that the engineers of this remote era learned such 
skill that one of the greatest modern authorities on architecture could 
exclaim with admiration : " Nothing more perfect mechanically has ever 
been erected since that time" ? 9 Even in front of the Pyramid stretched 
a basalt pavement leading to the temple of the Pyramid, and Petrie believes 
that the three deep trenches in it, 160 feet long, 20 feet deep, and lined 
with large blocks, were once filled with water and employed for observing 
the azimuths of stars ! 10 

There is, however, reason to believe that these enormous edifices were 
reared in the anguish and tears of the common people. 11 The magnitude 

1 Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, p. 366 f. 2 It is possible that libations may 

also have been poured into the interior of the tomb through these orifices on feast 
days in honour of Khufu. 3 Man, 1911, No. 100: also Rev. Arch., xix. 255. 

4 Herod., ii. 124. 6 Diod., i. 63. «H.N., xxxvi. 16, 17. 7 It is very 

probable that inclined ramps of earth were employed up which the blocks were 
moved on rollers, and when in position, the ramps were removed. This is the method 
used to-day at Thebes by the Service des Antiquites in restoring fallen pillars and obelisks. 
8 Petrie, Hist, of Egypt, i. 39 : for the simple mathematics of the construction 
of the Great Pyramid, see Sir Chas. Watson in P.E.F.Q., 1900, p. 151 : 1902, p. 407 : 
and for the ancient standards of measure as embodied in its structure, and its interior 
sarcophagus, see Sir Chas. Warren in P.E.F.Q., 1899. P- 218. 9 Fergusson, Hxst. 

of Architecture, i. 92. "Petrie, Hist, of Egypt, i. 41. " See Biidmger, Zur 

/Egyptischen Forschung Herodot's (1873), Vienna, p. 20 f. 



52 Nile and Jordan 

and splendour of the design must not blind us to the colossal pride and 
brutal selfishness of the King who forced his subjects to carry such immense 
masses of stone, for 20 years, up the steep side of a mountain, 480 feet high. 
It is doubtless with good cause that Herodotus and Diodorus * report 
the legends of the priests as to the cruelty of the great Pyramid builders, 
and their names have been handed down to posterity as belonging to those 
whom the world regards as the great oppressors of mankind. The selfishness 
of these tyrants was monstrous. That he alone (and his queen) should 
have a suitable resting-place for their mummified bodies, Khufu employed 
the whole resources of his kingdom, and enslaved the entire population 
over which he ruled, while they toiled in providing a tomb commensurate 
with his own idea of his importance and greatness. 2 The selfishness 
met with its just reward. These great Pyramids seemed to have been 
entered and plundered between the Vllth and the Xlth Dynasties. 3 

Khufu married Mertitfes, the widow of his predecessor, Seneferu, 
and the aged lady survived into the lifetime of his successor, Khafra. The 
first statue 4 of Khufu that has ever come to light was discovered by Petrie 
at Abydos in 1902. It is an exquisitely carved ivory statuette of extra- 
ordinary delicacy and finish. In it " we see the energy, the commanding 
air, the indomitable will, and the firm ability of the man who stamped 
for ever the character of the Egyptian monarchy, and outdid all time in 
the scale of his work." 5 His name has been discovered as sovereign of 
all Egypt, as far south as Sehel. 6 A rock tablet in Sinai shows us Khufu 
striking a bearded foe, the words " Smiting the Inu " being attached. 
The latter seem to be allied to the Mentu, an Asiatic tribe inhabiting the 
Sinai Peninsula. 7 

He was followed by his son, Khafra or Chephren. Chephren was 
the builder of what is known as the " Second Pyramid." In height it 
stood 450 feet, the length of each side being about 700 feet : its cubic 
contents represent 2,156,960 yards of masonry, and its weight amounts 
to about 4,883,000 tons. 8 Slightly smaller than the Great Pyramid, but 
of even superior workmanship, it is a very striking monument of massive 
architectural and engineering skill. Its top still retains ts original outside 

1 Diodorus (i. 64) states that such was the fury of their subjects that at their 
death these monarchs were not after all interred in the pyramids they had reared at 
such cost, for, lest their bodies should be torn in pieces by the mob, they had to be 
buried secretly in hidden resting-places. Petrie (Hist., i. 40), however, remarks that 

there was no detriment to the country in employing a small proportion of the 
population at a season (during the three months of the inundation) when ordinary 
labour is at a standstill. The training and skill which they would acquire by such 
work would be a great benefit to the national character." Similarly, Von Bissing 
(Bericht d. Diodor. uber die Pyramiden) holds that Diodorus' account of the Pyramids 
is far more accurate than that of Herodotus. Hall {Near East, p. 128) says " There 
is little doubt that the popular stories of the cruelty and impiety of the Pyramid 
builders which are related by Herodotus and Diodorus are grossly exaggerated, if 
not wholly baseless." Yet, it is difficult to dismiss inthis airy manner the impressions 
and the condemnation of centuries ! 2 See Erman' Handbook of Egyptian Religion, 

p. 117, who adds that " the preservation of the body was at this period considered 
a sacred duty, an idea obviously influenced by the hope of a possible resurrection 
of the body." 3 Petrie, Pyramids and Temples 0/ Gizeh, p. 67. * Some 

Arab legends testify that, in the time of the Caliph Al-Mamun, a human 
figure with a golden pectoral, adorned with precious stones, a richly ornamented 
sword, and on his head a carbuncle of the size of an egg, brilliant as the sun, having 
characters which no man could read, was found in a stone trough. It may have been 
the mummy of Khufu, which had escaped the ravages of the temple-riflers of the 
« ;nly period. The Arab legends have been collected by Jomard, Description de I'Egvpte, 
ix., 454 f. 'Petrie, Abydos, ii. 30. s Weigall, Ann. du Service, xi. 171. 

1 Uric Pect, The Stele of Sebek-Khu, 1915, p. 36. 8 Baedeker, Egypt, p. 115 : 

Rawhnson, Egypt (in loco), gives the cubic contents as 71,670,000 feet, and the weight 
as 5.309,000 tons. 



The Pyramid Builders 53 

casing. Behind it are still the remains of a row of stone sheds erected 
for the use of the original workmen, granite barracks capable of housing 
4,000 skilled masons during the long weary years while the Pyramid was 
being built. The rubbish heaps of stone chippings are also there to this day. 1 

Connected with the Pyramid of Khafra was the Temple of the Sphinx 2 
discovered by Mariette in 1853, m which, at the bottom of a well, he found 
seven diorite statues of this king, five mutilated, two entire. Another 
fine head of Chephren was dug up by Steindorff in 1906 while clearing out 
the temple. 3 The temple was built of granite and alabaster blocks floated 
down the Nile from Assuan. The workmanship is perfect. It is impossible 
even to insert a pen-knife blade between any of the blocks, 4 while the film 
of mortar betwixt the gigantic stones is no thicker than one's thumb-nail. 
Petrie discovered some of the tools employed by Chephren's workmen, 
and his verdict is that they are more perfect than any now in use. The 
hardest blocks of basalt, granite, or diorite were not chiselled but sawn ! The 
saw was not a blade, nor a wire, but was set with fixed cutting points, in fact 
a jewelled saw, and some of them were nine feet in length ! Similarly, their 
tubular drills were infinitely more effective than any modern tool. 5 

It may be that the Sphinx itself was carved out by these pyramid- 
builders, but it is also possible that it represents the work of a much earlier 
era. 6 From out of the rock itself some unknown genius hewed the figure 
of a huge man-headed lion, the body 150 feet long, the paws 50 feet, the head 
30 feet, the face 14 feet wide, the height from the top of the head to the 
base of the monument, 70 feet. 7 Originally painted red, and bearing 
on its forehead the uraeus, the symbol of divinity and royalty, the Sphinx 
must have been a singularly impressive object, for even to-day, after 
enduring the weathering of countless storms, and the cannon shots of 
the fanatical Mamelukes, it has an air of majesty and imposing grandeur, 
as it stares across the desert with stolid impassiveness to where the sun 
leaps up over the Eastern plain. What changes in civilization, in empires, 
in customs, in ethics, in religions has that scarred face witnessed ! 8 It 
is possibly one of the oldest, as it certainly is one of the weirdest, of the 
monuments of the ancient world. 9 

1 These curious structures were first explored and recognized as to their true nature by 
Petrie, Pyramids and Temples ofGizeh, p. 101 f.: and Ten Years Digging in Egypt, p. 25. 

2 The latest exploration of the " Second Pyramid " is that of the Sieglin Expedition 
of 191 1. Its results are recorded in a memoir by Holscher, Das Grabdenkmal des 
Konigs Chephren, where a complete account is given of the Temple of the Sphinx. 
See also Holscher and Steindorff in Zeit. f. Mgypt. Sprache, xlvi. (1909), p. 1. 

3 Borchardt in Beit, zur Alt. Gesch., v. 410. 4 Many another besides myself has 
proved the truth of this fact by personal investigation and testing. 6 Petrie, 
Pyramids, etc., p. 75; for details of accurate measurements of the temple, see p. 43 f. 
6 On the other hand, Borchardt (Sitzb. d. Konigl. Akad. zu Berlin, 1897, p. 752) argued 
from the style adopted in the ribbing of the royal head-dress of the image, that the 
Sphinx may be of XHth Dynasty workmanship, and that the features may be those 
of the great Amenemhat III. This theory, however, he withdrew in 1906, and argued 
that the Sphinx may well be due to Chephren (Das Grabdenkmal des Konigs Neusene, 
p. 13). Daressy [Bull, de I'Instit. Egypt, ser. v., torn. hi. 35) has pointed out that 
recent discoveries tend to fix its date to that of the reign of Chephren. Hall, however 
(Near East, p. 164), still holds that both the Sphinx and the Temple of the Sphinx are 
to be ascribed to Amenemhat III. Breasted (Amer. Jonrn. Sem. Lang, xxx. (1914) !33) 
denies that the Sphinx is of XHth Dynasty workmanship. 7 Figures from Budge 
Hist., ii. 50 • see also Budge, Gods of the Egyptians, i. 472, in which he claims that 
the Sphinx, as representing Harmachis, probably dates from the archaic period. 
8 Most curious is it to read the many inscriptions cut out upon it by tourists of 
the centuries before Christ, and in early Christian days. They have been collected 
by Letronne, Recueil des Inscriptions grecques et latines de VEgypte (Pans, 1848), 
ii. 460 f . 9 In 1 8 1 6, Caviglia discovered in front of its breast a small chapel consisting ot 
three tablets covered with hieroglyphics, dedicated by Thothmes III and Rameses II. 
It will be seen later what influence the Sphinx had on the destinies of Thothmes IV. 



54 Nile and Jordan 

Khafra's successor was Radadf or Ra-tet-f, of whom nothing is known. 
Borchardt and von Bissing 1 believe that certain remains at Gizeh are 
the foundations of a fourth large Pyramid, which may be that of this 
monarch, though it may possibly have been the tomb of Sharu. Chassinat 
in his excavations in 1900 at Abu Roash, north-west of Cairo, found a fine 
head of this King, and it is probable that his Pyramid stood near that 

spot. 2 

The Pyramid of Radadf's successor, Menkaura (or Mycerinus, as 
Manetho calls him), is not on such a vast scale as those of his predecessors. 
Built on a rock with a sloping surface, its substructions are courses of 
immense blocks of stone. The length of each base is 350 feet, its height 
about 210 feet. In its interior mummy chamber, 3 60 feet below the ground, 
was discovered a splendid stone sarcophagus, a single mass of blue-black 
basalt, 8 feet long, and finely polished and carved. 4 With great difficulty 
this sarcophagus was removed in 1838 from the Pyramid, and shipped for 
England, but the vessel foundered with all on board. Reisner, in 1908, 
discovered a brick temple or gateway to the Pyramid with wonderful 
statues of Menkaura and his queen buried within it, 5 which reveal the 
extraordinary delicacy and perfection of the sculptor's art attained at this 
remote era. Herodotus tells a long story of the gracious policy of this King 
in contrast to the vices of his predecessors, and narrates his futile effort to 
baffle an oracle of the gods and to prolong his life by turning night into 
day. 6 

Manetho mentions two other Kings of this Dynasty, Bicheris 7 and 
Thamphthis, but we have no information whatsoever regarding them, 
nor any monumental evidence. The last King was Shepseskaf, but of 
his reign, too, we know next to nothing, nor seemingly did he leave a 
Pyramid to perpetuate his glory. 

Let us try to get a general impression of the splendour of Memphis 
in the time of this great IVth Dynasty. 8 Where the Nile emerges from 
its rocky, imprisoning walls, the vast plain of the Delta is seen dotted 
with palms. The city stretches out 17 miles from north to south, 9 and 
3 miles from east to west. Its religious heart is the renowned temple of 

1 JEgypt. Zeitsch., xxxv. 87. 2 The Eckley B. Coxe Expedition discovered 

in 1914 an offering table at Gizeh with two rows of inscriptions round its 
edge, containing the names of Khufu, Khafra, and Radadf. C. S. Fisher in Philad. 
Museum Journal, vi. (1915), No. 2. This determines the order of their reigns 
(ibid., viii. (1917), 46-52). 3 The rifling of this mummy chamber by the Saracens 

under Al-Mamun is described by Vyse, The Pyramids of Gizeh, ii. 71. * Sethe 

has (perhaps successfully) demonstrated that this sarcophagus must have been of later 
date, perhaps even of the XXVIth Dynasty. Borchardt believes that it was made 
under the XXVIth Dynasty, copying a model of the Middle Kingdom (JEqypt. Zeit. 
xxxv. 87). The sarcophagus is figured in Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, p. 377, and 
in Vyse, Operations at the Pyramids of Gizeh, ii. 84. & Comptes Revdus, 1908, 

p. 806, and Borchardt in Klio, ix. 483 f. : xi. 124 f. .* Herod., ii. 139, 133 : see 

also Diodorus, i. 64. 7 For Bicheris, see Diimichcn, Uber die Regierungszeit eincs 

agyptischen Kdnigs aus dcm alten Reich. 8 Some of the following details have 

been suggested to me by Wiedemann in his graphic article, Die Ausgrabungen zu 
Abusir, translated in Ann. Rep. of Smithsonian Instit., 1903, p. 669 f. He mentions 
the width of the necropolis as 2 kilometres= 1 J miles, and its length as 30 kilomctres = 
18} miles. • So Diodorus, " 150 stadia." Petrie criticizes these figures in Memphis, 

i. 1 (1909) : ho makes out the length to have been 8 miles. Petrie's monograph gives 
a very complete outline of the history of the city. " The history," he says, " of this 
capital (.f Egypt extends from the first king to the last Roman Fmperor. Menes 
I Memphis, and tin- Roman governor, John .Makaukas, signed the capitulation 
t" tin- Arabs in its palace. From the beginning to the end of Egyptian history, 
Memphis was the great centre of civilization, government and trade. For a few 
centuries, Thebes shared its importance, and it was eclipsed at the last by Alexandria, 
but those cities are only episodes in the 6,ooo years of national life " (Memphis, i. 2). 



The Pyramid Builders 55 

Ptah with its gigantic statues, 75 feet in height, standing before it. But 
many another gorgeous temple is also there, surrounded by gay pleasure 
gardens. As each king, as a rule, built for himself a new palace, it is a 
city of splendid edifices, their white magnificence reflected in the numerous 
canals and beautiful artificial lakes that gleam in the western part. High 
on a platform on the western side tower the three enormous Pyramids 
I have just described ; while fading into the distant blue are groups of 
other pyramids — at Abusir, Sakkara and Dahshur — more than 100 in all, 
great and small, a Necropolis 20 miles long ! To-day the desert sand 
has encroached, and the city has moved further to the north, to Cairo ; 
but how brilliant the scene 4,000 years before Christ, with the smooth, 
polished exterior of the Pyramids flashing in the sun, the first two white 
or yellow, the third glowing red with the ruddy granite transported from 
the first Cataract ! There must have been something infinitely solemn 
and awe-inspiring in the great walls that enclosed the Pyramids, the dromos 
of statues between Pyramid and Temple, the vast street of tombs like the 
Appian Way at Rome, the Royal Road leading up to the very paws of 
the stupendous stony Sphinx, where the altar smoked, and the sacred 
steam ascended into the huge nostrils ! 1 From the terraces of their 
magnificent palaces, from the gardens of their villas, from the shady walks 
along the river, the Pharaohs could see the long line of serrated peaks 
which spoke of death in the midst of their luxurious life, and reminded 
them of this, their inevitable end, gods though they might think themselves 
to be. 

No wonder that Memphis was renowned for its beauty, and its praises 
were sung in all quarters of the ancient world. The dwellers in Syria, who 
traded with the Nile Valley, 2 must have brought back to Palestine glowing 
descriptions of its splendours, and their tales would induce fresh relays of 
Canaanite merchants to make a personal visit to the magnificent metropolis 
in the Delta. 3 The fame of the Pyramids became proverbial. Later 
ages regarded them as among the " Seven Wonders of the World," i and 
they were visited by thousands of tourists, who came to gaze on them, 
and on the Sphinx, and on the other monuments of Memphis, with awe- 
struck wonder and reverence. Well might Job, in that book which, as 
will be explained in a separate chapter, 5 shows a profound acquaintance 
with Egyptian institutions, and in all likelihood was written by a resident 
in the Nile Valley, exclaim : " / should have slept ; then had I been at rest : 
with Kings and counsellors of the earth who built pyramids for themselves ! 6 
And well might Isaiah refer to the arrogant glory, even in death, of the 
monarchs of this famous IVth Dynasty : All the Kings of the nations sleep 
in glory, every one in his own house. 1 

1 For some of these particulars I am indebted to Stanley's vivid description in 
Sinai and Palestine, p. lvii. 2 Reisner in 1913 (Boston Bulletin, xm. 29) found 

near Chephren's Pyramid a large pottery jar, certainly non-Egyptian and per ha P s 
brought from Syria with cedar or olive oil. 3 Greek, Syrian, Spanish, and Hindu 

travellers visited Memphis under the later dynasties (see p. 368), and reference will 
be made (p. 496) to the visit paid by Germanicus, a.d. 19 (Tacitus, Ann. 11. bi). 
aphilo of Byzantium (ed. Orelli, p. 816). 5 Chapter xxv. Job 3 - 

R.Vm. Driver (Book of Job, p. 8) allows that a probable reading might be^ whicn 
built pyramids " (instead of " solitary piles ") for themselves. Isa. 14- 



CHAPTER VI 

The Religious Fervour of the Vth (b.c. 4454-4206) and the 
Commercial Activity of the VIth (b.c. 4206-4003) Dynasties 

1. The Vth Dynasty (b.c. 4454-4206) 

The Vth Dynasty, though still continuing the practice of pyramid building 
— yet on a much smaller scale— reveals not so much the absolutism of the 
sovereign as the growing power of the priesthood. 1 The names of the 
monarchs of the lVth Dynasty, subsequent to Khufu, had exhibited the 
title of Ra, the Sun-god of Hcliopolis. Khaf-ra, Menkau-ra, Shcpseska-f 
(" noble is his (Ra's) ghost ") all displayed growing attachment to the 
deity of On, and Horus was somewhat displaced from his former supremacy. 
The priests of Ra at Hcliopolis steadily usurped governmental authority, 
until, as is probable, one of them actually wrested the crown from the 
hands of the last sovereign of the IVth Dynasty, and in his person 
inaugurated the Vth Dynasty. 2 

The first of these priest-Kings, Userkaf, seems to have been the 
ariginator of the custom of adding the title " Son of the Sun " to those 
drcady attached to the royal name. Manctho says that the Dynasty 
ruled from Elephantine, far up the Nile at the First Cataract. Petrie, how- 
;ver, has pointed out 3 that the statement probably arose from a confusion 
n the mind of some early scribe between Abu (Elephantine) and Sakhebu, 
icar Hcliopolis, whence the next race of priest-Kings sprang. Userkaf has 
eft his name on the rocks at the First Cataract, in this fashion inaugurating 
1 practice which was maintained by many future generations of Pharaohs. 4 

Sahura, his successor, erected one of the three large Pyramids at 
\busir, and began the custom of decorating the interior of the tomb with 
'eliefs illustrative of the annals of his reign. We see records of an expedi- 
ion down the Red Sea, probably to Tor, whence his soldiers and miners 
proceeded to the Wady Maghara in search of turquoise. A stele there 
■epresents 6 the King as a hawk-headed sphinx, trampling on his foes. 
3ut the naval enterprise of Sahura surpassed all that had previously been 
ittempted. His predecessor, Seneferu, had despatched a fleet to Lebanon ; 
Sahura excelled him in sending ships to Punt or Somaliland. From this 
cgion he obtained tlu> fragrant gums and resins that were so beloved by 

1 The contrast between the absolutism of the IVth Dynasty and the religious 

eeling and feudalism ot the Vth Dynasty is dwelt on by Ed. Meyer, Mgypten tut Zeit 

'>> Pyramiden Bauer, 1908. "The WYstcar Papyrus, o, io-ii, tells a curious 

i wherebv it was prophesied to Khufu by an ancient wise man that after his son 

1 "ii bad reigned, the throne would pass to three children begotten personally 

Ra, J Hist, of ligypt, i. 69. •Mariette, Monum. Divers., p. 54. 

According to Petrie (Researches in Sinai, p. 44, Fl. 52) it is very poorly executed. 

3« 






The Vth and Vlth Dynasties 57 

the luxurious Orientals. 80,000 measures of myrrh, 6,ooo lbs. weight 

of electrum (gold-silver alloy) and 2,600 staves of ebony, and other rare 

woods, were the rewards of this commercial venture. 1 He seems also 

to have had dealings with Palestine, military or commercial, for on his tomb 

there are represented Syrian bears and Mesopotamian fallow-deer ; 2 while in 

his pyramid temple are shown various gods leading Asiatics before the King. 

Of the next monarchs, Nefer-ari-ka-ra, or Kakaa, Shepseskara, 3 

Kha-nefer-ra, we know practically nothing, except that the first-named 

left a stately pyramid at Abusir. 4 But Ra-en-user has bequeathed 

some notable memorials of his reign. 5 Between 1898 and 1901, Borchardt 

and Schiifer were engaged in exploring what was supposed to be a pyramid 

at Abu Ghuraib near Abusir. Their excavations revealed, however, 

that the structure was really a temple to Ra, the sun-god of Heliopolis. 6 

It was built on a platform of dried bricks, which protected it from 

inundations. Above the platform stood a large rectangular court enclosed 

by a thick brick wall. On the western end of the court rose a pyramid, 

not like those at Gizeh, but rather after the pattern of the one at Medum. 

Its sides were almost perpendicular. It measured 138 feet in length at 

the base, and 108 at the top. Three of its sides were bare, but on the 

fourth side a door gave access to the staircase which led to the flat top or 

platform at the apex. On the summit of this truncated pyramid there 

stood (and still stands) an immense upright stone (or rather, a brick facsimile 

of a stone) to the height of about 111 feet ! The courtyard was surrounded 

with store-rooms in which provisions were deposited, and with residential 

chambers for the priests. At the western end, near the foot of the Pyramid, 

stood an enormous circular alabaster altar for the reception of votive 

gifts, on which slain oxen were offered to the Sun. Behind this were six 

huge basins, also of alabaster, which caught the blood of the sacrifices, 

and from them drains ran out to carry away the blood. 7 On the walls 

of the covered passage leading from the valley temple of Ra-en-user to his 

pyramid temple the King is depicted in the form of a lion trampling on 

fallen enemies. One of these is an Asiatic, showing that the Pharaoh 

claimed to have obtained some victory over Palestinians. 8 

The temple was connected with the Royal Palace by two high parapets 
which enclosed a Sacred Road, along which Pharaoh could travel betwixt 
his own house and that of his god. It is a type of temple most unusual 
and unexpected, and its discovery has revolutionized our ideas of what 
we have been familiar with in Egyptian religion and architecture. The 
Sun-god of Heliopolis was " Tum-Ra," the Setting Sun, as " Ra Harmachis," 
the Rising Sun, was associated with the Sphinx which looks to the east. 
Even the enormous boat of the Sun-god has been discovered, a mass 
constructed of bricks to form a vessel 96 feet long ! Recognizing the 
perishableness of wood, the ancient Egyptians provided for their god a 
ship that could not decay, and placed it securely on land ! 

1 Ed. Meyer, op. cit., from reliefs discovered by the Deutsche Orient. Gesellschaft. 
2 Borchardt, Das Grabdenkmal des Konigs Sahure, ii. pp. 18-21. 3 Sethe(/?eu. 

Egypt, 1. 1) suggests that Shepseskara may be identified with a King Isi, to be 
distinguished from the well-known Assa at the close of the Vth Dynasty. 4 It is 

described by Borchardt, Das Grabdenkmal des Konigs Nefer-ir-ke-re, 1909. 
6 The best preserved tomb of his reign is that of Urarna, a priest. It is described by 
N. de G. Davies, The Rock Tombs of Sheikh Said, 1901, p. 14 f- 6 Tms extraordinary 

temple is described by Borchardt, Das Re-Heiligthum des Konigs Ne-woser-re, Berlin, 
1905 : Wiedemann in Ann. Rep. Smithsonian Instit., 1903, p. 669 : and Maspero 
New Light on Ancient Egypt, p. 278 f. ' That Egyptian sacrifices were ever real 

" offerings " of living creatures is denied by Kyle, Rec. de Trav. 1905 (xxvn.) 161. 
8 Borchardt, Das Grabdenkmal des Konigs Neuserre, pp. 46-49 : PI- 8-12. 



58 Nile and Jordan 

It will at once be recognized how remarkably this unique and extra- 
ordinary temple at Abusir, reared by priest-Kings of Heliopolis, suggests 
the influence of Semitic, perhaps Canaanite ideas of worship. Centuries 
later, we find the construction of the Tabernacle of the Hebrews, a Semitic 
immigrant race from Palestine, based very much on the same plan. There 
was the same rectangular courtyard occupied at the western end by a sacred 
structure, the embodiment of the earthly home of God. Just as the wor- 
shipper in the Abusir temple stood in the courtyard and looked westward 
to where the sun set behind the obelisk or pillar, so the Hebrew worshipper 
looked westward from the door of the courtyard to the Tabernacle, whose 
entrance faced the east. In front of both Egyptian temple and Hebrew 
tabernacle stood the great altar on which sacrifices were offered, and from 
both altars conduits led the blood and offal away. The pillar as the repre- 
sentative of the Sun-god suggests further the well-known Semitic mazzeboth, 
consecrated to the worship of Baal, the Semitic Sun-god. It will be 
remembered how frequent are the references in Scripture x in later ages to 
these distinctively Semitic " obelisks of the Sun." These coincidences, 
therefore, make us wonder how much connection there was between the 
Heliopolitan cult of Ra and the Semitic worship of Baal. How far did they 
respectively influence each other ? Did Egypt mould Canaanite thought 
on this subject, or did Palestine so impress itself on Egypt that Heliopolis 
in its style of worship reproduced the practices current amongst the Syrian 
devotees of Baal ? Further exploration may cast light on the problem. 2 

Ra-en-user continued the practice of working the turquoise mines 
of Sinai, for he has left on the rocks at Wady Maghara a very large tablet 
102 inches long and 62 inches broad. One of the most interesting facts 
discovered by Petrie in this region is that those who in this early period 
set out to Sinai to search for the precious gems believed in the efficacy 
of dreams. At regular stages on the road up the mountain to the shrine 
of Serabit el-Khadem, Petrie 3 discovered circular sleeping-places where 
newcomers lay down at nightfall in the hope that the local goddess, the 
" mother of turquoise," would answer their prayers, and reveal in a dream 
the exact spot where the treasure was concealed. This divinity of Sinai 
was not Egyptian, but Syrian, and stelae and obelisks to her worship were 
erected by devout visitors and miners. Egyptians, therefore, are seen 
here conforming to a Canaanite practice, and acknowledging the might 
of a Palestinian goddess. If the dream brought them success, the potency 
of this Semitic divinity would be heralded on their return to the Delta, 
and thus greater fame would accrue to the other Semitic gods and goddesses 
who were already worshipped in Egypt. 

It is of interest to note that the practice of using sleeping-places for 
the purpose of inducing dreams seems to linger century after century in 
the conservative East. Long after this era, a Syrian fleeing from Beersheba 
(which lay on the confines of this Sinai Peninsula where the custom was 

1 I will cut down your Sun-images D^SH Lev. 26 so : Asa took away out of all 

the cities of Juduh the Sun-images, 2 Chr. 14 5 : the Sun-images that were on high above 

the altars of Baalim, Josiah hewed down, 2 Chr. 34 « : He shall not look to the altars, 

neither shall he have respect to that which his fingers have made, either the Asherim or 

the Sun-images, Isa. 17 8 : the Asherim and the Sun-image shall rise no more, Isa. 

Yout altars shall become desolate and your Sun-images shall be broken, Ezek. 

6* : Ynur Sun images may be hewn down, Ezek. 6. 9 * Cf. L. B. Paton in Hastings' 

E.R.E iii. [86, art. Canaanites (1910). See also Foucart in Hastings' E.R.E., 

V. v> (I912)i art D] 1 \ms AND Si.r.r:i> (EGYPTIAN). 'Petrie, Researches in Sinai, 

p 07 f. : he cites many corresponding illustrations of this practice of obtaining 

lance in sleep, from the practice of the Greeks at Memphis, Canopus, Abydos, 

Epidanros, Tenos, Malice, Sclcucia, and Daphnsc in Syria. 






The Vth and Vlth Dynasties 59 

prevalent) came to Bethel, and tarried there all night, because the sun was 
set : and he took one of the stones of the place, and put it under his head, and 
lay down in that place to sleep, and he dreamed. 1 In the morning, Jacob 
followed the regular Semitic practice : he took the stone that he had put under 
his head, and set it up for a pillar, and poured oil upon the top of it, and he 
called the name of that place Bethel. 2 These " Bethels " or " Baetuli " were 
frequent in Semitic religion, 3 and the shape of the obelisk of Ra-en-user 
at Abusir reminds us of the fundamental resemblance between the Nilotic 
and the Canaanite cults. 4 It may also be that it is to this same practice 
that a later prophet refers, when he denounces the customs of a people 
that provoketh Me to My face continually ; which sit among the graves and 
lodge in the vaults. 5 

All that we know of Menkauhor, the seventh King of the Dynasty, 
is that he carried on the old mining works in Sinai, as a very inferior 
inscription shows. 6 But with Dadkara or Assa we come upon a reign 
marked with great distinction. 7 The old quarries of the Wady 
Hammamat between Kosseir and Coptos were re-opened, and Assa began 
the practice of leaving his cartouche there on the rocks. The Sinai 
Peninsula was again subdued as an inscription in that region testifies. 8 
Throughout the entire Nile Valley the arts flourished. The thronging 
population enjoyed abundance of food. Great attention was paid to the 
luxuries of life, and much devotion was shown to the services of religion. 

More than that, the early developments of a great literature are 
discovered. Two thousand years before Hammurabi, King of Babylon, 
drafted his famous Code of Laws, twenty-five centuries before Moses led 
Israel out of bondage, about 3,000 years before Solomon spake three thousand 
proverbs, and his songs were a thousand and five, 9 there appeared a book, 
one of the earliest ever composed. It is the so-called Instruction of Ptah- 
hotep, 10 a compilation of proverbial wisdom, reminding us closely of the 
Biblical Book of Proverbs, and the later Hebrew Hochma literature. The 
vizier of Assa, named Ptah-hotep, seems to have been a man of singular 
force of character, and of rare administrative ability. But whether he is 
to be identified with the author of these saws is uncertain. We have 
already seen n that under the Illrd Dynasty, The Instructions of Kegemni 

1 Gen. 28. X1 2 v. 18 19 3 See Pleyte, La Religion des Pre-Israelites 

(1865), p. 165 f. : Lenormant, Revue de I'histoire des religions, iii. 31-53 : Pietschmann, 
Gesch. der Phonizier, p. 206. 4 For the Canaanite " baetyls " at Beth-shemesh, 

see Mackenzie, P.E.F.Q., 1912, p. 174. 5 Isa. 65. 3 4 6 Petrie, Researches 

in Sinai, p. 45, PI. 54. 7 It is probably to the reign of Assa that we must ascribe 

the introduction of the Egyptian calendar. Meyer calculates the date as 19th July, 
B.C. 4241. Reisner, however {Early Dynastic Cemeteries of Naga-ed-Der in Californ. 
Univ. Egypt. Archcsol., vol. ii), is unable to accept this date, as being in his judgment 
simply incredible. At this far-off epoch he regards Egypt as still sunk in primitive 
barbarism. 8 Weill, Recueil des inscriptions du Sinai, No. 14. 9 1 Ki. 4. 32 

10 Contained in the Prisse Papyrus preserved in the Louvre. The editio princeps is that 
of Jequier, Le Papyrus Prisse et ses variants with the Proverbs in 16 photographic plates, 
giving facsimiles of the Papyrus in the Bibliotheque Nationale with some parallel 
fragments of early date in the British Museum, and the Introduction to the Proverbs 
on Lord Carnarvon's tablet from Thebes. Budge, in his photographic Facsimiles of 
Egyptian Hieratic Papyri, gives the greater part of a new version of the Proverbs from 
a Papyrus of the New Kingdom. The Earl of Carnarvon discovered a tablet with eight 
lines of hieratic containing the Introduction to these famous Proverbs, with variants 
from the readings of the Papyrus Prisse (see Five Years' Exploration at Thebes, 1912, 
p. 36). Translations of the Proverbs are in R.P. (N.S.), iii. 1, by Philippe Virey : 
versified by Canon Rawnsley in Notes for the Nile : while the most recent is that by 
Battiscombe Gunn, The Instruction of Ptah-hotep ("Wisdom of the East" series), 
191 2. See also Revillout, Les Dr antes de la Conscience, Paris, 1901, p. 9 : Isaac My or, 
Oldest Books in the World (New York, 1900), pp. 65-96, and Devaud, Les Maximes 
de Ptah-hotep, 1916, Fribourg. 1J See p. 45. 



60 Nile and Jordan 

had revealed a curious amount of correspondence between Egyptian 
moralistic writing and that associated much later with the name of Solomon. 
This analogy comes out even more prominently in the case of this 
Vth Dynasty collection of practical wisdom. A study of the two 
compilations leads one to the conclusion that Solomon, whose wisdom 
excelled all the wisdom of Egypt, 1 who made affinity with Pharaoh, King of 
Egypt, and took Pharaoh's daughter, 2 and who ruled over all the Kingdoms 
. . . unto the border of Egypt, 3 had made a personal study of early Egyptian 
sententious writings, and that he was indebted to these ancient works 
for many a suggestion in the preparation of his own sapiential literature. 

It is impossible, within moderate compass, to marshal all the evidences 
for this belief, but a few examples of the correspondences may be cited. 
The exordium in each case is remarkably parallel : — 



Ptah-hotep 

Here begin the Proverbs 
speech, spoken by 
ditary Chief. . 



of the King . 
the ignorant 
of exactness 



of fair 

the Here- 

the Eldest Son 

. so as to instruct 

in the knowledge 

in fair speaking. 



Proverbs of Solomon 

The Proverbs of Solomon, the son 
of David, King of Israel, to know 
wisdom and instruction : to dis- 
cern the words of understanding : 
to receive instruction in wise 
dealing, in righteousness and 
judgment and equity* 
That the wise man may hear, and 
increase in learning, and that 
the man of understanding may 
attain unto sound counsels. 5 
Similarly throughout the whole book (which consists of a papyrus roll 
23 feet long, 5! inches high, containing 18 pages of heavy and bold black 
and red hieratic writing) we are again and again struck with the close 
resemblance between the Instruction of the Nilotic sage and the Proverbs 
of the Jewish monarch. Thus for example : — 



It is profitable for him who hears 
them : it is a loss to him who 
shall transgress them. 



Ptah-hotep 

Fair speech is more rare than the 
emerald that is found by slave- 
maidens on the pebbles. 6 

If thou hast to do with a disputant 
while he is hot, imitate one who 
does not stir. Thou hast the 
advantage over him if thou 
keepest silence when he is 
uttering evil words. 7 

Great will be the applause on the 
part of the listeners, and thy 
name shall be good in the know- 
ledge of princes. 8 

If a disputant be a poor man, not 
thine equal, be not scornful to- 
wards him because he is lowly. 9 



Proverbs of Solomon 

There is gold and abundance of 
rubies : but the lips of knowledge 
are a precious jewel.™ 

He that spareth his words hath 
knowledge : and he that is of 
a cool spirit is a man of under- 
standing. Even a fool, when he 
holdeth his peace, is counted wise : 
when he shutteth his lips, he is 
esteemed as prudent. 11 

A man shall be commended according 
to his wisdom. n He that loveth 
purcness of heart, for the grace 
of his lips the King shall be his 
friend. 13 

He that despiseth his neighbour 
sinneth 14 ... he that despiseth 
his neighbour is void of wisdom. 15 



1 1 Ki. 4 .»° 



8 Gunn's translation, § 1. 



1 Ki. 



1 1 



»7- 



17 it 



u 



12." 



II 



7 Ibid. 3. 



1 Ki. 



22.' 



II 



lb. 3 . 



1 ! 



.-I 



!'• 



« Prov. 1 »-» 

9 lb. 4. 
II. 1 " 



5 Prov. 1 . 5 
10 Prov. 20. 15 









1: 



The Vth and 

Ptah-hotep 

Pour not out thy wrath upon him 

that is before thee. 1 
If thou be a leader . . . endeavour 

always to be gracious. 2 

Never hath evil-doing brought its 
venture safe to port. 3 

He saith " I will take by myself 
for myself," and saith not " I 
will take because I am allowed." 

Never hath that which men have 
prepared for come to pass : for 
what God hath commanded, 
even that thing cometh to pass. 4 

If thou be among the guests seated 
to eat in the house of a man 
greater than thyself, accept that 
which he giveth thee . . . con- 
sider that which is placed before 
thee. 5 

If thou be an ambassador sent 
from one noble to another, be 
exact to that wherewith he hath 
charged thee . . . beware of 
altering in speaking the . . . 
words : he who preverts the 
truthfulness of his way in order 
to please ... is a detestable 
person. 6 

If thou hast ploughed, gather 
thine harvest in the field, and 
God shall make it great under 
thine hand. 7 

A father, though great, may be 
grieved : as to the mother of 
children, she hath less peace 
than another. 8 

If thou be lowly serve a wise man, 
that all thine actions may be 
good before God. 9 

Riches come not of themselves 
... if a man bestir himself 
and collect them himself God 
shall make him prosperous : but 
He shall punish him, if he be 
slothful. 10 

Activity produces riches, but riches 
do not endure when it slackens. 11 



Vlth Dynasties 61 

Proverbs of Solomon 

He that is soon angry will deal 

foolishly. 12 
Mercy and truth preserve the King, 

and his throne is upholden by 

mercy. 13 
Wealth gotten by vanity shall be 

diminished. 14 
He that maketh haste to be rich shall 

not be unpunished. 15 

A man's goings are of the Lord : 
how then can man understand 
his way ? 16 

When thou sittest to eat with a ruler, 
consider diligently what is before 
thee. 17 



A wicked messenger falleth into 
evil, but a faithful ambassador 
is health 18 . . . as the cold of 
snow in the time of harvest, so 
is a faithfid messenger to them 
that send him. 19 



1 Gunn's translation, § 4. 
7 lb. 9. 8 lb. 9. 9 lb. 



2 lb. 5 



13 

21 



20 
IO. 



2a 



15 2 8. 20 
12 17. 25 , cf. also io. 1 



i4 I3 .n 



10. 

16 
23 



20. 
13 



He that tilleth his land shall have 
plenty of bread.™ He that sleepeth 
in harvest is a son that causeth 
shame. 21 

A foolish son is a grief to his father, 
and bitterness to her that bare 
him 22 

Walk with wise men and thou shall 
be wise. 23 

He becometh poor that dealeth with 
a slack hand: but the hand of 
the diligent maketh rich 2 * . . . 
the hand of the diligent shall bear 
rule, but the slothful shall be 
put under task work. 25 

Be thou diligent to know the state 
of thy flocks, and look well to thy 
herds, for riches are not for ever.™ 

sjb 5 *Ib. 6. 6 Ib. 7- 6 lb - 8 - 
'«/& 10. ll Ib. 11. 12 Prov. 14. 17 

17 2 , 1 18 n .17 "25. 13 20 12. n 28. 19 



20 



24 IQ 4 25 I2 24 



26 27. 23 



62 Nile and Jordan 

Ptah-hotep Proverbs of Solomon 



If thou wouldcst be a wise man, 
bring up a son who shall be 
pleasing to God : if he makes 
straight his way after thine 
example, if he occupies himself 
with thy affairs as is right, do 
unto him all that is good, for 
thy son is he. 1 

But if he be heedless, and trespass 
thy rules of conduct, and is 
violent : if every speech that 
cometh from his mouth be a vile 
word, then beat thou him, that 
his talk may be fitting. 2 

Be not lavish of favours : it leadeth 
to servility and produces slack- 
ness. 3 

If thou be a leader, be gracious 
when thou hearkenest unto the 
speech of a suppliant. 4 

Wheresoever thou goest, keep thy- 
self from making advances to 
a woman, for there is nothing 
good in so doing. 5 

Thousands of men destroy them- 
selves in order to enjoy a 
moment, brief as a dream, while 
they gain death. 6 



Beware of covetousness ... it 
setteth at variance fathers-in- 
law and the kinsmen of the 
daughter-in-law : it sundereth 
the wife and the husband. 7 

One hath remorse for even a little 
covetousness when his belly 
cooleth. 8 

Love thy wife that is in thine arms. 9 
It is hard to satisfy hired servants. 10 



Repeat not extravagant speech, 
neither listen to it ... if it 
i rep ited, look without hearing 
it towards the earth, say nothing 
in regard to it. 11 



The father of the righteous shall 
greatly rejoice, and he that be- 
getteth a wise child shall have 
joy of him. Let thy father and 
thy mother be glad, and let her 
that bare thee rejoice : my son, 
give me thine heart, and let 
thine eyes delight in my ways. 12 

Chasten thy son seeing there is 
hope 13 . . . correct thy son and 
he shall give thee rest, yea, he 
shall give delight unto thy soul : 14 
withhold not correction from the 
child, for if thou beat him with 
the rod he shall not die. 15 

Many will entreat the favour of the 
liberal man : and every man is a 
"friend " to him that giveth gifts. 16 

The King that faithfully judgeth 
the poor, his throne shall be 
established for ever. 17 

Remove thy way from a strange 
woman, and come not nigh the 
door of her house. 1 * 

Let not thine heart decline to her 
ways, go not astray in her paths : 
for she hath cast down many 
wounded : yea, all her slain are 
a mighty host. Her house is 
the way to Sheol, going down to 
the chambers of death. 19 

Better is little with the fear of the 
Lord than great treasure and 
trouble therewith : 20 he that is 
greedy of gain troubleth his own 
house.- 1 

The getting of treasures by a lying 
tongue is a vapour driven to and 
fro. 22 

Rejoice in the wife of thy youth. 23 
A servant will not be corrected by 
words, for though he understand, 
he will not give heed. 21 
He that goeth about as a talebearer 
rcvealetli secrets, therefore meddle 
not with him that openetli wide his 
lips 23 . . . he that is of a faithful 
spirit concealelh the matter. 26 



1 Ptah-h tep 12. 


2 lb. 12. 3 lb. 16. * lb. 17. 6 lb. 18. * lb. iS. 


7 lb. io. 


" lb. 20. ' II,. zi. 


10 H>. jj. » lb. 23. 12 Prov. 23. -'• -'" 13 10. 18 


14 J( , 17 




l» 20. U 18 5 8 1» - 3'' 2 7 20 j c 16 21 j c 27 U , j 
II | | IJ '" J ' 3 ' 


23 5 18 



The Vth and Vlth Dynasties 63 

Ptah-kotep Proverbs of Solomon 

If thou be commanded to do a If sinners entice thee, consent thou 
theft, bring it to pass that the not : if they say " We shall find 

commandment be taken from all precious substance, we shall 

thee, for it is a thing hateful fill our houses with spoil, cast 

according to law. 1 in thy lot among us, we will 

all have one purse," walk not thou 
in the way with them. z 
Be silent rather than scatter thy He that refraineth his lips doeth 
words. 2 wisely. 4 

These extracts, culled from the 44 sections of the Instruction, must 
suffice to show the trend of this ancient piece of Egyptian sapiential 
literature. It is typical of the upright, rigid, and somewhat severely 
moral period embraced by the Vth Dynasty, and its maxims were long 
held in reverence as models of correct conduct. 5 Ptah-hotep reminds 
us of Confucius and his religion of good living, but still more in reading his 
book are we conscious that to his canons of propriety and rectitude of 
deportment the Hochma literature of the Hebrews owes much. Solomon, 
and the whole sapiential school who followed his lead down to the Christian 
era, seem to have appropriated not a few of the Nilotic apophthegms, 
yet what they took over they adorned, and the finished product as seen 
in Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Ecclesiasticus, and Wisdom, reveals the advance 
in literary expression that had been made, as well as the deepening and 
spiritualizing forces that had been at work in enlarging men's conceptions 
of the true and the false in life. But of all the fruits of the inter-relations 
between Egypt and Canaan, none is more interesting than that which we 
discover subsisting between the wise vizier of Assa and the wisest of Israel's 
Kings. 

The tomb of Ptah-hotep at Sakkara was most imperfectly described 
by Mariette, 6 but very laboriously and adequately re-investigated by 
Davies in 1898. 7 The extraordinary wealth of mural decoration with which 
the tomb is ornamented has given us a bewildering series of pictures 
illustrative of almost every phase of Egyptian life in the time of the Old 
Empire. The daily round of fishermen, farmers, boatmen, vegetable 
sellers, horse dealers, keepers of wild animals, slaves, in fact every rank 
and grade in society, is depicted in the brightest colour on the walls. Even 
schoolboys' games are shown, while hunting is a favourite theme. 8 In 
illustrations of funeral processions, every second person has a goose or 
other waterfowl in his hand, testifying to the enormous abundance of 
aquatic bird life in the Egypt of the day. 

The last King of the Vth Dynasty was Unas. He built a temple to 
Hathor in Memphis, and erected a pyramid near the Sakkara Step Pyramid, 
where it was discovered by Mariette in 1881. Its structure, like others 

1 Ptah-hotep 23. * lb. 24. * Prov. 1. ".»-" 4 10. 19 5 L. E Steele (Irish 
Church Quart., x. (1917) 81-93,) emphasizes the commonplaceness of the morals 
inculcated in the Book : see also Foucart in Hastings, E.R.E., iv. 34, art. 
Conscience (Egyptian). « Les Mastabas de I'Ancten Empire (1889). P- ° 2 ; 

'N. de G. Davies and F. L. Griffith, The Mastaba of Ptah-hotep and Akhet-hetep at 
Saqqareh, Pt. i. (1900) : Pt. ii. (1901). 8 See The Tomb of P^-hotep copied by 

R. F. E. Paget and A. A. Pirie, with comments by F. L. Griffith, 1898. Other 
tombs of the same period are described by Margaret A. Murray, Saqqara Mastabas. 
Pt. i. (1905). But on the other hand, the contemporary tombs of Deir-e -Gebraui 
show great inferiority of taste and style (Davies, The Rock Tombs of Deir-el-Gebraivi 
1902, Pts. i and ii.) Other tombs of the Vth and Vlth Dynasties will be found 
described by Peet, The Cemeteries of Abydos, ii. (i9M)- P- 2 4- 



64 Nile and Jordan 

under this Dynasty, reveals decadence from the magnificence of the 
erections of the preceding Dynasty, yet its internal decorations have been 
of enormous value to archaeologists and to all students of Comparative 
Religion, inasmuch as its walls are covered with inscriptions, which reveal 
the views of the Egyptians of the Old Empire as to the future life; 1 They 
consist of invocations and magical formulae intended to facilitate the passage 
of the King's soul through the mysterious regions of the next world. 2 They 
suggest that the old Neolithic faith was still strong, and that the purely 
African belief in charms, incantations, and magic was widely held, in 
spite of the Semiticizing process which had been in vogue for so many 
centuries. Yet, it must be noted that the fetishism shown in these tombs 
contains the germ of the later brilliant imaginative effort in " The Book 
of the Dead," which the priests of the XVIIIth Dynasty brought to such 
culture and finish. 

By the time of the Vth Dynasty, art had become entirely conven- 
tionalized. Formality and canons that were hard and fast, marked the 
limits within which genius might work. The Kings were depicted with 
stereotyped sameness of expression and pose, and each subject under them 
was painted in a style that was fixed and unalterable. Naivete, freshness. 
and freedom were rigorously repressed ; and the rules of art required a 
strict adherence to the models prescribed. The canons of the Vth Dynasty 
were maintained practically unchanged, with the exception of the brief 
spell of freedom from convention enjoyed under Akhnaton, till the very 
end of the Ptolemaic rule. 

ii. The Vlth Dynasty (B.C. 4206-4003) 

Under the vigorous rule of the Vlth Dynasty, Memphis still continued 
to be regarded as the capital of the Kingdom. The first King, Teta, in 
all likelihood was one of the provincial barons, whose power had been 
increasing during the feeble reigns towards the close of the previous Dynasty. 
The excessive devotion to religion, characteristic of the monarchs of the 
Vth Dynasty, permitted the local governors throughout the Nile Valley 
more and more to arrogate to themselves authority, titles, and even a 
modified independence. Nominally loyal to the crown, they, nevertheless, 
exercised considerable freedom in their respective districts, and the absolute 
power and autocratic sovereignty of the great Pyramid Builders were 
things of the past. This process of disintegration, commencing under 
the Vth Dynasty, was destined to go on till almost complete ruin overtook 
the Early Memphite Empire. More and more the great lords gave over 
the practice of clustering themselves in life around their sovereign at the 
Royal Court, and of associating themselves in death with him in the Royal 
Necropolis ; and, instead, ruled with virtual independence over their several 
nomes, and built tombs for themselves near the seat of their own local 
government. 3 

Teta, whose only monument is his so-called " Prison-Pyramid " 4 
at Sakkara, was succeeded by An or Userkara ; but it is only with the 

l Scc Offord in Trans, of Roy. Soc. of Literature, 2nd Ser., xiv. (1886), p. 299. 

Cf. Hall in Hastings' E.R.E.,i. 440 (1908), Ancestor Worship and Cult of the Dead 

Egyptian) . 8 Some of the tombs of the chiefs of the Hare-Nome (Hermopolis) of the 

Vth and Vlth Dynasties have been excavated and described by Davies, The Rock 

Tombs of Sheikh Said (1901), who gives an account (p. 40) of the local necropolis of 

region. For the tombs of other nomarchs of the same reign, see Blackman, Rock 

T°>nbs of Meir, 19 14 (Cusae, about 35 miles N. of Assiut). * So called from an 

Arab tradition that it was near here that Joseph was imprisoned. 



The Vth and Vlth Dynasties 65 

accession of the third King, Merira-Pepi I, that the Dynasty became 
illustrious. As a ruler of great activity, and a munificent patron of all 
the arts of civilization, the vigour and splendour of his reign are abundantly 
testified to by memorials over the entire Nile Valley. 1 We possess the 
story of the wonderful exploits of his lieutenant, Una, the Governor of 
Upper Egypt, whom he despatched on an expedition to Nubia, and who 
was able to boast that he had floated granite blocks down the Nile from 
Nubia to Memphis. 2 

But it is not only in abundant building operations, from Tanis to 
Syene, that Pepi I has left memorials of his ceaseless activity. After 
centuries, perhaps, of at least a semblance of peace between Egypt and 
Canaan, Pepi broke the quiet by a warlike incursion across the desert 
into Palestine. The Semites of .Southern Canaan were attacked in their 
strongholds by an army which issued from Egypt, seemingly under the 
direct command of the Pharaoh in person. 3 Egyptian soldiers were 
transported from the Nile in troopships, and landed on the coast of Canaan, 
whence they hewed their way up into the highland backbone of the country. 
It was a grim prelude to the raids which later ages were to witness, conducted 
by a Thothmes or a Rameses. Pepi's lieutenant, Una, similarly swept 
across the Tih Plateaux, and crushed a revolt of the " Herusha," Semitic 
Bedouins of the neighbourhood. 4 It was the culmination of the martial 
exploits of the Old Empire. Egypt had, even at this remote era, asserted 
her lordship over Palestine, and had shown her determination to maintain 
her claim by force of arms. Pepi's presence at Gezer is attested still further 
by a scarab of the Vlth Dynasty, and a funerary statue bearing an 
Egyptian inscription of the Vlth Dynasty, discovered by Macalister 
in situ. 5 

Pepi I bequeathed a strong and prosperous realm to his two sons, 
of whom Merenra was the elder. Acceding to the throne as a mere 
youth, Merenra enjoyed the invaluable guidance of his father's old and 
trusted friend, Una. The aged governor of the South held the turbulent 
barons in check, and won fresh laurels by his successful completion of a 
series of five canals at the First Cataract, thus establishing unbroken water 
communication between the Lower Nile and the granite quarries above 
the rocky barrier. The way was now open for a more thorough 
subjugation of Nubia, and of the tribes in the Upper Nile regions. 6 The 
trade in ebony, ostrich feathers, panther skins, ivory, resinous gums, 
and sweet-smelling timber was steadily on the increase, and Merenra 
resolved to establish his authority without question over the Soudanese 
peoples engaged in this commerce. He ascended the Nile in person, and 
at the island of El Hesseh, above Philae, he received the homage of the 

x In Quibell-Green, Hierakonpolis, ii., PI. 50-56, are some marvellously 
realistic and unconventionalized copper statues of Pepi and his son, showing 
that amid the increasing tendency to conventionalism there were still some artists 
of genius who could throw off the trammels of hard and fast rules. 2 De 

Rouge, Six Dynasties, vii. viii. : Zeitsch. f. fcgypt. Sprache, xx. 2 : Petne, 
A Season in Egypt (1887), p. 19 f., who calculates Pepi's date from the data given in 
the inscription: Birch, " Inscription of Una" in R.P., 1st Ser., 11. 1-8: Maspero, 
ibid., 2nd Ser., ii. 1-10, and Budge, P.S.B.A., x, 4-40. Reisner (in Bulletin of the 
Boston Museum of Fine Arts, April, 1914) gives account of evidences of presence ot 
Pepi I at Kerma in Nubia. 3 Petrie (Deshasheh, PI. iv.) discovered a picture on 

a tomb at Deshasheh, showing Pepi attacking a Canaanite town. A thorough 

investigation with these relations between Egypt of the Vlth Dynasty and the lands 
to the East (near Sinai) is furnished by Raymond Weill, " L Asie dans les textes 
egyptiens de l'ancien et du moyen empire " in Sphinx, vin. (1904). P- *97 f - • «• l 1 ^' 
p P 1-17 : 63-69. 5 P.EF.Q., 1903, p. 36. 6 Nubia now begins to be called 

" Kush " in the contemporary inscriptions. It is the Biblical " Cush, or Ethiopia. 
E 



66 Nile and Jordan 

Ethiopian chiefs and kinglets. The unique spectacle was commemorated 
in a relief recently discovered by Sayce. 1 This submission was followed 
by a number of military and commercial expeditions to the interior of 
Africa, 2 and down the Red Sea, despatched by the King under the 
command of noted admirals such as Herkhuf and Pepinekht, princes 

of Assuan. 

Merenra died an early death, and was buried in his pyramid near 
Memphis. 3 His half-brother, Pepi II, succeeded him, and his life extended 
to well-nigh ioo years. The brilliant commercial enterprises of his father 
and brother were continued. He sent expeditions into the heart of the 
Pygmy Land in Equatorial Africa, 4 and the sculptures record the King's 
minute directions to provide for the safe transit of the captive dwarfs, 
lest they should be drowned en route to Memphis. 5 Adventurous exploits 
on the part of trading fleets to Punt (or Somaliland) are recorded, one 
subordinate officer in the entourage of an Elephantine prince boasting 
that he had accompanied his master no fewer than eleven times to 
these wild shores, and had returned in safety. Royal fleets coasted 
up the shore line of Canaan, and brought cedars from Lebanon. 6 
Other squadrons sailed to Cyprus and Crete, and brought back to 
Egypt articles representative of the pre-Mykensean civilization. In the 
Cairo Museum there is a limestone slab showing foreigners bringing tin, 
or copper, to Egypt. They were probably Asiatics from the east side 
of the /Egean. 7 

The tombs of the two Pepis are adorned with funerary texts, and 
these, along with a tablet of a certain Pepi-Na, who lived at this era, cast 
considerable light on the views of the ancient Egyptians as to existence 
in the next world. 8 The Egyptians conceived of man as a composite 
being with six component parts. Man had a body (Khat), a soul (Ba), 
an intelligence (Khu), a shadow (Khaibit), a name {Ren), and an immortal 
spirit or ghost (Ka). 9 The Ka, after the body has been buried, must 
be provided with food, if the vital spark in man is not to be extinguished. 10 
Hence, Pepi-Na, in his tablet, prays : "O ye who live upon the earth, 
ye who come hither and are servants of the gods, say these words : 
' Grant thousands of loaves, thousands of jars of wine, thousands of jars 
of beer, thousands of oxen, thousands of geese, to the Ka of the Royal 

1 Rec. de Travanx, xv. 147. 2 The royal agent on one occasion brought to 

Memphis 300 asses laden with incense, ebony, leopard's skins, and elephant's tusks. 
3 His body was removed in 1881 to the Cairo Museum. * The Pygmy Land, 

long believed a myth, was re-discovered by Sir Henry Stanley, In Darkest Africa. 
See David MacRitchic in Hastings' E.R.E., v. 123, art. Dwarfs and Pygmies (1912). 

* Strangely enough, long afterwards, in the time of Osorkon II of the XXIInd 
Dynasty, pygmies from Equatorial Africa were the official policemen guarding the 
Egyptian temples. Their long wands of office gave them the dignity denied them 
by their diminutive stature : see Naville, The Festival Hall of Osorkon II (1892). 

* Sethe {/Egypt. Zeit., xlv. 7) has recognized the name of Byblos (Kepni) on a tablet at 

hantine, in which it is stated that an expedition was sent thither to 
obtain cedars from Lebanon. 7 \V. Max Miiller, Egyptol. Researches, i. 5. 

* Interesting papers on this subject were read at the Congres Provincial des Oriental- 
isles Francais el Saint-Etienne (1875) including one by Wiedemann on " LTmmortalite 
de l'Amc chcz les Anciens Egyptiens " (p. 159) : and by Baron Textor de Ravisi on 

" L'Amc ct le Corps d'apres la Theogonie Egyptienne " (p. 171). For the Khu and Ka, 

see p. 288 f. The whole article is remarkably full and informing. See also Maspero, 

Mtmnon, vi. 125 [46: Sottas in Sphinx, xvii. 33. » C/. Foucart in Hastings' 

an Body (Egyptian); and Naville, ib. hi. 430, art. Charms 

[Egyptian). "Pel h ami Rifeh, 1907, p. 14 f.) has even discovered at 

h .ibout iy> models of houses which were placed on the surface of the ground 

ord< 1 that the ghost of the departed might be provided with a " soul- 

e " to dwell in. Petrie contributes a dissertation on the evolution of these 

diminutive structures from age to age. 



The Vth and Vlth Dynasties 67 

Friend, Pepi-Na, Superintendent of the Royal Household, and Superior 
of the Priests of the Pyramid of King Pepi.' " * 

But more curiously still, these " Pyramid Texts " furnish remarkable 
parallels in thought to expressions in the " Creation Story " in Genesis, 
and also to the cosmological ideas current in primitive Babylonia. We 
may place the exordium of both in parallel columns that their resemblances 
may be shown : — 

Pyramid Text of Pepi 1 2 Creation Story in Genesis 

When as yet the Heaven was not, These are the generations of the 

When as yet the Earth was not, heaven and of the earth when 

When as yet Man was not, they were created, in the day 

When as yet the Gods were not, that the Lord God made earth 

When as yet Death was not. and heaven. And no plant of 

the field was yet in the earth, 
and no herb of the field had yet 
sprung up . . . and there was 
not a man to till the ground* 

The correspondences between the cosmological conceptions in Egypt 
and in Chaldsea are even more striking, and they make us wonder by what 
channel the beliefs of the Euphrates Valley filtered into the Nile. Did 
Canaan, which lies intermediate between the two far-separated civilizations, 
act as the medium of communication ? Was it through Palestinian 
commerce and Semitic traders that the cosmogony of the land of Shinar 
was transmitted to the dwellers in the Delta ? Or is the close affinity of 
their respective cosmological systems to be traced back to that primitive 
connection between Babylon and Egypt, to which I have already referred ? 4 
These questions are as yet incapable of being answered, but it is impossible 
to deny that in some way there was an interchange of ideas, for the 
expressions in both poems are remarkably similar. Thus, for example, 
we may compare the following phrases from the tomb of Pepi II with 
corresponding sentences from the Chaldaean Creation epos : — 

Pyramid Text of Pepi II 5 Chaldaan Creation-epos 6 

Hail to you, ye waters, 7 supported 

by Shu, 8 
Ye who were born of Nu, 9 At that time above, the heaven was 

At a time when the heavens were unnamed, 

not yet, Below, the earth was unrecorded 

When the earth was not as yet, by name, 

When as yet no (God) supported The chaos of the sea was she 

the heavens, who bore the whole of them. 

When as yet there was no rebellion, 
When as yet there was no fear for 

the eye of Horus. 10 

a Many of the tombs of the priests of the Vlth Dynasty have been excavated, 
and described by H. Schafer, Priestergrdber vom Totentempel des Ne-user-re. 1908. 
2 Pyramid Texts, Pepi I, line 663 f. 8 Gen. 2. 4 . 6 4 See p. 31 f. s Lines 1,228 f. : 
see Hommel in Expos. Times, ix. 432, 480. 6 Geo. Smith, The Chaldean Account 

of Genesis (1880), p. 57. 7 i.e., The Ocean of Heaven. 8 The god of the sky 

9 Corresponding to the Babylonian " Ami." 10 i.e., the Sunlight. These cosmological 
conceptions are confirmed in a later Hymn to Ptah, quoted by Victor von btrauss, 
Der altcegypt. Gotterglaube, i. § 365 : see also Brugsch, Religion und Mythologte der 
alien JBg-ypter, 1S88, pp. 100-198. 



68 Nile and Jordan 

After the protracted reign of the second Pepi, the government 
grew weak. The public edifices show a great falling-off in style and finish, 
while the mastabas and pyramids are badly built. The Memphite Empire 
was dying. The rule of its sovereigns was becoming increasingly feeble ; 
discontent was rampant ; the provinces broke into revolt, and the turbulent 
barons up the river asserted their independence of any orders from the 
decrepit monarch in the Delta. 1 The Vlth Dynasty had not been so 
dominated by priestliness as the Vth had been, yet neither did it exhibit 
the massiveness of the IVth. 2 Foreign conquest, especially of Canaan 
and of Nubia, was made the serious study of the nation, along with increase 
of wealth by commerce, and the refinement of life by luxury. Its pyramids 
were no longer solid structures built for eternity ; they were heaps of 
fragments and rubble kept in position by rude walls, and enveloped in 
a polished coating. Yet, the artistic powers of the artisan class were very 
high, in some respects higher than was ever revealed in later generations. 
Some of the most perfect specimens of sculpture were executed under 
the Vlth Dynasty. 3 The celebrated '* Sheikh-el-Beled," the village bailiff, 
discovered by Mariette at Sakkara, is a proof of the consummate skill 
of the craftsmen of the period. Yet artistic skill and the refinements 
of wealth and luxury cannot save a nation. They may even hasten its 
downfall, if moral strength and righteous government be lacking, and if 
licentiousness and weakness of character and of administration are sapping 
the springs of a people's life. Such degeneration and moral collapse seem 
to have been the features of Egyptian politics towards the close of Pepi IPs 
reign. The Dynasty was tottering to its fall. 

The last sovereign of the Dynasty is (perhaps erroneously) said to 
have been Nitocris, a queen of whom many fabulous tales are current. 4 
With her, the House of Pepi passed away amid the convulsions of a general 
revolt. She is reported to have been buried in the Pyramid of 
Mykerinus and the Arabs assert that to this day her spirit haunts 
that solitary structure, and allures the foolish to their death. 

1 Cf. the dissolution of the once powerful Carlovingian Empire into a multitude of 
petty duchies, ,margravates, and landgravates. 2 Weill, Les dicrets royaux de 

I'ancien empire Egyptien, ascribes the downfall of the Memphite Empire to the excessive 
privileges and immunities granted to the temples, as the monuments with their 
decrees, which he discovered, abundantly testify. 3 The traveller who walks 

through the halls of the Cairo Museum, and notes the extraordinary life-likeness of 
the statues, the elegance of the furniture, the beauty and tastefulness of the 
decorations of the houses of the Vlth Dynasty, will have an amazing conception of the 
wonderful technical and artistic skill of this period. 4 Manetho calls her " the 

bravest and most beautiful " of her time. See also Herod, ii. ioo. Hall (Hellenic 
Journal, xxiv. 208) has discussed the identity of this Queen Nitocris with the 
courtesan Rhodopis of Herodotus, and has unravelled the complicated story. See also 
Miss Buttles, The Queens of Egypt (1908), p. 19. 






CHAPTER VII 
The Passing of the Memphite Empire and the Rise of Thebes 

i. The VHth and VHIth Dynasties 

The VHth Dynasty (b.c. 4003-3933) and the VHIth (b.c. 3933-3787) 
are stated to have reigned from Memphis, but of their Kings, and their 
works, almost nothing is known. Manetho actually states that the 
VHth Dynasty was made up of 70 kings, who reigned for 70 days — a king 
a day — a strange legend indeed ! It may mean that an oligarchy of 
nobles attempted for a limited period a joint rule until this impossible 
form of government ended in deserved failure, but nothing is certain. 
Nevertheless, tombs of this dark and obscure period were discovered by 
Petrie, 1 and their exploration revealed the fact that two, at least, of 
these shadowy Memphite sovereigns contrived to make their authority 
respected at Abydos, and even as far up the Nile as Coptos. But when 
they passed away, the governors of the Upper Nomes resumed independence, 
and reigned in full defiance of the royal authority, like the semi-royal 
barons of the Middle Ages in Europe. 

By the end of the Vlllth Dynasty, the centre of rule (if there was 
such) had shifted from the Delta to Heracleopolis. The chiefs of this city 
gradually gathered to themselves more and more power, while all around 
was anarchy and hopeless disintegration. At last one of these 
nobles felt himself sufficiently strong to discard all fealty to the nominally 
reigning Pharaoh. He proclaimed his own status as sovereign lord, and 
styling himself Ruler of all Egypt, became the founder of a new Dynasty, 
the IXth. 

During these 200 years of lawlessness the architectural glories of 
the previous Dynasties suffered irreparable injury. Tombs were rifled, 
temples were pillaged, splendid diorite and granite statues of the kings 
were shattered to fragments in the blind fury of a nation which had at 
last turned and risen against its tyrants on the throne. The mercilessness 
of a Cheops was avenged in the total sweeping away of the ancien regime 
in all the agonies of social revolution and civil war. 

The horrors of the time seem to have been aggravated by foreign 
invasion. Canaan, it is probable, seized the opportunity of the decline 
of the Memphite power to wreak vengeance on Egypt for the Palestinian 
campaigns of the two Pepis. At Tell-er-Retabeh in the Eastern Delta, 
Petrie has shown that the origin of the newly-built city, which dates from 
the beginning of the IXth Dynasty, was due to the presence in that region 

1 Petrie, Dendereh, 1898. 
69 



70 Nile and Jordan 

of a settlement of Semites. 1 Under the walls, as a foundation deposit, 
he discovered memorials of child sacrifice, a sure sign of Canaanite 
influence. It may, therefore, be taken for certain that in this time of 
tumult, the Delta was invaded by raiders from Palestine, who settled 
in the rich Nile lands, and even built cities with Canaanite rites. 2 The 
ancient domination of Egypt over the Sinai Peninsula seems similarly 
to have been given up during this period of anarchy. Not a trace of an 
inscription by any of these faineant monarchs has been observed on the 
rocks of the turquoise mines at Wady Maghara. All the power and glory 
of the Nile was concentrated in the hands of the nobles of the Upper 
Nomes, one of whom actually inscribed on his tomb this boast : "I rescued 
my city in the day of violence from the terrors of the Royal House ! " 

ii. The IXth and the Xth Dynasties 

The IXth Dynasty, as we have seen, was in all probability founded 
by that Heracleopolitan noble, who finally disowned his feeble Memphite 
sovereign, and arrogated to himself the title of Pharaoh. The Dynasty 
lasted from about B.C. 3787 to B.C. 3687. Heracleopolis Magna, or Ahnes, 
a little south of Fayum, had been a centre of the worship of Horus from 
the earliest dynastic period. The name of the first King, Khati, 3 or 
MERIABRA, or Akhthoes (as Manetho calls him) has been handed down 
coupled with stories of ferocity and savagery. His ruthless vigour stamped 
out rebellion for a time, and his cartouche appears at the First Cataract, 
showing that his strong arm had pacified the Nile Valley for a considerable 
distance up stream. He perished through being devoured by a crocodile. 

Although Manetho credits the IXth Dynasty with an existence of 
100 years, 4 we are almost entirely in ignorance as to the progress of national 
events during this epoch. Equally obscure are the annals of the 
Xth Dynasty (b.c. 3687-3502). 5 But during these centuries what is 
evident is the fact that the Kings of Heracleopolis were prevented from 
establishing their authority on an absolute basis throughout the Nile 
Valley by the steadily-growing power of Thebes, which was yearly rising 
in importance. The northerly encroachments of the Theban princes 
were, however, for a time thwarted by the princes of the influential city of 
Siut, who were in league with the Heracleopolitans. 6 These Siut monarchs 
have left elaborate tombs filled with notable inscriptions 7 in which each 

1 Petrie in Arch. Rep. Egypt. Explor. Fund, 1906, p. 25 : for the Canaanite practice 
of child sacrifice a9 a foundation rite, see Macalister, P.E.F.Q., 1903, p. 19. 
* Additional evidence testifying to an invasion of Egypt by Semito-Canaanite peoples 
during this period of anarchy has been discovered by A. H. Gardiner, Pap. 
Petcrsbourg, 11 16 a, n 16 b. 'A fragment of an ebony staff with the full titles 

(hitherto unknown) of this monarch was discovered in 1910 at Meir by Ahmed 
Bey Kamal (Ann. du Service, x. 185). Another inscription of the same King asso- 

1 with the name of Arsaphes on a vase was discovered by Daressy, ibid. xi. 47. 
4 Wliilc io'a figures are accepted by Petrie, it must be acknowledged that 

D. G. Hogarth, as a result of his excavations at Assiut in 1906-7, which revealed 
little differ) w •■ in the types of funerals between Dynasties VI and XI, was led to the 

t that a very brief interval of time separated these two Dynasties (Arch. Rep. 
Explor. Fund, 1900-7, p. 24). 5 For the art of Cusao during this period 

subsequent to the fall of tin- Vlth Dynasty until maturity was reached at the beginning 
of the Xllth Dynasty, see Blackmail, The Rock Tombs 0/ Meir, 1914, Pt. i. It repre- 
sented a breakaway from the still conventionalism of the past, and showed a remarkable 
naturalism in the treatment of human, animal and vegetable forms. • See Griffith, 

The Inscriptions 0/ Siut and Dcr Rifeh. 'Some of the tombs of leading oti 

from the IXth to the Xllth Dynasties are to be found at El-Bershch, 
the ancient Hermopolis. They have been excavated and described by Griffith and 
Newberry, El Bersheh, Pt. i. (1803): Pt. ii. (1894). They were first discovered by 
Irby and Mangles, Travels in Egypt, Nubia, etc., during the years 1817-18 (1823). 

hieroglyphs on these tombs, especially those from the tomb of Tehuti-hetep, 
1 in fa. .miile colours by Griffith, .1 ( n 0) Hieroglyphs, 1898. 



i 



Passing of Memphite Empire 7 1 

lord grandiloquently extols his personal bravery, enumerates the mighty 
deeds he has accomplished, and thus indirectly supplies us with some light 
on this obscure portion of Egyptian history. 1 

Amid the general lack of knowledge relating to this era, it is gratifying 
that we have a document which reveals how much the proximity of Canaan 
loomed before the minds of the Nile dwellers. 2 In an " Instruction," 
which " the King of Upper and Lower Egypt made for his son, King 
Meri-ka-ra," we not only possess a treatise of moral wisdom addressed 
by a monarch to his son, but in the papyrus there is a remarkable section 
which shows how intimate was the knowledge possessed by the Egyptian 
writer of Palestine and the Palestinians. There is a paragraph summing 
up the general impression left on the mind of a dweller in the Nile Valley 
by the appearance and the climatic conditions of Canaan. Accustomed 
in Egypt to rainless skies, and a Delta flat and featureless, he is most 
disagreeably affected by the humid atmosphere of Palestine and its 
mountainous character. " Behold the wretched Aamu," he writes, 
" toilsome is the land wherein he is : a land troubled with water, made 
difficult by many trees, its ways made toilsome by reason of the mountains. 
He dwells not in a single place, but his legs are ever driven wandering. 
He is ever fighting since the time of Horus. He conquers not, nor yet 
is he conquered. He announces not a day in fighting, like one who under- 
takes the suppression of conspirators." It is a lifelike picture drawn 
evidently by one who had personally visited Canaan. Then follow 
instructions about building fortifications on the northern frontier of Egypt 
against the Palestinian Syrians, implying that there was danger in that 
quarter of invasion on the part of the dwellers in Canaan. Even in the 
most obscure portion of Egyptian history, we have thus an indication 
afforded us how intimate were the inter-relations of Nile and Jordan. 

In the long struggle between Heracleopolis and Thebes, the latter 
steadily gained ground. At length, Merikara, the Heracleopolite monarch, 
was forced to flee to the South by an invasion from Memphis. He took 
refuge at Siut, but the Thebans now recognized that by a vigorous effort 
they might gain the coveted supremacy of the Nile Valley. They besieged 
Siut, and captured it. In its fall, the last trace of the Heracleopolitan 
Dynasties was swept away. 

in. The Xlth Dynasty (b.c. 35<> 2 -3459) 

The city of Thebes, from which the Xlth Dynasty reigned, is not 
known by this name in the Bible. There it is called No 3 and No-Amon* 
an incorrect punctuation for Ni, its designation in the cuneiform 
inscriptions of Babylon. The later Greek and Roman writers call it 
Diospolis, or Diospolis Magna, when they had identified Amon-Ra with 
Jupiter. As the Nile divided the city into two, the portion situated on 
the east bank, which now includes Karnak and Luxor, was called in Egyptian, 
Apet, and this word, with the addition of the feminine article, Ta, gave 
the Greeks their word, ®vP aL , 5 hence our Thebes. 6 

i For details of the prosperity, wealth, and power of these Siut P^e^ whose might 
kept up a buffer state between Heracleopolis and Thebes see Breasted, ?^X ?g& 
p 149 * A . H . Gardiner in Journ. of Egypt. Avchaol., 1. 1, 30 (iQM) on I ap>rus 

Petersburg, 1116 A." - feti Jer. 46 ■ Ezek. 30." » " * pO* W *» h - 3-' 
The LXX in Ezek. 30." » has Aibs *6to S ; in v." Ufa* (involving a corrupt 
reading *]3 ) : in Jer. 46 * 5 («a6« LXX) rfe 'K^hv rb* fafc «M* : in Nah. 3« 

MO. ■A W L. ■ Homer, Iliad, is, 381 f- fl The Coptic word is Ta P e, from Ta-A t , t, 



72 Nile and Jordan 

For 450 miles above Cairo, the Valley of the Nile is seldom more 
than two miles in width. But as the traveller ascends the ancient river, 
suddenly at one spot he sees the enclosing mountains receding on both 
sides until they form a vast amphitheatre encircling a splendid plain ten 
miles wide. Through this plain, dotted with date palms, and green with 
the semi-tropical luxuriance of a region of rich alluvial soil, the Nile flows 
with majesty. On either bank, in far gone days, rose a city of palaces and 
temples, that on the east side being the more magnificent, but the portion 
on the west, formerly bearing the name of the " Necropolis," or 
" Memnonia," or the " Libyan Suburb " — to-day called Medinet-Abu — 
contained also some buildings of surpassing beauty. The ruins of this 
vast and famous city of Thebes now measure 27 miles in circumference ! 

The great deity worshipped here was Amen or Amon. At first his 
cultus was provincial, and he was regarded as one of the inferior divinities 
of Egypt, quite subordinate to those favoured by the priestly college at 
Heliopolis. But as Thebes grew in political power, its god grew in 
importance with it, till gradually one after another of his rivals — Menthu, 
Horus, Ptah, and others — were completely overshadowed, and Amen 
became supreme. For centuries the religious worship of all Egypt became 
practically the service of this powerful god of Thebes. He absorbed into 
himself the attributes and characteristics of other divinities, such as Ra, 1 the 
Sun-god, who became identified with him as " Amen-Ra, King of the gods, 
Lord of the thrones of the world." The city came to be called Nut- Amen, 
that is, " the city of the god Amen," whence the Hebrew name, No-Amon. 
It is not till the time of the Xlth Dynasty that the Theban princes 
emerge into the clear light of history. 2 Till then, while engaged in chronic 
petty warfare with the neighbouring principalities of Heracleopolis and Siut, 
they had at the same time been occupied with the embellishment of their city. 
The vast temple of Amen-Ra must have been begun at least during the 
time of the IXth Dynasty, for Sir Norman Lockyer has calculated by 
astronomical data that the foundation of the temple dates from B.C. 3700. 3 

The Theban prince who eventually crushed the line of the 
Heracleopolite Kings, and transferred the seat of government to Thebes, 
bore the name of Antefa or Antefi. His successor, Antefa I, seized the 
crown of Egypt, and by establishing the Xlth Dynasty, inaugurated what 
is known as the Middle Empire. The succession of the monarchs of this 
Dynasty is very obscure, and the personalities of the sovereigns, so dim 
and shadowy, have formed the subject of much discussion. 4 The true 

the feminine article prefixed to the name Apet (Budge, Hist, of Egypt, ii. 17S). For an 
elaborate discussion on the name '* Thebes," see Chabas, Recherches sur le nom e'gyptien 
de Thibes, Paris, 1863. Stephen of Byzantium enumerates nine cities of the name, 
mentioning a Thebes in Boeotia, in Egypt, in Thessaly, in Cilicia, in Ionia, in Attica, 
in Catalonia, in Italy, and in Syria. Other authors mention another Thebes in Africa, 
and a Thebes in the Gulf of Corinth (Pliny, Nat. Hist., iv. 3). 

*See e.g., the hymn to Amen translated by Goodwin, P.S.B.A., ii. 250 (1873). 
Tombs of the Xlth Dynasty at Thebes are described by Petrie, Dendereh (1898), 
PP- 13-27. 'Lockyer, Dawn of Astronomy, p. 119. 4 Budge {Hist, of Egypt, ii. 182 : 
in. 166) places the Antefs between the XHIth and the XVIIth Dynasties, and asserts 
that they reigned from Coptos. Steindorff is also of opinion that they reigned after 
the close of the XHIth Dynasty (Zeit. f. Mgypt. Sprache, xxxiii. (1895) 77). King 
and Hall (Egypt and Western Asia. p. 335) adopted his view ; but latterly Hall (Anc. 
Hist of Near East, p. 142) has restored them to their position as that Theban family 
whose great head wrested the supremacy of Egypt from the Heracleopolite monarchs. 

iderable light on the obscurities of the Xlth Dynasty is afforded by a large import- 

of Teti discovered in 1904, now in the British Museum. It is published by 

lireasted in Amer. J, mm. Son. Lang., xxi. (1904) 159. Breasted and Sethe make out 

of these Antefs to have been secondary kings reigning alongside of the 

tteatnhetepa. Van Biasing has discussed the order of the kings of the Xlth Dynasty 






Passing of Memphite Empire 73 

position of the Antef Kings is very uncertain. Of Antef II Uah-ankh, 
we know merely that his reign was a lengthy one, and Antef III 
Nekhtnebtep-nefer, has bequeathed to posterity merely his name. 1 

The early Antefs seem to have been succeeded on the throne by 
representatives of another Theban family, the Mentuheteps, who gave 
four sovereigns to the Xlth Dynasty. Of these, the first two, 
Mentuhetep I Sankhabtaui, and Mentuhetep II Neb-taui-Ra, were 
comparatively inconspicuous. But the third of the family, Mentuhetep III 
Neb-hapet-Ra, consolidated the power of his House, and raised the Dynasty 
to an exceedingly stable and glorious condition. Under his vigorous 
rule, Egypt was again welded into one homogeneous Kingdom from South 
to North. Then ensued a spell of martial expeditions against the 
surrounding peoples. Libya, Nubia, and Asia alternately felt the weight 
of his arms. Canaan once again saw a Pharaoh marching through the 
Shephelah to punish previous raids on the part of the dwellers in Palestine. 
On the walls of his tomb he gave orders that the slaughter of the Amu, 
the Canaanite Bedouins of Southern Palestine, should be depicted. 

Nevertheless, it was not war for its own sake that formed the dominant 
aim of these Xlth Dynasty Kings. What principally occupied their 
attention was solid works of construction, the opening up of new quarries, 
the erection of magnificent temples, the development of the power and 
prestige of Thebes by art and commerce and wise government. 
Mentuhetep III was fortunate in having an architect and engineer of 
consummate ability. The great Mertisen, and his son, were men who 
brought a touch of genius to everything they undertook, and the later 
reigns of the Dynasty were marked by the production of some of the 
world's masterpieces. The funerary temple of Neb-Hapet-Ra at Sheikh 
Abd-el-Kurna, opposite Luxor, is an object lesson in finesse of execution. 2 
The masonry is splendid, and in marked contrast to the degenerate, coarse 
workmanship of the neighbouring XVIIIth Dynasty architecture. 3 Round 
about the tomb are six chambers, or small funerary shrines above the 
tombs of a number of priestesses of Hathor, the divinity of the place, who 
as members of the King's harem, were doubtless put to death to accompany 
the King to the underworld of shades. During the convulsions of society, 
which had attended the disappearance of the Old Empire, there had been 
a marked falling off in fineness of artistic work from the days of the IVth 
and Vth Dynasties, but under the strong government of the first Theban 
Kings, a wonderful renascence of architectural skill took place. 

The last King of the Xlth Dynasty, Mentuhetep IV Sankhkara, 4 

distinguishing twelve (Rec. de Travanx, xxxiii. 19). See also Naville in Mgypt. Zeit. 
I. 9 : Spiegelberg, ibid., p. 119 : Daressy in Sphinx, xvii. 97 : Gautier, Livre des Rois 
and Bulletin, ix. 99. 

1 These Antef kings were evidently great dog fanciers. They introduced the 
practice of inserting the hieroglyphic of a dog alongside of their cartouches, and 
the Royal Hounds seem to have been quite a feature of their establishments. 
See Birch, T.S.B.A., iv. (1875) 172 : Maspero, ibid. (1876), p. 127. 2 This beautiful 

temple served as a model and prototype for Hatshapset's shrine at Deir-el-Bahari. 
It is described in Arch. Rep. Egypt. Explor. Fund, 1903-4, pp. I-I2 : 1904-5. 
pp. 1-10 : King and Hall, Egypt and Western Asia, p. 323: Hall, P.S.B.A., 
xxvii. (1905) 173-183 : Naville, Hall, and Currelly, The Xlth Dynasty Temple at Detr- 
el-Bahari. 3 The tomb of Daga, one of the high officials of the King, has been 

described and figured along with other tombs in the same neighbourhood by 
N. de Garis Davies, Five Theban Tombs, 1913. There seem to have been two men 
of the name of Daga, the second of comparatively humble rank. * Petne (Hist., 

i. 142) provisionally identified Sankhkara with one of the Antefs. But Amehneau 
(Les Nouvelles Fouilles d'Abydos (1895), p. 153) published a table of offerings 
containing an inscription which A. H. Gardiner has correctly shown, exhibits him 
as a Mentuhetep (P.S.B.A., xxvi. (1904), p. 75). 



74 Nile and Jordan 

carried on with vigour the good work inaugurated by his predecessors. 
Under the leadership of his admiral, Henu, a naval expedition was under- 
taken to Punt, or Somaliland. The fleet sailed from Kosseir, and returned 
in safety laden with the gums, incense, and aromatic spices so much prized 
by the Pharaohs and their wives. Extraordinary care was taken to guard 
against accident and disaster. Crossing the desert from the Nile to the 
Red Sea, each soldier had assigned to him as his daily ration two jars of 
water, and 20 small biscuit-like loaves. As there were 3,000 men in the 
expedition, this involved the daily issue of 6,000 jars of water, and 60,000 
loaves ! On the way, 15 wells and cisterns had to be dug, and at the 
Wady Hammamat quarries, colonists had to be settled to provide the 
commissariat. 1 The latter hewed out blocks of stone, which were 
transported to Thebes for building operations. 2 

The vizier of the fourth Mentuhetep, an official of great activity and 
ability, was a man named Amenemhat. He has left inscriptions at the 
Wady Hammamat quarries which announce how he spent 25 days there 
with 10,000 men for the purpose of obtaining a block of stone for his 
sovereign's sarcophagus, which would excel in size all previous cenotaphs. 
Various prodigies assisted in the discovery of the proper stone, and with 
great detail the boastful vizier records his exploits in the matter. It is 
evident that a servant who could use such language, and muster 10,000 
armed workmen, must have been a powerful officer. There is every reason 
to believe, therefore, that observing the growing feebleness of his aged 
sovereign, Amenemhat laid his plans for usurpation. On the decease of 
his king, he seized the crown, and ascended the throne of Egypt as the 
founder of the famous Xllth Dynasty. The revolution, however, was 
not accomplished without bloodshed. There were fierce battles on the 
Nile with a fleet of 20 cedar-wood ships ; jealous nobles and embittered 
nomarchs had to be put down, and opposition crushed. But Amenemhat 
accomplished the task, and the preparatory work of the Xlth Dynasty, 
which had lasted for 43 years, blossomed out under his efficient rule into 
the splendours of the Xllth Dynasty, the Golden Age of Egypt. 

With the Xlth Dynasty will always be associated the famous Papyrus 
Prisse, 8 which reveals to us the script from which the Semitic alphabet 
was evolved. 4 Emanuel de Rouge was the first to advance the hypothesis 
that the Phoenician characters, from which the Hebrew and Aramaic letters 
were developed, were not derived directly from the pictorial hieroglyphics 
of the Egyptian monuments, nor from the well-recognized cursive hieratic 
of the Middle Kingdom, but from a much older and more deformed hieratic 
script which was in use in the time of the Early Kingdom. 5 This ancient 
script is exhibited in greatest detail in the celebrated Papyrus Prisse, 
preserved in the Louvre at Paris, which though found in a tomb of the Xlth 
Dynasty, represents a degree of literary civilization many centuries earlier. 
These strange and uncouth signs may well be looked on with reverence, 
for they reveal a vehicle of thought and language older far than the Golden 
Age of Egypt. In the Providence of God, these rough and uninviting 

1 Breasted, Hist, of Eqypt, p. 153. 2 It may have been during the rei«n of 

this fourth Mentuhetep (or possibly in that of his predecessor) that the travels of 
Akhthoy, " the treasurer of the King of Lower Egypt, the unique friend, the revered, 
the Bea-captain," took place. In one of his grandiloquent steles he says : " I punished 
the Asiatics in their countries. It was fear of my loid that spread respect for me, his 
influence that spread the terror of me." A. H. Gardiner in Journ. of Egypt. Archceol, 
iv. (1917), p. 35. 'See also pp. 45, 4 Sce Isaac Tavlor, art. Alphabet, in 

of the Bible, i. 71. s Sec this theory criticized by A. H. Gardiner 

in Journ, oj J ■!. \>ch., iii. (1916), p. 1, "The Egyptian origin of the Semitic 
Alphabet." 



Passing of Memphite Empire 75 

characters became the mother of the Phoenician-Semitic texts which were 
destined to enshrine for all mankind the imperishable record of God's 
revelation of Himself to the world. Egypt gave the script, Palestine 
contributed the language, while the Holy Spirit revealed the truths on 
which the salvation of the world depended. The Old Testament, with 
its priceless message of grace, was committed to linguistic moulds which 
were jointly and mutually contributed by the lands of the Nile and of the 
Jordan. 



CHAPTER VIII 

The Golden Age of Egypt under the XIIth Dynasty 

With the XIIth Dynasty, Egypt entered on what was always regarded 
as her " Golden Age." 1 The Pharaohs of the Old Kingdom had occupied 
themselves in rearing vast, useless monuments for themselves at the 
expense of the tears of their subjects. The huge pyramids fulfilled no 
serviceable end other than the glorification of their founders. But the 
sovereigns of the Middle Kingdom devoted their energies to great public 
works of splendid utility for the nation. Though to a certain extent 
pyramid-building was still indulged in, Egypt now saw her monarchs 
opening up trade routes, excavating wells, constructing vast reservoirs 
for irrigation, erecting Nilometers, reclaiming waste deserts for cultivation, 
and teaching their people to recognize the immensity of the agricultural 
wealth which the Nile yearly bequeathed to them. The Kings of the 
Dynasty (which lasted 213 years) are worthy of all praise, and are entitled 
to an honourable place on the world's roll of fame. 

As has already been mentioned, the founder of the Dynasty was 
Amenemhat I (c. B.C. 3459), who wrested Thebes for himself at the decease 
of the aged Sankhkara, and by vigorous and stern measures put down 
the opposition of the nobles. He found the land in practical anarchy, 
robbers abounding, no man's life safe. When he died, the country enjoyed 
the blessings of a strong and just government, all citizens rejoicing in 
peace and abundant prosperity. From a curious little book written towards 
the close of his life by Amenemhat himself, we learn that, probably at the 
beginning of his reign, his assassination was attempted. 2 The conspirators 
attacked him while he was sleeping, but by fighting for dear life, he managed 
to beat them off. The book is called the Sbayut or Instruction of Amenemhat 
to his son Usertsen. 3 It contains a considerable historical element, for the 
King details for the benefit of his son a number of the events of his reign. 
But it abounds also in so many utterances of sententious practical wisdom 
that in the time of the XVIIIth and XlXth Dynasties it was regarded 
as a classic which boys and girls at school should be set to copy out. The 
King recounts how he established righteousness and peace in the land : 
" I gave to the beggar, and caused the orphan to live ... in my reign 
none hungered, none thirsted. They were contented with that which 
I did, saying about me : ' Every commandment is just.' " 

1 The dynasty is worked out by Maspero, Rec. de Trav., 1905, xxviii., p. 8. 
1 Sec Birch, Egyptian Texts, p. 16: Maspero in R.P., ii. 9-16. 3 Birch, Select 

Papyri, Sallier ii. (Texts), translation by Griffith, Zeit. f. Mgypt.Sprache, xxxiv. (1896) 
35 _ 5' : Battiscombc Gunn in The Instruction of Ptah-hotep, 1912, p. 65. Maspero 
in Bibliothique d'Etude, 191 \, and Rec. de Trav., xxxv. l6l, 162 : xxxvi. iG. 

76 



Golden Age of Egypt 77 

The endeavours of Amenemhat I were directed towards the improve- 
ment of irrigation. Water laws were drawn up, and many useful canals 
were dug. Architecture also was a passion with him. Temples in Upper 
and Lower Egypt which had been neglected or ruined in the anarchy or 
feebleness of the preceding reigns were repaired or rebuilt. 1 On the ancient 
foundations of the temple of Amen at Thebes he rebuilt the holy shrine 
to the Sun-god, and as a loyal son of the divinity whose name he bore, 
made it the most sacred spot in all Egypt. 2 Formed of the choicest sand- 
stone and limestone, it was at first of modest dimensions, supported by 
polygonal columns of 16 sides, and adorned with exquisite bas-reliefs. 
Succeeding monarchs added repeatedly to the fane, until the temple of 
Amen-Ra became one of the most renowned structures of antiquity for 
its vastness, magnificence, and solidity. 

There has recently come to light a papyrus 3 written during this reign 
which contains a prophecy of what Amenemhat would accomplish for his 
country after the period of misery and anarchy. It professes to foretell 
to King Seneferu the future of the realm of Egypt. " A king shall come 
from the South, whose name is Ameny, son of a Nubian woman. . . . 
He shall receive the White Crown : he shall assume the Red Crown . . . 
the people of his time shall rejoice : this man of noble birth shall make his 
name for ever and ever. . . . The Asiatics shall fall by his sword : the 
Libyans shall fall before his flame, and the rebels before his wrath. . . . 
There shall be built the ' Wall of the Prince,' so as not to allow the Asiatics 
to go down into Egypt, that they may beg for water after their wonted 
fashion, so as to give their cattle to drink." The document is interesting 
in other ways, but especially in this that it gives us the date of the erection 
of the Great Wall, " the Shur," from the Red Sea to the Mediterranean, 
which it now appears was the work of Amenemhat I. The inroads on 
the part of Canaanite Bedouins must have been frequent and disastrous 
to the peace of the Delta, before the Pharaoh was driven to the erection 
of this great frontier fortification. It is therefore a testimony to the 
formidable character of these Semites, and to the strength and vigour of 
these successive attacks on Egypt. 

The work of Amenemhat I in subduing enemies on every side, and 
in establishing the Xllth Dynasty on a firm basis, must have been of a 
protracted nature. He claims, however, to have thoroughly explored 
and pacified his entire realm. " I forced my way up to Elephantine ; 

1 went down as far as the coast lakes 4 . . . I overcame lions, I carried 
off crocodiles : I cast the Nubians under my feet : I carried off the Southern 
Nubians : I caused the Asiatics to flee like hounds." 5 We know that 
the mines of Serabit el Khadem were also re-opened, for statuettes of this 
vigorous monarch were discovered by Petrie in that region of Sinai. 6 

It is to the period immediately subsequent to his reign that there belongs 
the famous Romance of Sinuhit, 7 the fugitive Egyptian, whose adventures 

1 For a list of these foundations and restorations, see Petrie. Hisl. of Egypt, i. 150. 

2 Wilkinson, Modern Egypt and. Thebes, ii. 248: Mariette, Karnak, p. 41. 

A. H. Gardiner, "New Literary Works from Ancient Egypt' m Journ.oJ 
Egyptian Archeology, i. Pt. ii. 105 (1004). (Papyrus Petersburg, I 116 b). ihe 

broad, shallow lakes of the Delta, especially Lake Mareotis (Gardiner in Jo of 
Egypt. Arch., i. Pt. ii. 106 (1914) ). 5 Instruction of Amenemhat I, v. 

• Petrie, Researches in Sinai, p. 97- 7 The stor y is told ^ Goodwin in Fraser s 

Magazine, 1865, pp. 185-202: also in R.P., vi. 131-150 : Maspero, Melanges 
d'Archeologie, iii. 68-82, and R.P. (N.S.), ii. n f. : Sayce, Patriarchal Palestine p. 205*. . 
Erman, Life in Ancient Egypt, p. 370 : Paton, Early History of Syria and PaUsHne, 
pp. 5 7 : 6o : Budge, Hist, of Egypt Hi. 6-13 : Griffith, ' Fragments of Old Egypt^n 
Stories" in P.SB.A. (1891-92) xiv. 4 52-45*- * n l8 93- Quibell found in a tomb 



78 Nile and Jordan 

in Palestine are so fascinating, and the story of whose life casts such a 
flood of light on the state of society in Syria in the middle of the fourth 
millennium before Christ. Sinuhit, in all likelihood, was a younger son 
of Amenemhat I. On the death of his father, fearing that his brother, 
the new king Senusert I, would kill him. he immediately resolved on flight. 
He was in the Delta when the news reached him of his father's decease : 
and he felt that his only safe asylum w T as Canaan. He escaped across 
the Nile, and pressed towards his father's recently erected wall of fortified 
outposts. All day he hid in the bushes lest the sentinels should see him : 
at night he managed to creep past the watchmen unobserved. He was 
now in the desert beside the Bitter Lakes, and suffered acutely from thirst. 
Despair came over him, his throat rattled, and he said within himself : 
" This is the taste of death." A Bedouin, however, perceived him, took 
compassion on him, gave him water and boiled milk, and brought him again 
to life. The Bedouin wished him to remain a member of his tribe, but 
Sinuhit decided to go further afield. 

He passed on to the country of Oedem, the " East," the region to the 
east of the Jordan, whose inhabitants in later ages were called " Beni 
Oedem," or " Children of the East." 1 After a year and a half there, 
Sinuhit was invited to repair to Upper Tenu, 2 whose king, Ammianshi 3 
had heard of his valour, and at whose court a number of Egyptian refugees 
enjoyed a safe abode. After sundry adventures, Sinuhit received in 
marriage Ammianshi's eldest daughter, and settled down as the ruler of 
a beautiful and fertile province, where figs and vines, honey, and olive 
trees, corn and barley, flocks and herds were very abundant. " I had 
as much bread as I wanted, and wine for every day, boiled meat, and roast 
goose," besides all other dainties that the land afforded. Children 
were born to him : he subdued robbers : fought under his King's standard : 

at the Ramesseum a very much decayed mass of hieratic rolls of the Middle Kingdom. 
With infinite pains, Herr Ibscher of the Berlin Museum deciphered portions of them, 
and discovered that they gave the beginning of the story of Sinuhit which had hitherto 
been wanting. The papyrus suggests some doubt as to Sinuhit's royal origin 
(A. H. Gardiner in Sitzb. Berlin Akad., 1907, p. 142). A new edition of the story of 
Sinuhit has been published by Maspero, Les Mimoires de Sinouhit in Chassinat's 
Bibliothique d'Etude, i. (1908), pp. 1-184, and Gardiner, Berlin Hierat. Papyrus, 1908, 
vol. v. : and Rec. de Travaux (1910), xxxiii. 67 : 191 1, 1912, 1913, 1914. 

1 Cf. Judg. 6. 3 7. 12 8. 10 Jer. 49. 28 (where they are coupled with Kedar), Ezek. 
25.* 10 Job is said to have been the greatest of all the Bene-Qedem, Job 1 3 : Solomon's 
wisdom excelled the wisdom of all the Bene-Qedem, 1 Ki. 4. 30 They are probably the 
' Kadmonites," Gen. 15 19 , or even the sons of" Kedemah," Gen. 25. 15 In Ezek. 47 18 

the Dead Sea is called the "East Sea," *31DT]?n , "the Sea of the Kadmonite !" 
1 The name" Tenu " is probably an abbreviated "form of" Lutennu," or " Rutennu," 
the Egyptian name for Syria (so W. Max Muller, Asien u. Europa, p. 47). But Hommel 
(Anc. Heb. Trad., p. 50), Jensen (Zeitsch. f. AssyrioIos>ie, x. 335), and Conder {P.E.F.Q., 
1904, p. 169) regard it as the equivalent of Tidum or Tidanum, the Babylonian name for 
Anti-Lebanon. Sayce (in Hastings' D.B., i. 644) identifies it with Edom. s The 

name Ammianshi is one containing elements found in abundance in this era. The god 
Ammi gave his name to such early Minaean Kings as Ammi-karib, Ammi-zadiqa, 
Ammi-zaduq. The Ammonites were the sons of Ammi, and the god's name was 
perpetuated in such O.T. names as Ammiel (Nu. 13." 2 Sam. 9.* 1 Chr. 3.* 26.*), 
Ammi-nadab (Ex. 6." Num. 1.' Ruth 4": Ammi-shaddai (Num. 1 "). So 
Sayce {Patriarchal Palatine, p. 64), who adds that it is possible that the name of 
Balaam contains a reference to this god. At all events, the city of Pethor from which 
he came was by the river (Euphrates) of the laud of the children of Ammo. On the other 
hand, Burncy has made the interesting suggestion that Ammianshi is a name meaning 
kinsman of the ass " (the second element being a Sumerian word), and that con- 
sequently he may have been the sheikh of the sons of Hamor in the district of Shechem 
(Gen. 3j »•). If this be the case, the name as we find it in the narrative of Jacob must 
have been a patronymic and ancestral one, coming down from manv previous centuries 
(Joutn. of Theol. Stud. x. 586). r 



Golden Age of Egypt 79 

overcame a noted champion in single combat : succoured travellers who, 
like himself, had well-nigh perished with thirst : maintained roads : 
exercised patriarchal hospitality, and for many years lived the life of a 
wild, free chief in a land of plenty. 

But as old age crept on, Sinuhit grew weary. He hungered for a sight 
again of Egypt with its blue Nile, its stately temples, and the fashion and 
glory of the most splendid Court on earth. He sent messengers to the 
Pharaoh, and asked pardon for his early offence. It was granted, and 
a royal messenger bore an invitation for him to return, advising him to 
leave his riches behind him, for all the wealth of Egypt was at his disposal. 
Overjoyed, Sinuhit made a great feast to all his clan in Aaa, installed his 
eldest son as sheikh in his stead, and made over to him all his goods. Then 
with a band of soldiers trained under himself, he set out for Egypt. He 
was received with every honour. Words failed him to express to the 
Pharaoh the gratitude of his heart. He stripped himself of the rude 
clothing (and the foul vermin !) of Syria : he put on soft raiment, anointed 
himself with sweet unguents, lay down on a civilized bed, and felt again 
with profound emotion that no longer was he a wild barbarian, but a refined 
gentleman ! The King gave, orders at once for a pyramid to be got ready 
for his body whenever death should call him away, and Sinuhit ended 
his days in peace and comfort in his native land. 

The Romance of Sinuhit is undoubtedly based on fact, and its vivid 
portraiture of Egyptian and of Canaanite society gives us a delightful 
and memorable glimpse into the inter-relations subsisting between the 
two neighbouring territories. 1 

Amenemhat I inaugurated a custom that was followed by most of 
his successors of associating on the throne with himself his legitimate 
heir. Senusert I (or Usertsen as the name is sometimes written) 
(c. B.C. 3416) was therefore a colleague of his father from the 20th year 
of the latter's reign. He was a great builder. Besides erecting a beautiful 
house for the high-priest of Amen on the west side of the sacred lake at 
Thebes, 2 he adorned all Egypt with statues, temples, and obelisks. The 
renowned Temple of the Sun at Heliopolis, the On of the Hebrews, 3 owed 
its erection or re-foundation to him. This ancient city associated with 
priestly learning, 4 which had already been famous for at least 1,000 years, 
he embellished and endowed with new life. The cult of Ra, now identified 
with Amen of Thebes, acquired a fresh status. Nothing remains to-day 
of this celebrated temple except one of the two red granite obelisks, 66 feet 
high, which Senusert I set up in front of it, now standing in the midst of 
the green cornfields of Matariyeh. 5 Yet, the spot has perennial interest 

1 Hall (Near East, p. 157) states that Sinuhit " fled by sea to Kepm (Byblos) 
and thence to the land of Kedma in Syria." This is in accordance with Gardiner s 
view. But in addition to the doubt as to whether Kepni really means Byblos, it is 
not easy to explain away the definite verisimilitude of the flight across the buez 
Peninsula into the Tih. Weill {Sphinx, xi. 201), while recognizing that the Egyptian 
" Kepni" can be no other than " Gebal," is doubtful whether this 1 is real y the 
famous Byblos, and proposes to identify it with Jibal (Gebal, Ps. S3, 7 the Gojahtaof 
Josephus) in the Edomite territory. See also Von Bissmg, Rec. de T,ai'., igo,. 
' Mariette, Karnak, p. 62 : De Rouge, " Etudes des Monuments du Massif de 
Karnak " in Melanges d'Archeologie Egyptienne et Assyrienne i. 38. 39- Gen. 4J; 

«In later ages, Plato is said to have studied here for thirteen years under priest lj 
tuition. How many of his ideas as to the immortality of the soul were 
derived from intercourse with these Egyptian pundits ? ■ See Griffith. I he 

Antiquities of Tell-el-Yahudiyah, etc. (1890), p. 64 f. : Lejsius, Denhnaler 11 18 The 
othe? obelisk, according to Makrizi, was not thrown down tih A.r, ^58. and both 
of the obelisks retained their copper caps till a.d. 1200; cf. Abd-al-Latif (De bacy 9 



80 Nile and Jordan 

for all Bible students by reason of its connection with Joseph, who married 
the daughter of the priest of On, and who must have read its inscription, 1 
and also for its association with the infant Jesus, who in his flight into 
Egypt, took refuge at this spot. 

Notwithstanding the fact that Thebes was now the recognized capital 
of Egypt and its premier city, the ancient metropolis of Memphis still 
remained a holy spot. The founders of the great Xllth Dynasty bowed 
before the hoary renown of Menes' city. Amenemhat I, besides building 
for himself a fortress-palace on the east bank of the Nile near Memphis, had 
erected a pyramid at Lisht, about 30 miles south of Cairo, after the style of 
the early Memphite Kings. 2 His son, Senusert I, followed his example. The 
new palace became the seat of government, or at least an alternative place 
of residence for the Pharaohs. 3 In the hieroglyphs, it is called "Ithtaui," 
and is represented as a square fortress with battlemented walls. 

Senusert I was a warrior as well as a builder. He attacked the 
Nubians both in the 18th and in the 43rd years of his reign. 4 His general, 
Menthu-hetep, led an expedition against the Amu or Semitic Bedouins 
that inhabited the south of Canaan. On the wall of the tomb of Ukh-hotep, 
son of Senbi, at Cusae, Blackman has discovered a row of oxen above which 
is written, " Bulls of the Amu brought from ..." Unfortunately 
the end of the inscription is destroyed ; but it is probable that the cattle 
formed part of the spoils of this raid. 5 He himself possibly entered 
Palestine in person, for a stele with a dedication to Osiris, 6 as well as a 
collection of jewellery belonging to some Semite lady of the period, 7 was 
dug up by Macalister at Gezer. Canaan seems in all likelihood to have 
seen the Pharaoh face to face. Similarly, from the minuteness of the 
details recorded by Senusert I regarding his wife, his daughter, and his 
overseer, carved on stelae in Sinai, it would appear that the King paid 
a personal visit to Serabit el-Khadem. The shrine there was a building 
of permanence and solidity, and the arrangement of its interior suggests 
the likelihood of Senusert's having settled the plan on the spot. It was 
also during his reign that the first of the Egyptian " Bethel-stones " in 
the region in question was set up. 8 

Before he died, Senusert I associated with himself as co-ruler his son, 
Amenemhat II (b.c. 3390). The young monarch opened up new quarries 
at the turquoise mines in Sinai, and erected at Serabit-el-Khadem a temple 
to the goddess, Hathor. 9 But his long reign of 36 years was unmarked 
by any striking episodes or foreign wars. The development of trade, 
the building of temples, the advancement of irrigation and agriculture 

Trans.), p. 181, where a number of passages from Arab writers are quoted with 
reference to these ruins. The stones of Heliopolis must have been much drawn upon 
for the erection of Moslem mosques in Cairo ; one which acts as a door sill to the 
mosque of Shaaban bears the cartouche of Senusert I (Wiedemann, JEgypt. Gesch., 
p. 243). A great mass of information relative to the accounts given of the 
Heliopolitan obelisks by travellers in the Middle Ages and later, as well as a vast store 
of learning on obelisk-lore in general, will be found in Zoega, De Origine et Usu 
Obeliscorum, 1707. 

1 The inscription is given in Burton, Excerpta Hieroglyphica, PI. xxviii. a The 
latest excavation of this pyramid, and of the pyramid tower near it, is that by 
A. C. Mace, Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 1913-14. 
•Excavations at the South Pyramid of Lisht in 1914 revealed exquisite wooden 
statuettes finer than anything known before the period of the Middle Kingdom (Anc. 
Egyp'. 1915. Pt- iv.) 4 Newberry. Beni-Hasan, i., PI. 7. s Blackman, The 

Rock Tombs 1 I Mnr, ii. 18 (1915). Another link with Canaan is supplied by the 
fact that pottery jai -handles stamped with Middle Kingdom scarabs have been 
found at Jericho (Sellin and Watzingcr, Jericho, PI. 42, p. 156). • P.E.F.Q., 

1003, p. 37 : 1904, p. 121. » Ibid., 1908, p. 287. 8 Petrie, Res. in Sinai, p. 

97 : see regarding these baetuli, p. 59. » Petrie, Researches in Sinai, pp. 60, 95, 98, 124. 



Golden Age of Egypt 81 

went on with steadiness. His admiral, Khent-Khat-ur, conducted a trading 
expedition along the perilous coast of the Red Sea to Punt, 1 and home 
again to Sanu (Kosseir) without having lost a vessel 2 or a single man. 
By these commercial enterprises, wealth poured in on Egypt. In 1894, 
de Morgan discovered near Dahshur two undisturbed tombs of princesses 
who had lived during this reign. Their mummies were covered with 
jewellery to the extent of 5,760 objects, in gold, silver, lapislazuli, malachite, 
carnelian, and paste. There were two crowns of gold inlaid with precious 
stones. 3 So profuse were the riches of the Nile Valley gained in the 
peaceful pursuit of trade and barter. 

Amenemhat II's son, Senusert II, continued the placid, progressive 
policy of his fathers, building up the solid fabric of Egyptian civilization. 
One of the most interesting memorials of his reign is that of the figures 
inscribed on the walls of the tomb of Khnumhetep, 4 prince of the 
Oryx-Nome, 5 at Beni-Hasan. 6 Thirty-seven Asiatics, 7 men, women, 
and children, under the leadership of a chief named Absha or Abishua, 8 
in true Syrian garments, and characteristic Canaanite weapons, are 
depicted with remarkable lifelikeness, and their whole appearance suggests 
that they represent persons of importance. 9 The idea was once widely 
entertained that the picture illustrated the arrival in Egypt of Joseph's 
brethren to buy corn. The notion, however, is, of course, quite untenable, 
and has long been given up. 

Nevertheless, the painting affords us an accurate and vivid view of 
the kind of civilization enjoyed at this period by Canaan. We find 
evidence of much barbaric wealth, considerable skill in the arts of weaving 
cloth and fashioning arms, and a high degree of culture and magnificence 
affected by persons who appear to have been rich Palestinian merchants. 
They seem not to be coming as suppliants to the Pharaoh's land, but as 
equals, convoying articles for sale or barter. Canaan was now at peace 
with Egypt, and caravans could pass freely between the two territories 
in the familiar interchanges of commerce. 10 These Semitic immigrations 

1 Somaliland. * Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of Anc. Egypt (2nd Edit.), 

i. 253 : Birch, Catal. of Collection of Egypt. Antiq. at Alnwick (1880), p. 276. The 
whole subject of ancient Egyptian voyaging on the Red Sea has been treated by 
Lieblein, Handel «. Schiffahrt auf dem Rothen Meere in alter Zeiten nach /Egyptischen 
Quellen, 1886, and by Krall, Das Land Punt, 1890, in Sitzb. Ahad. Wiss. Wien., 
xxxi. 1-82. This hazardous Red Sea voyaging was the theme of many romances. 
One of them belonging to this period has survived. It is " The Story of the 
Shipwrecked Sailor" on the lines of Sinbad in the Arabian Nights. The hero set 
sail in a vessel 225 feet long and 60 feet broad, with 150 lion-hearted seamen. But 
the ship was wrecked, and he was the only survivor of the gallant crew. He was 
cast ashore on a magic island, whereon dwelt a python 45 feet long, with a beard 
over 3 feet in length, and a body bespangled with gold. The hero told the tale of his 
shipwreck to the serpent, who refrained from eating him, kept him in safety for 
four months, restored him to Egypt, and converted the mysterious islet into waves. 
See Weigall, The Treasury of Ancient Egypt, 191 1: ^laspero, Contes Populaues, 
p. 131 f. : Golenischeff in Chassinat, Bibliotheque d'Etudes, ii. (1912), pp. r - 2 35- 
3 Arch. Rep. Egypt. Explor. Fund, 1895, p. 35- 4 For this and other tombs 

of the Middle Kingdom, see Garstang, The Burial Customs of Ancient Egypt 1907. 
5 For full details of this Nome, see Newberry, Beni-Hasan, ii. 17 (1893) I and for a 
beautiful reproduction of a wall painting of the oryx from which the Nome took its 
name, see Griffith, Beni-Hasan, hi. (frontispiece), 1896. Splendid paintings of the 
bird-life which enliven the walls of this tomb are reproduced by Griffith Beni-Hasan. 
iv. (1900). 6 See Lepsius, Brief e aus /Egypten, mthiopien und der Halbuisel des 

Sinai, 1852, p. 97. 7 On the question of what was the homeland of these Asiatics, 

see Chabas, Etudes sur VAntiquite Historique, p. 112 f. 8 Or Abishai as in 

2 Sam. io. 10 9 Griffith and Newberry. Archcsol. Survey of Egypt {it>93), »•. 

PI. xxx. xxxi : Beni-Hasan, i., with excellent reproductions of the tomb, by l;rascr 
(1893). 10 At Riqqeh, near Memphis, the tomb of a priest of this dynasty yielded 

a Syrian vase with a handle, which was imported from Canaan with cedar 011 
(H. F. Petrie in Engelbach, Riqqeh and Memphis VI (1915). P- 2 4)- 
F 



82 Nile and Jordan 

introduced considerable changes into the Nile Valley. The Canaanites 
brought with them the use of the quiver, hitherto unknown to the earlier 
Egyptians, and the strange dagger with a round handle. Other 
modifications of custom and thought followed. So numerous were the 
Semitic immigrants into the Delta, and so strong were their prejudices 
against any change being made on the time-honoured, ancient mode of 
disposing of the royal dead, that even these powerful Theban monarchs 
were forced gradually to abandon their ancestral custom of burying their 
deceased friends in rock-cut tombs and chambers hollowed out of 
the hill, and to conform to the Memphite practice of erecting 
pyramids modelled on those of the IVth — Vlth Dynasties. So potent 
was the influence of Canaan on even the established religious practices of 
Egypt. 1 

The tomb of another powerful noble of the period, Tehuti-hetep, 
at El-Bersheh, explored in 1891-92, has supplied some remarkably vivid 
representations of the social life of the Middle Kingdom. One wall painting 
shows the transport of a colossal royal statue, 22 feet high, drawn on a 
sledge by 172 men in four double lines. It was dragged ten miles from 
the quarry at Hatnub to the banks of the river, though the block 
of alabaster weighed over 60 tons. 2 

The name of " Sesostris " given by Manetho to Senusert II is much 
more applicable to Thothmes III or Rameses II. There is no evidence 
that he was a mighty world-subduer, and that he " conquered all Asia 
in nine years, and Europe as far as Thrace." 3 It may be that " Sesostris " 
is a corruption of " Senusert." 4 His pyramid at Illahun, built in a very 
peculiar and unique manner, was opened by Fraser, and thoroughly 
explored and described by Petrie. 5 Though it stands in the Valley of the 
Nile, from its summit the Fayum Oasis is visible, that oasis which his grand- 
son was so marvellously to develop. In 1914, an extraordinarily rich 
archaeological discovery was made here of the treasure of a daughter of 
Senusert II. 6 The royal diadem, pectorals, collars, necklets, armlets, 
bracelets, toilet objects, were dug up, most of them of gold and splendidly 
adorned with precious stones. Other gorgeous objects such as alabaster 
vases, ivory and gold boxes, rings, etc. attest the wealth and glory of his reign. 
The son of the second Senusert was, unlike his father, a monarch of 
fierce, warlike ambitions. Senusert III (b.c. 3320) extended and con- 
solidated the authority of Egypt over Nubia. It was not mere lust of 
slaughter, or eagerness for territorial expansion which prompted the 
expedition, but a desire to have in his own hands the mysterious lands 
which held the fortunes of Egypt in their grasp. Egypt is proverbially 
' the gift of the Nile," and the Theban sovereigns felt that if there was 
any widespread tampering with the headwaters of the life-bringing river 
on the part of unscrupulous foes, the consequences for the dwellers lower 
down the stream would be disastrous. A resolute purpose to be masters 

1 The wall-pictures of the Beni-Hasan tombs have furnished us with much infor- 
mation relative to the views held during this epoch as to religion and the state of the 
dead : see Newberry, Beni-Hasan, Pt. ii. (1894), p. 22 f. Zoological and other details 
of the tombs are illustrated in Beni-Hasan, Pt. iv. (1900), with 21 coloured plates. 
' Newberry and Fraser, El Bersheh, Pt. i. 19, Plates xii — xv. El-Bersheh, Pt. ii.. 
deals with nine other tombs, not the equal of that of Tehuti-hetep, however, in elegance 
and delicacy of detail. 3 Cory, Anc. Frag., p. no. 4 So Sethe (Unlersuch. 

t. Gesch. u. Alterthumskunde JEgyptens, ii. i) suggests. See also Maspero, Rev. Crit., 
June 1901. 6 Petrie, Illahun (1889-90), pp. 1-15: Ten Years Digging in Egypt, 

pp.107 '-7 : Kahun, Gurob, and Hawara, pp. 11-32. 6 Ancient Egypt, i. (1914), 97 : 

Mrs. Petri* gives a list of the finds in Journ. of Eg\pt. Arch., i., Pt. iii. 1S5. 



Golden Age of Egypt 83 

of the country from which the Nile emerged, coupled with a desire for the 
gold with which the Nubian valleys abounded, led the monarchs of the 
Xllth Dynasty to repeated invasions of Nubia. 

We have already seen that his predecessors had undertaken some 
desultory incursions into Ethiopia, but without an actual conquest of 
the territory. Senusert III now, in his eighth, sixteenth, and nineteenth 
years, attacked the fortresses of the Upper Nile. 1 He so reduced the 
Nubians, harried their villages, and massacred their population, that (to 
use the conqueror's own simile) they were " as helpless victims of a merciless 
crocodile." He then built two forts (which still survive) on either side 
of the river, about 30 miles above the Second Cataract, one on the west 
bank at Semneh, the other on the east bank at Kumneh. 2 At the former, 
he set up a boundary-stone which forbade any negro to set foot on soil 
lower down the Nile. 3 A second stele, erected on his second expedition, 
gives an important inscription describing how the Nubian territory was 
reduced and pacified. 4 Evidently, Senusert's methods resembled those 
of Red Indians, 5 " I am King, and I say it and I do it : I am vigorous 
in seizing . . . never showing mercy to the enemy who attacks me. 
... I have seized their women : I have carried off their folk : I marched 
to their wells : I took their cattle : I destroyed their seed-corn : I set 
fire to it. Behold me ! Behold my Majesty hath set up an image of my 
Majesty upon this frontier which my Majesty makes, not from a desire 
that ye should worship it, but from a desire that ye should fight for 
it ! " The pacification of the Nubians seems to have been so thorough 
that no further military measures were necessary in the reign of his 
successor. 6 

Canaan also had experience of the vigorous hand of Senusert III. 
He and his general, Sebek-khu, invaded Palestine to chastise a place 
called Sekmem (identified by Professors E. Meyer and Max Miiller 7 with 
Shechem) which had joined a coalition made up of "vile" Syrians and 
others. 8 They seem to have carried off as a punishment herds of cattle, 
and to have swept into Egypt as much of the Canaanite live stock as could 
survive the journey across the intervening desert. In the tomb-chapel 
of Tehuti-hetep at El-Bersheh, 9 already referred to, 10 there is a scene in 
which that monarch is shown presiding over the periodical enumeration 
of the herds of cattle kept in the various farms on his domain. One of 
the groups of cattle is styled " Syrian," and the oxen are made to give 
utterance to this gratified soliloquy, "Ye once trod the Syrian sand, 
now here in Egypt ye walk on herbage "—the current mode of expressing 
the difference between the bare uplands and sandy wastes of Southern 

1 Senusert began the campaign by re-opening the cana!, commenced by Uni in 
the Vlth Dynasty, to secure an uninterrupted passageway for boats past the First 
Cataract. The engineers of Senusert cut a channel through the rock, 260 feet long, 
34 feet wide, and nearly 26 feet deep ! It was named " Beautiful-are-the-ways-of- 
Kha-Kau-Ra " (the throne name of Senusert III). Not a trace of it is now to be 
seen, though it was restored under Thothmes III with orders for its perpetual main- 
tenance. 2 See Somers Clarke, "Ancient Egyptian Frontier Fortresses in 
Journ. of Egypt. Arch., iii. (1916), 155. 3 The stone is figured in Lepsius, Dcnkmdler, 
ii. 136. * Translated in Brugsch, Egypt under the Pharaohs, 11. 324: Budge, 
Hist, of Egypt, iii. 37: Hall, Anc. Hist, of Near East, p. 161. Or Germans, 
after the exhibition of their military methods towards Belgium ! Keisner 
(Zeit. f. cegypt. Spy. (19 14), Iii. 49) speaking of the remains of Nubians massacred 
by the Egyptian garrison at this and subsequent eras, says : " The picture given us 
of the Egyptians' treatment of a subject race is a revelation of ancient savagery wlucn, 
while not unexampled among modern savages, is nevertheless almost appalling in 
its cold-blooded brutality." 7 Orient. Litt. Zeit., vi. (1903). PP- 44» f. me steie 01 
Sebek-Khu was discovered at Abydos by Garstang in 1900 (El-Arabah, 1 1. v pp. 32 3; 
and gives us this information. 9 Newberry, El-Bersheh, i. Pis. x%-n.-xix. bee p. 82. 



84 Nile and Jordan 

Canaan, and the rich, black loam of the Delta with its luxuriant verdure. 1 
Tehuti-iietep, as nomarch of the Hare-Nome, probably accompanied his 
sovereign in this Palestine expedition, and received part of the cattle as 
his share of the spoil. 2 

Other tokens of this raid into Canaan have been discovered at Gezer. 
Macalister found there a stele to Osiris, which Petrie assigns to this reign, 3 
while scarabs (one of them set on a thick bronze ring) 4 bearing the cartouche 
of Senusert III. were dug up in abundance. 5 Indeed at Gezer an entire 
cemetery of this remote age was unearthed, every interment being 
thoroughly Egyptian in style, with the exception of embalming, showing 
that fully i, 800 years before Thothmes III, Gezer was subject to the Egyptian 
influence. 6 Speaking of an Egyptian statuette which Macalister found 
at Gezer, Griffith has even gone the length of saying : "In the discovery 
of this little monument, taken in conjunction with the burials in the cave, 
and the stele of Didi-Amen, 7 Mr. Macalister has rescued the best proof 
yet attained of an entirely new view, that at the time of the Xllth Dynasty, 
Southern Palestine, about the coast road to Syria, comprised a settled 
Egyptian colony or population, with Egyptian officials, and keeping up 
Egyptian customs." 8 

Senusert III. built temples on the Upper Nile at Abydos and 
Elephantine, and in the Delta at Tanis 9 and Bubastis, rendering the 
sanctuary of Bast in the latter city one of the finest in Egypt. 10 The brick 
pyramid at Dahshur, near which de Morgan discovered in 1894 a number 
of tombs of royal ladies, the wives and daughters of Senusert III, is believed 
to be his. In the tombs of these princesses were found 107 different 
objects of immense beauty and value. Great pectorals in the form of 
pylons with the names of Senusert II, Senusert III, and Amenemhat III : 
all kinds of jewellery in gold and precious stones ; fine cloisonne work ; 
massive chains of gold beads and cowries ; two full-sized Nile barges for 
the conveyance of the dead, and many other elaborate articles were 
dug up. They form the gem of the Cairo Museum, and afford a brilliant 
exposition of the marvellous artistic skill of the jewellers of the 
Xllth Dynasty, and of the magnificence and wealth of the Egyptian Court. 11 

In 1904, Legrain discovered a pit at Karnak filled with statues of all 
ages from the VI th Dynasty onwards, thrown in pell-mell by some savage 
iconoclast of later times. One of the statues gives us a portrait of 
Senusert III, and curiously enough, we observe that his features are much 
more Hyksos-Semitic than Egyptian in cast. 12 This Canaanite physiognomy 
seems to have been the result of the replenishing of the harems of the 
Pharaohs from Palestinian territory. Long before the actual Hyksos 
invasion, the palaces of the Egyptian Kings held many a Semitic princess, 

1 References to the presence of Aamuor Syrian slaves in Egypt during this period or 
in the next reign may be found in Griffith, Kahun Papyri, 1898, Pis. xii. 10 : xiii. 15 : 
xxiv. 4 : xxx. 35. 2 Blackman in Jonrn. of Egyptian Arch., ii., Pt. i. 13 (1915). 'P.E.F.Q., 
1903, pp. 37, 192 : and The Excavation of Gezer, ii. 312. * P.E.F.Q., 1904, p. 327. 

1 See the lengthy list of articles found in Macalister, op. cit., ii. 314-319 : P.E.F.Q., 1905, 
]'. 314- t P.E.F.Q., 1905, p. 316. 7 P.E.F.Q., 1903, p. 125. 8 Griffith in P.E.F.Q., 
1906, p. 122. • On the base of a colossal red granite statue in the temple at Tanis, 

Senusert III gives a list of tribes which he had conquered in Upper Egypt. Many of 
them bear strange and uncouth names, relating, doubtless, to the wild, uncivilized 
lands near Berber. The statue was later appropriated by Amenhotep III of the 
XVIIIth Dynasty, but the exploits refer to the times of the Xllth Dynasty (Petrie, 
Tanis, i. ii. 7). 10 Naville, Bubastis, pp. 9-11. ll These articles are all figured 

in water colours by Legrain in de Morgan's Fouilles d Dahchour, Vienna, 1895. A 
tomb at kiqqeh excavated by Engelbach in 1915 has revealed similar jewellery. It 
is described and figured in colours in Engelbach, Iiiqqeh and Memphis VI, 1915, p. 11. 
11 Sayce in Expos. Times, xv. 406. 



Golden Age of Egypt 85 

who transmitted to her offspring her facial peculiarities, and no doubt in 
other ways helped to influence and modify the ancient Egyptian type of 
manners and beliefs. Thus, Canaan took its revenge for many an insulting 
raid on the part of Egypt, and for many a forcible carrying off of female 
captives. 

So profoundly did the success of the military expeditions, and the 
resistless might of Senusert III in establishing his rule over 1,000 miles 
of the Nile Valley, and over Palestine as well, appeal to the imagination 
of his subjects, that even in his lifetime a remarkable hymn, displaying 
" rigid strophic structure and all the conscious artificialities of literary 
art," was composed in his honour. Some of its expressions are very 
striking : — 1 

' Twice great is the King of his city, 2 above a million arms : 

As for other rulers of men, they are but common folk. 3 
Twice great is the King of his city : he is as it were a dyke, 

Damming the stream in its water-flood. 
Twice great is the King of his city : he is as it were a bulwark 4 

With walls built of sharp stones of Kesem. 
Twice great is the King of his city : he is as it were a place of refuge 5 

Excluding the marauder. 
Twice great is the King of his city : he is as it were an asylum 6 

Shielding the terrified from his foe. 
Twice great is the King of his city : he is as it were a shade, 7 

The cool vegetation of the flood in the season of harvest. 8 
Twice great is the King of his city : he is as it were a corner 

Warm and dry in time of winter. 
Twice great is the King of his city : he is as it were a rock 9 

Barring the blast in time of tempest." 

With the accession of Amenemhat III (b.c. 3303), the son of 
Senusert III., Egypt attained the zenith of her glory and prosperity in the 
time of the Middle Kingdom. Despotic in his rule, suffering none of the 
great nobles, like the Khnumheteps and Tehuti-heteps of former reigns, 
to stand near him, consolidating all power into his own autocratic person 
and will, Amenemhat III, nevertheless, spent his whole life in vast public 
works, in effecting gigantic engineering improvements, and in developing 
the resources of his Kingdom. At his death he left Egypt in a more 
flourishing condition than she had ever previously known. His attention 
to the mines of Sinai is attested by the great number of his inscriptions, 
stelae, and altars still to be seen at Serabit-el-Khadem, where the turquoise 
hewers were protected by a garrison of 734 soldiers. 10 Throughout his 

1 Quoted in Breasted, Hist, of Egypt, p. 207, from Griffith, Kahun Papyri, p. 2 
(1898). 2 The reader will observe the parallelisms between this eulogy of the 

Pharaoh, and many phrases applied to Jehovah by Isaiah. Thus 3 The loftiness of 
man shall be bowed down, and the haughtiness of men shall be brought low, and the Lord 
alone shall be exalted in that day, Isa. 2. 17 4 Isa. 26. x Salvation will he appoint for 

walls and bulwarks. 5 Isa. 25* Thou hast been a stronghold to the poor, a stronghold 

to the needy in his distress, a refuge from the storm, a shadow from the heat, when the blast 
of the terrible ones is as a storm against the wall. 6 Isa. 14. 3a The Lord hath founded 

Zion, and in her shall the afflicted of Ms people take refuge : Isa. 31. 6 As birds flying, 
so will the Lord of hosts protect Jerusalem : he will protect and deliver it. 7 Isa. 4, 
There shall be a pavilion for a shadow in the daytime from the heat. 8 Isa. 18. 4 Like 

clear heat in sunshine, like a cloud of dew in the heat of harvest. 9 Isa. 32.* A man 

shall be as an hiding-place from the wind, and a covert from the tempest, as rivers of waters 
in a dry place, as the shadow of a great rock in a weary land. 10 Petrie, Researches in 
Sinai, pp. 98, 117, etc. 



86 Nile and Jordan 

long reign of nearly 50 years 1 his building operations were incessant. 
The Kilometer which he made at Semmeh shows that the river was then 
26 feet higher than at the present time. 2 

But the most extraordinary work carried out by Amenemhat III 
was his construction of the vast reservoir for the overflow of the Nile waters, 
known as Lake Moeris. Well knowing that every ounce of fertilizing 
water meant life to Egypt's parched soil, the king looked round for a 
suitable depression in which the surplus from the far-off snow mountains 
of Central Africa might be stored. He fixed on a site about 50 miles south 
of Memphis, and here he formed a lake 150 miles in circumference, 50 miles 
long, 30 wide, with an area of about 750 square miles, its average level 
being about 80 feet above the Mediterranean. The present Bahr Yusuf 
Canal, which cuts through a gap in the western hills, and after a course of 
200 miles, admits the Nile waters to the Fayum, is believed to have been 
the work of Amenemhat Ill's engineers. 3 

Petrie, 4 however, maintains that the king merely took advantage 
of the vast, natural depression of the Fayum Oasis, which had existed 
from time immemorial, built an immense embankment some 20-27 miles 
in length, and then enclosed an almost level area of about 40 square miles 
or over 20,000 acres. All authorities, though differing in details, agree 
that by means of gigantic sluices, Amenemhat III. regulated the admission 
and exit of the Nile waters. 

In the exceedingly fertile land thus won from the desert, the King 
carried forward the building of the city of Crocodilopolis begun by the 
founder of the Xllth Dynasty, Amenemhat I. At the northern limit of 
his great enclosure, now known as Biahmu, he erected two massive lime- 
stone platforms now called " Pharaoh's Chairs," on which were two gigantic 
colossi of the King, each 39 feet high. Adding the height of the bases 
and pedestals, these enormous statues towered up 60 feet into the blue 
air. " Carved in glassy quartzite, and polished brilliantly, they glittered 
as landmarks seen across the lake." 5 Herodotus, who visited Egypt 
at the time of the annual inundation, speaks of them as two pyramids 
rising above the waters, and asserts what is probably correct that the 
circumference of the lake was equal to the coast-line of Egypt. 6 Strabo 
speaks with admiration of the system of regulating sluices. 7 Pliny says 
that " the immense artificial piece of water was cited by the Egyptians 
among their wondrous and memorable works." 8 Diodorus adds that 
in Ptolemaic times the revenues of the fish (of which there were 22 species) 
from the lake went to the private dress and unguent account of the queens 
of Alexandria, and brought them a talent of silver 9 per day. So prolific 

1 Manctho has made a mistake in crediting him with merely eight years : 
a stele in Sinai mentions his 44th year, and there are reports of the state of the 
rise of the Nile from the 3rd, 5th, 7th, 9th, 14th, 15th, 22nd, 23rd, 24th, 30th, 
32nd, 37th, 40th, 41st, and 43rd years of his reign (Lepsius, Denkmaler, 
i'- 1.39)- * Lepsius, Letters, p. 510: Sitzb. d. Berliner Akad. (1844), p. 374. 

3 So Budgo (Hist, of Egypt, iii. 48, 120) contends. He has the strong support 
for his views of Sir William Willcocks, the great engineer, in his The Assuan Reservoir, 
and Lake Moeris (1904), p. 13 f. * Petrie, Hist, of Egypt, i. 190 : Maspcro (Manual 

°i Egyptian Archaeology (1902), p. 40) more or less agrees with Petrie. See the question 
discussed by Grcnfcll and Hunt, Arch. Rep. Egypt. Explor. Fund, 1898-9, p. 13. 
I' trie, Hawara, Biahmu. and Arsinoe, pp. 53-6: see also his Ten Years Digging 
ypt, p. 104: and Sir II. Brown, The Fayum and Lake Moeris (1892), p. 76. For 
a minute discussion on the geology of the' district, see Schweinfurth, Reise in das 
Depressionsgchitt im Umkrtise d um in Zeit. d. Gesell. f. Erdkunde iu Berlin. 

No. 2, where also reference is made to his discovery of a little Xllth 

nty temple in tho utter solitude on the farther side of the Birket Kerun 

• Herod, ii. 149. 7 Strabo, xvii. 37 » Pliny, Hist. Nat., v. 9: xxxvi. [& 

• About .(240. 



-. 



Golden Age of Egypt 87 

were the fish that it was impossible for the multitude of curers to keep 
pace with the enormous quantities that were caught. 1 

The other great work executed by Amenemhat III was the construction 
of the Labyrinth. It is difficult from the descriptions of ancient writers to 
learn exactly what it was. Herodotus speaks of it as exceeding in cost all 
the public edifices of the Greeks, and excelling in greatness even the 
Pyramids. He states that it had 12 courts enclosed by walls with many doors. 
It had 1,500 rooms under ground, and 1,500 above ground, placed above the 
former. He says he was not allowed to go downstairs, as the sepulchres 
of the Kings who built the Labyrinth were there ; but he marvelled at the 
upper rooms which surpassed any human works he had ever seen — the 
endless passages, the vaulted corridors, the windings through the various 
courts, from vestibule to chamber, from chamber to hall, from hall to 
corridor. The roofs were all of stone, and the stone walls were full of 
sculptured figures : each court was surrounded by a colonnade of white 
stone. 2 Strabo declares that a stranger would infallibly lose his way in 
the mazes of the passages without a guide : and he adds that the roofs of 
each dwelling were composed of a single vast slab. 3 Diodorus confirms 
the difficulty of entering the Labyrinth, and of even finding one's way out 
again. 4 Pliny says that the entrance was constructed of Parian marble ; 
that it contained temples to all the gods of Egypt ; banqueting halls 
at the top of flights of stairs ; porticoes from which ninety steps led to the 
ground ; columns of porphyry ; pyramids ; figures of gods ; statues 
of kings ; effigies of hideous monsters ; palaces some of whose doors were 
constructed to open with a noise like reverberating thunder ; and rooms 
in total darkness. 5 

What exactly all this was intended to serve is somewhat of a mystery. 
Maspero casts ridicule on the whole accounts given by the classical writers. 
He regarded their stories as the outcome of the later " cult of Amenemhat," 
which lingered through many generations. 6 But it is doubtful if this will 
explain all. Sir William Willcocks, again, derives the name " Labyrinth " 
from " Lape-ro-hunt, the " Barrage-Temple," and contends that it was 
a maze of outworks and barracks, temples and palaces, so constructed 
that no one from the mainland could approach the dyke with hostile 
intent. 7 

The truth seems to be that in the Labyrinth of Amenemhat III we have 
a remarkable illustration of the powerful influence exercised on Egypt 
by Crete. The Xllth Dynasty was contemporary with the period of 
.Egean civilization known as " Middle Minoan II." 8 Now, the famous 
palace of Minos at Knossos has been discovered by Evans 9 to be the 
original of the legendary " Labyrinth " of Crete, erected by Daedalus, 
and associated with the monster, the Minotaur, and with the exploits of 
Theseus and Ariadne. The palace had in its interior columns of gypsum, 
each block marked with the sign of the Double Axe, or " Labrys." The 
" Labrys " was the peculiar sign of the Cretan Zeus, many bronze votive 
specimens bearing this mark having been found in the cave of Dicte, the 

a Diod. Sic. i. 4. 2 Herod, ii. 148. 8 Strabo, xvii. 37. « Diod. i. 5. 

s Pliny, H.N., xxxvi. 19. 6 Dawn of Civilization, p. 520. 7 Willcocks Assuan 

Reservoir and Lake Moeris, p. 14. He identified the Hyksos fort of Avans with 
Hawara, the fortified island in Lake Moeris, as being the key of Egypt. He 
accounted for the famine in Joseph's time by the supposition that the lneban 
kings shut off the water supply by capturing the Barrage ! 8 On the synchronisms ot 

the chronology of Egypt, Palestine, Crete, and other ^gean peoples, see a tentative, 
but useful, scheme by Fimmen, Zeit. u. Bauer der Kretisch-Mykenxschen Kultur, 1909. 
9 Monthly Review, 1901, p. 131. 



88 Nile and Jordan I; 

reputed birthplace of the god. 1 The " Labrys " suggests also a link with 
the title of the Carian Zeus, that is, Zeus of Labraunda, where Jove is 
frequently shown with a double axe in his hand. 2 This vast palace, so 
recently unearthed at Knossos, is seen to be one and the same with the 
traditional " Cretan Labyrinth " : and it was evidently the original of 
the Egyptian " Labyrinth " of Amenemhat III, not vice versa, as has 
sometimes been imagined. 

The connection between Crete and Egypt had for centuries been 
intimate. Graves of even the 1st Dynasty at Abydos have yielded vases, 
which Petrie regards as Cretan importations 3 closely akin to vessels 
discovered in the stratum at Knossos immediately above the Neolithic 
deposits. Similarly on the other hand, in the palace at Knossos, numerous 
exquisitely fashioned Illrd Dynasty Egyptian stone vessels of diorite, 
syenite, and other intensely hard stones, have been found by Evans. 4 
Not only has Newberry come across a Vth Dynasty title " Khet-priest 
of the Double Axe," but the " Double Axe " as a symbol is found in Egypt 
as early as the 1st Dynasty. 5 We have already seen how under the 
Vlth Dynasty communication with Crete was maintained. It need not, 
therefore, surprise us to find under the Xllth Dynasty even closer relations 
subsisting. A seated male figure of diorite has been found in the palace 
of Knossos with a hieroglyphic inscription on three sides, which Petrie 
and Budge assign to the time of this Dynasty. Middle Minoan II was the 
period of the exquisite polychrome Kamarais ware, and it is significant 
of close connection between Crete and Egypt that at Kahun, near the 
pyramid of Senusert II, Petrie discovered some specimens of this ceramic 
masterpiece which were undoubtedly iEgean. 6 Similarly in a grave of 
the Xllth Dynasty at Abydos, Garstang found vessels of the same type 
along with glazed steatite cylinders bearing the cartouches of Senusert III 
and Amenemhat III. 7 Hall indeed contends that, in their respective 
art-spheres, Crete and Egypt were at this epoch in such close inter-relation, 
that they exchanged their knowledge mutually. Egypt borrowed from 
Crete the beautiful spiral forms of decorative art, while Crete took from 
Egypt the secret of glazing pottery, and the practice of using pen and 
ink in writing. 8 

With these close relations subsisting between the Nile and Crete, it 
may well be that Amenemhat III conceived the idea of erecting a building 
similar to the famous Labyrinth of Knossos, of which traders gave him 
thrilling accounts. He may even have imported Cretan workmen to carry 
out the design. And thus it came about that the Labyrinthine maze 
of Minos, with its long corridors and repeated successions of blind galleries, 
its tortuous passages and spacious underground conduits, its bewildering 
system of small chambers which Sir Arthur Evans has described, found its 
counterpart and replica at Hawara in the extraordinary structure reared 

J For a fascinating account of the exploration of this famous cave, see Hogarth, 
Accidents of an Antiquary's Life, p. 66 f., and for the religious significance of the 
"Double Axe." see Hogarth in E.R.E.. i. 144, s.v. JF.gbas Religion. * Xa&vpivdos 

is a Carian word, meaning " The Place of the Double Axe." s Petrie, Royal 

Tombs, ii. 46, pi. liv. : Abydos, i. 6, pi. viii : ii. 28, 38, 48, pi. xlii. « Essai de 

Classification des Epoques de la Civilisation Minoenne, p. 5. 6 Liverpool Annals 

of Archafol. and Anthrop., i. (1908), 27. See also Quibell, Hierahonpolis, ii. lxviii : 
Krazer, Pausanias, v. 308 : Evans, Mycen&an Tree and Pillar Cult, p. 8. 
• Illahun, Kahun, and Gurob, p. 9 ff., PI. i. 7 Liverpool Annals, v. (1913) 

P- '"7 e P.S.B.A., xxxi. 135, 221: and Journ. of Egypt. Archeeol.i., Pt. ii. 

(191 1), 1 1 ■-, f. : lor further accounts of the connection between Crete and Egypt, see 
Baikie, The Sea-Kings of Crete, 1910, ch. vii. : Burrows, The Discoveries in Crete, 1908 : 
W. Max Mullcr, Orient, Lift. Zeit., xiii. 171. 



Golden Age of Egypt 89 

by Amenemhat III, a building different from any previously erected in 
that land of architectural wonders. The Fayum Labyrinth was a copy 
of the island Labyrinth of Minos. It is not for nothing that ancient 
tradition makes out the Cretan Daedalus, the architect of the Minoan 
Labyrinth, to have sat at the feet of Egyptian masters, 1 to have built 
the Propylaeum of Ptah at Memphis, and to have received divine honours 
in a neighbouring shrine. 2 The " Parian marble " of Hawara must have 
closely resembled the glittering white selenite or gypsum of Knossos. 3 

The site of this immense Labyrinth is probably represented to-day 
by a gigantic bed of fragments of fine white limestone, 1,000 feet long, 
and 800 feet broad, lying to the south of the pyramid of Hawara. It is 
a space sufficiently capacious to hold all the temples of Thebes including 
Luxor and Karnak ! In Roman times its destruction had begun, and as 
it has been used as a quarry for 2,000 years, nothing but this immense 
heap of fragments remains to testify to the existence of a building which 
struck with amazement and admiration every visitor to the Nilotic 
land of marvels. 

The Labyrinth was dedicated to Sebek, the deity to whom crocodiles 
were sacred, and the city of Crocodilopolis (or, as it was called in later 
Ptolemaic times, Arsinoe) rose not far from the pyramid of Hawara, where 
Amenemhat III, most powerful and most glorious of the monarchs of the 
Middle Kingdom, was entombed. The pyramid was explored by Petrie 
in 1889, 4 who discovered the extraordinary, yet vain, ingenuity adopted 
in its construction to prevent robbers from obtaining access to the royal 
resting-place. Over 190 feet high, with a base 334 feet square, the pyramid 
had false passages, dumb chambers, gigantic sliding roof trap-doors 
weighing 45 tons, and other contrivances. Yet all had been in vain : the 
spoilers had mined through, and had rifled and burned the coffins and their 
contents. The sepulchral chamber in the interior is over 22 feet long, 
and 10 feet wide, yet it was hewn out of one solid block of hard yellow 
quartzite weighing no tons ; an amazing feat, indeed, yet revealing the 
ease with which the engineers of the Xllth Dynasty faced and overcame 
enormous mechanical difficulties. In the Ptolemaic period, Amenemhat III 
was deified, and was worshipped in the Fayum under the name of 
Pra-marres. 5 

Amid all this glory and earthly splendour 6 it is not a little instructive 
to find that reflection on the transient character of it all, and meditations 
on the inherent vanity and perishableness of all human things, were by 
no means awanting. Preserved in the Leyden Museum is a slab bearing 
The Lay of the Harper, in which an Egyptian musician sings to the revellers 
in the rich banqueting hall, and reminds them of the inevitable darkness 
of the tomb which awaits them all. The song dates from the period of 
this greatest King of the Xllth Dynasty. Many of its cadences remind 
us forcibly of the Book of Ecclesiastes, wherein Koheleth describes the glory 
and seeming happiness of King Solomon, and contrasts these with the 
hopeless descent into Sheol which is the lot of the King, noble and peasant 

1 Evans in Arch. Rep. Egypt. Explor. Fund, 1899-1900, p. 62. » Diodorus, 

. 97. 3 Hall in Journ. Hell. Stud., 1905, Pt. ii. "Petrie, Kahun Gurob, 

and Hawara pp. 12-17. lt should be mentioned, however, that de Morgan (Foinlles 
a Dahchour, 1894-5) and Breasted {Hist, of Egypt, p. 198) dispute the identification 
of the Pyramid of Hawara with that of the tomb of Amenemhat III. Rubensohn, 

/Egypt. Zeit xlii. in. 6 That Amenemhat III had to engage in war with Asiatics 

is testified to by his famous pectoral which shows the King striking down two bearded 
foreigners, with the legend attached, " The striking of the Mentu, the striking of the 
Asiatics." 



1 



go Nile and Jordan 

alike. Indeed, if we are led to regard the Book of Ecclesiastes as having 
been composed in Egypt in Ptolemaic times, in the brilliant period of the 
early Graeco-Egyptian Kings, 1 it is not a little remarkable to note the 
striking resemblances between the two compositions, and their similarities 
even invite the question whether the author of the latter book may not 
have seen, and read, and adapted for his own purposes some of the literary 
expressions contained in the earlier work. That the correspondence between 
the two, in thought if not in verbal expression, may be the better brought 
out, I place some of the phrases in parallel columns : — 



The Lay of the Harper 2 

How happy is this good prince ! 
This goodly destiny is fulfilled. 

The body perishes, passing away, 
while others abide, since the 
time of the ancestors. 



The gods who were aforetime, rest 
in their pyramids : likewise the 
noble, and the wise, entombed 
in their pyramids. As for those 
who built houses — their place 
is no more : behold, what hath 
become of them ? 



I have heard the words of Imhotep 
and Harzozef, whose utterances 
are of much reputation : yet 
how are the homes of these sages ? 
Their walls are in ruins, their 
places arc no more — as if they 
had never been ! 

None cometh from thence (from 
the lower world of shades) that 
he might tell us of their state, 
that he might restore our hearts 
until we too depart to the place 
whither they have gone. 



Ecclesiastes 

I was King over Israel in Jerusalem. 3 
. . . I said in mine heart " Go to 
now, I will prove thee with mirth."* 

That which befalleth the sons of 
men befalleth beasts : ... as 
the one dieth, so dieth the other 
. . . all go unto one place, all 
are of the dust, and all turn to 
dust again ; 5 one generation goeth, 
and another generation cometh. 6 

I saw the wicked buried and they 
came to the grave 7 ... all 
things come alike to all, there is 
one event to the righteous and 
to the wicked, to the good and to 
the clean 8 . . . madness is in 
their heart while they live, and after 
that they go to the dead 9 . . . the 
dead know not anything . . . 
the memory of them is forgotten : 10 
do not all go to one place ? l 1 

Of the wise man, even as of the fool, 
there is no remembrance for ever : 
seeing that, in the days to come, 
all will have been already forgo/ ten. 12 



Who knoweth the spirit of man 
whither it goeth upward, and 
the spirit of the beast whether it 
goeth downward, to the earth ? 
. . . Who shall bring a man 
back to see what shall be after 
him 13 . . .as icell their love, as 
their hatred and their envy, is now 
perished, neither have they any 
more a portion for ever in anything 
that is done under the sun. 1 * 



1 For the evidence for this view, see p. 443. "The translation of the Egyptian 
t is from Breasts! Hist, of Ecvtot. n. 206. a EVrloa 1 » 4 -, 1 



m is from Breasted, Hist, of Egypt, p. 
8 l* » 8 '" *->.* Ig.l i",,. 



n 6 



3 Eccles. 



]; 



j.' 



Ug.l 






Golden Age of Egypt 91 

The Lay of the Harper Ecclesiastes 

Encourage thy heart to forget it There is nothing better for a man 
(the inevitable descent into Sheol) than that he should eat and drink 

and let the heart dwell upon and make his soul enjoy good 

that which is profitable for thee. in his labour » . . . there is 

nothing better than that a man 
should rejoice in his works 2 . . . 
that which I have seen to be good 
and to be comely is for one to 
eat and to drink and to enjoy 
good in all his labour wherein 
he labour eth under the sun : 3 
for he shall not much remember 
the days of his life* 

Go thy way, eat thy bread with joy, 
and drink thy wine with a merry 
heart . . . let thy garments be 
always white, and let not thy 
head lack ointment. 5 

Live joyfully with the wife whom 
thou lovest all the days of thy 
life of thy vanity. 6 . . . Rejoice, 
young man, in thy youth, 
and let thy heart cheer thee in 
the days of thy youth, and walk 
in the ways of thine heart, and 
in the sight of thine eyes. 1 

There is no work nor device, nor 
knowledge, nor wisdom in the 
grave whither thou goest : 8 . . . 
if a man live many years, let 
him rejoice in them all, but let 
him remember the days of darkness, 
for they shall be many 9 . . . 
because man goeth to his long 
home. 10 

Therefore remove sorrow from thy 
heart, and put away evil from thy 
flesh n . . . a feast is made for 
laughter, and wine maketh glad 
the life. 12 

As he came forth of his mother's 
ivomb, naked shall he go again 
as he came, and shall lake nothing 
for his labour which he may 
carry away in his hand : in all 
points as he came, so shall he go. 13 

Under the two remaining sovereigns of the Xllth Dynasty, 
Amenemhat IV (b.c. 3259), and his sister- wife, Sebek-neferu-Ra 
(b.c. 3246), the glory of the Middle Kingdom faded away. Their reigns 



Follow thy desire while thou livest : 
lay myrrh upon thy head, clothe 
thee in fine linen, imbued with 
luxurious perfumes. 

Increase yet more thy delights, 
let not thine heart be weary : 
follow thy desire and thy pleasure 
and mould thine affairs on earth 
after the mandates of thine heart. 



Till that day of lamentation cometh 
to thee, when the stilled heart 
hears not their mourning : for 
lamentation calls back no man 
from the tomb. 



Celebrate the glad day 
therein. 



rest not 



For lo, no one taketh his goods 
away with him : yea, no man 
returneth again that is gone 
thither. 



11. 



1 Eccles 2. 24 

8 10 J2_5 



11 



I I. 



1U 



85.18 
12 



4 5- 



20 



9- 7 



1 1. 



9- 1 



10. ' 



13 c 15 16 






Nile and Jordan 

fere short and unremarkable. 1 With the former ends the series of rock 
fnscriptions in the Wady Maghara, or at Serabit-el-Khadem, in Sinai : 2 
'no more inscriptions are found there until the accession of Aahmes I of 
the XVIIIth Dynasty. 3 But Amenemhat IV left in the last-named spot 
a memorial of another description. Petrie discovered here a vast bed 
of wood ashes, ioo feet long and 50 feet broad, varying from 3 to 18 inches 
in thickness. The bed, in all likelihood, must formerly have been of much 
more extended size, for in spite of the rains and winds of 4,900 years, it is 
still of gigantic proportions, there being some 50 tons of ashes on the spot, 
the residue of many former hundreds of tons which have disappeared. 
What is the reason of this extraordinary ash deposit ? Petrie lays aside 
as untenable the supposition that we have here the remains of smelting 
works, for there is no copper near to be melted, and the site is inaccessible 
for the purpose. Equally unsuitable is the theory that the ashes are the 
product of wood fires to extract alkali. Rather he believes that we have 
here a typical Palestinian " high-place " where sacrifices and burnt incense 
were offered. 4 References to these Canaanite " high-places " are scattered 
throughout the whole Old Testament. 5 As a popular Syrian mode of 
worship, they were of very ancient date, and the later developments of the 
practice under the Kings of Judah and Israel were but perpetuations of 
a primitive Canaanite ritual. Thus, in this huge " high-place " in Sinai, 
with its enormous heap of ashes, we discover another proof of the intimate 
connection that subsisted between the neighbouring territories of Canaan 
and Egypt. Soldiers of the Egyptian garrison, and the turquoise miners 
of the Xllth Dynasty, seem to have fallen under the influence of the 
religious traditions of the place. Burnt sacrifices on high places were entirely 
unknown in Egypt itself. But outside the Nile Valley, the Egyptian 
settlers succumbed to the dominance of Semitic religious customs; and the 
immense size of this ash-bed testifies to the devotion of these miners and 
officials to the seductive power of Canaanite forms of worship. 

The ash-heap, however, witnesses to still another fact. It is evidence 
of how extensive and wholesale the destruction of the forests of Sinai must 
have been, and how in the time of the Xllth Dynasty, the hillsides must 
have been clothed with vegetation where to-day all is sterility and barren 
sand and rock. These valleys, now lined with dry watercourses, and bare 
of any trees, must in the time of the Xllth Dynasty have been 
beautiful with the shade of noble pines and cypresses, and musical with 
the laughter of rippling water. The exquisite loveliness of the Southern 
Valleys, such as the Wady Sigilliyeh discovered by Palmer, 6 where deep 
pools and waterfalls are overshadowed by palm trees and graced with ferns 
and desert herbage of the richest green, where tall, wavy rushes with 
feathery heads grow to a height of 12 or 14 feet, and where there is 
exuberant vegetation swarming with insect and bird life, must also have 
been characteristic of the Northern wadies, where to-day are inhospitable 

1 For interesting remains of Amenemhat IV discovered at Thebes, see Earl of 
Carnarvon and Carter, Five Years' Exploration at Thebes (1912), p. 7. J For a 
list of these, see David Paton, Early Egyptian Records of Travel, i. (Princeton, 1915). 
* Petrie, Researches in Sinai, pp. 98, 102. * Ibid., pp. 99, 1S6. s 2 Ki. 12, s 

The high-places were not taken away ; the people still sacrificed and burnt 
incense in the high places (so also 14, 4 15 * ") : 2 Ki. i6,« Ahaz sacrificed and burnt 
incense in the high places, and on the hills, and under every green tree : 2 Ki. 17, 9 10 11 
The children of Israel built them high places in all their cities . . . and they set them up 
obelisks, and Asherim, upon every high hill and under every green tree, and there they 
burnt incense in all the high places, as did the nations whom the Lord carried away 
be/ore them. 8 Talmer, Desert 0/ the Exodus, i. 210, 213. 






Golden Age of Egypt 93 

wastes of rock and stone. This fact further disposes of the objection 
that has been raised to the possibility of the Israelites having been able 
to find trees in Sinai of a size sufficient to furnish the beams requisite 
for the construction of the Tabernacle. There is no reason to believe that 
this ash-heap represents the final extermination of the forests in this 
region. In all likelihood, there were still surviving large trees which 
were available in later ages when the Israelites entered this territory. 
The presence of the trees also indicates a greater rainfall in this early 
period than now obtains, when the wholesale cutting down of the forests 
has altered the climatic conditions of the country. 1 

As the great Xllth Dynasty passed away, there were not wanting 
tokens that some reflective minds felt that they were on the verge of grave 
and even overwhelming trouble. It is not a little ominous to find a 
prophet arising at this era, and predicting a time of trial, and ruin, and 
humiliation such as had never been. In a papyrus of this period, a certain 
Ipuwer 2 is said to have appeared before the Pharaoh, and to have 
prophesied a season of unspeakable disaster, the ruin of family life, the 
dissolution of society, the overturning of all ancient institutions. 3 
Epidemics will sweep away all classes indiscriminately : there will be 
plague and bloodshed everywhere : civil war will rage : " the rivers will 
be turned into blood, and although ye will not like it, ye will have to drink 
of it, and thirst after water." There will be invasion by the desert dwellers, 
who will swarm into Egypt with grim carnage and massacre. The rich 
nobles will be made beggars, and will see their lands and houses, their 
wealth and privileges, usurped by the vilest and the poorest. Those at 
the bottom of society will come to the top, and those at the top will be 
cast to the bottom. It is all a vivid characterization of Oriental life turned 
topsy-turvy ; and certainly in the sorrows and calamities of the succeeding 
Dynasties, when the Hyksos had overwhelmed the old regime, the dwellers 
on the Nile might well reflect how truly the prophecy had been 
fulfilled ! 

But what is of striking interest for us to note is that at the end of 
the prediction of woes coming upon the land, there is the promise of a 
Saviour, a Messiah, who will again bring peace and prosperity. He is 
conceived of as "The Good Shepherd." "Men shall say 'He is the 
Shepherd of all the people : there is no evil in his heart. If his flocks 
go astray, he will spend the day to search for them . . . would that 
he might achieve their rescue ! Verily he shall smite evil when he raises 
his arm against it. . . . Where is he this day ? Doth he sleep among 
you ? ' " Some may be disposed to regard the prediction as flattery 
addressed merely to the then existing sovereign of the Xllth Dynasty, 
who had brought peace to Egypt after the anarchy of former times. Others 
will find the fulfilment in the rise of the strong monarchs of the XVIIIth 
Dynasty, who drove out the hated foreigners who had overturned the 
native line of kings. But others 4 perhaps will regard this as one of the 
most remarkable "unconscious prophecies of heathendom," wherein 

* This fact does not seem to have been sufficiently weighed by Woolley and 
Lawrence, P.E.F. Annual (The Wilderness of Zin), iii. (1914 *5). P- 32. ™™^T 
that the ancient rainfall must have been as scanty as it is to-day So ™ e T f™™™™ 
evidence as to the gradual desiccation of a wide region by the systematic destruction 
of forests is given by Garrett, The American Archatol. Exped. to Syria in , l8 ^-i900 
Pt. i. (1914), p. 93. See also on the former afforested condition of Sinai. W. T W.ter 
in P.S.B.A., xxxix. (1917). 160. »Or Apoui. JL^ge,, P"£ hez «J°8« 

eines ^gyptischen Weisen aus dem Papyrus, i. 344 "> Leyden. (i*/-6. a. uemn 
Akad., xxvii. (1903), 601-610). 4 Including Professor Breasted. 



94 Nile and Jordan 

the Spirit of God led this ancient seer to predict the coming of Him who 
said of Himself, / am the Good Shepherd, 1 and regarding whom, as a Hebrew 
prophet declared, Behold I myself, even I, will search for my sheep and will 
seek them out. As a shepherd seeketh out his flock in the day that he is among 
his sheep that are scattered abroad, so will I seek out my sheep ; and I will 
deliver them out of all places whither they have been scattered in the cloudy 
and dark day." 

>Jno. io. 11 " 2 Ezek. 34." 12 






L 



CHAPTER IX 

The Fall of the Middle Kingdom and the Invasion of the Hyksos 

From the XHIth Dynasty to the XVIIth is the darkest and most obscure 
portion of Egyptian history. Long lists of names of kings of whom other- 
wise we know nothing are given in the Turin Papyrus, but as regards the 
extent of their rule, the length of their reigns, and the general features 
of their government,we are absolutely in the dark. Nor can we be certain 
that the Dynasties were successive. Many authorities of eminence regard 
some of them as contemporary, maintaining that the Nile Valley was again 
split into two rival principalities — the South and the North — one Dynasty 
ruling at Thebes, while its neighbour and antagonist occupied the Delta. 1 

i. The Xlllth Dynasty (b.c. 3246-2793) 

The Xlllth Dynasty was still Theban. But as it begins in obscurity, 
it continues in decadence, and it ends in darkness. The fewness of the 
monuments it has left is a testimony to the weakness of the government 
and the demoralized condition of the commonwealth. While some 
Egyptologists 2 would have us regard the period as one of profound calm, 
a season |of inactivity at home and abroad, a backwater eddy after the 
excessive vigour of the preceding Dynasty, the evidence is rather that it 
was an era of decline, of increasing intestine feuds, of revolts and 
assassinations, of the uprising of the nobles against the royal authority, 
and of the rebellion of the great cities and nomes of the Nile Valley against 
the autocratic rule of Thebes. 3 It is not without significance that the 
Tablet of Abydos passes over in total silence the kings of this and of the 
four following Dynasties. The Tablet of Karnak mentions but a few 
names, while the Tablet of Sakkara is equally unsatisfactory in the way 
of showing us how to elucidate the many chronological problems of the 
period. Manetho states that the Xlllth Dynasty had 60 kings, all reigning 
from Thebes, and that their rule lasted for a period of 453 years. 4 

1 One of the latest and most thorough attempts in this direction is that by Weill, 
Journ. Asiat., xi. Ser. ix. (1917), PP- 193-256- 2 Maspero {Dawn of Civilization, 

p. 531) declares that art and everything else in Egypt, during the whole Xlllth Dynasty, 
was fairly prosperous. " Nothing attained a very high standard, but on the other 
hand, nothing fell below a certain level of respectable mediocrity. Wealth, however 
exercised an injurious influence upon artistic taste." Petne (Hist, of Egypt, 1-217) 
suggests that Egypt by this time was surfeited with building, and the zeal for 
architecture had died down. 3 Hall (Anc. Hist, of Near East, p. 165) suggests 

that at the beginning of the Xlllth Dynasty. Egypt was divided again into two 
Kingdoms. A branch of dynasts held rule at Thebes, while the legitimate line reigned 
in the North at Itht-taui. He places the Antefs in the period between the *H*th 
and XVIIth Dynasties. 4 The intricacies of this Xlllth Dynasty are grappled 

with by Max Pieper in the Zeit. f. Mg. Sprache, 1914. P- 54 f - 

95 



96 Nile and Jordan 

Of these monarchs, one or two emerge into the sunlight like 
mountain peaks rising from an ocean of mist which enswathes all other 
summits of lesser altitude. 1 The first of the Dynasty, Ra-khu-taui, 2 
exercised authority from the Delta to the Second Cataract where Nilometric 
markings with his cartouche are recorded for the first four years of his 
reign. The sixth king, Ameni-Antef-Amenemhat, has left at Karnak 
a large sandstone altar. The fifteenth, Sebekhetep I, was a vigorous 
ruler who enjoyed the undisputed mastery of the Nile Valley from Bubastis 3 
in the Delta to Semneh in Nubia. 4 The seventeenth, Mermashau, has 
left two black granite statues in Tanis, discovered by Mariette. 5 The 
twentieth, Sebekhetep II, is stated on a stele now in Vienna to have 
succeeded to the throne in virtue of the royal descent of his mother, his 
father having been a plebeian, or at least of non-royal blood. The 
twenty-first, Nefer-hetep, erected a large stele at Abydos in which 
he recorded his devotion to the Sun-god. The twenty-third was 
Sebekhetep III, seemingly the greatest monarch of the Dynasty. Two 
colossal granite statues representing him were discovered at Tanis, another 
at Bubastis, while similar gigantic mutilated statues, 23 feet high, are 
still to be seen in the island of Argo at the head of the Third Cataract. 6 
It would appear, also, that in his reign, Egypt and Canaan were once again 
in close political and commercial relations. Macalister found at Gezer 
a scarab bearing the title " Nefer-ka-ra, " which is the prenomen of 
Sebekhetep III. 7 To probably the same reign must be referred the scarabs 
of steatite found at Gezer (one scarab being set on a thick bronze ring), 
bronze hair-pins, and other articles of adornment possibly from the tomb 
of some Egyptian resident in the Canaanite town. 8 The twenty-fifth 
King, Sebekhetep IV, reared a colossal statue of himself in the entrance 
of the temple at Tanis. 9 If, therefore, he reigned from Thebes, his rule 
must have been as extensive over the Nile Valley as any of his predecessors. 

The fifty-fourth monarch actually had the effrontery to put his name, 
Nehesi, the " Negro," within a royal cartouche ! A colossal black 
granite seated figure of this King was discovered by Mariette at Tanis, 10 
and an obelisk which he left shows him worshipping the Semitic god, Set. 11 
In all likelihood he was a true negro, or at least a half-breed, who in the 
troublous times of the dying Dynasty had " waded through slaughter to 
the throne," and now gloried in the triumph of his Ethiopic blood. 12 Thus 

1 Sethe (Gottingen Gel. Am., 1904, p. 932) suggests that the Israelites entered 
Egypt under this dynasty, and that the Exodus was connected with the Expulsion 
of the Hyksos — a most improbable view, which violates all chronology. 2 Breasted 

(Hist, of Egypt, p. 211) combines in one person the two kings whom Budge names 
as the first and second monarchs of the XUIth Dynasty. 3 Naville (Bubastis, 

p. 15) found here abundant tokens of Sebekhetep l's building operations. 1 * His 
name occurs here in a series of Nilometric hieroglyphs. 6 Petrie, Tanis, i. 8. They 

were both over 12 feet high, and both placed in the great temple of Ptah in that city : 
cf. also Burton, Excerpta Hieroglyphica, Pi. xxx. 1, 7. 6 Hoskins, Ethiopia, p. 213. 

7 P.E.F.Q., 1903, p. 279. The Turin Papyrus gives the name of the 85th King of the 
XUIth Dynasty as Nefer-ka-ra. But the spiral ornamentation on this Gezer scarab 
points to the identification of the monarch in question with Sebekhetep III, the greatest 
sovereign of the XIII th Dynasty, rather than with the fainiant monarch at the close 
of the Dynasty. It also prevents us from identifying the king with any of those 
monarchs of the Vllth — Xth Dynasties, who bore the same prenomen. 8 P.E.F.Q., 

1904, p. 328. * Figured in Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, p. 529. 10 Naville, A h nas-el- 
Mt clinch, PI. 4, bi and B2. This statue gave rise to much controversy as to its 
identification, until Naville settled the problem. 11 Petrie, Tanis, i. pi. hi. 19 a. 

"Naville (Arch. Rep. Egypt. Explor. Fund, 1892-3, p. 7) says" Are we to suppose 

in the long period, so little known, which extends from the Xllth Dynasty to 
the Hyksos, one of the causes of the anarchy which probably prevailed at that time 
was the invasion of negroes ? Did the Ethiopians, before the invaders from the East, 
succeed in conquering Egypt, and in coming to the throne ? . . . It is quite possible 






Fall of Middle Kingdom 97 

the splendour, the prosperity, and the vigour of the Amenemhats and 
Senuserts were succeeded by the misery, the insecurity, the anarchy of the 
crocodile worshippers, the devotees of Sebek, until the nadir of shame 
was reached when a negro sat on the throne that had once been tenanted 
by some of the wisest and greatest of sovereigns ! 

11. The XlVth Dynasty (b.c. 2793-2533) 

The XlVth Dynasty is said to have ruled from Xois in the marshes 
of the Delta, between the Phatnitic and the Sebennytic mouths of the Nile. 
How it came to pass that this neglected town in the swamps rose to be 
the seat of royal power ; why Thebes lost her supremacy ; who were the 
leaders in this great transference of dynastic rule, are questions to which 
neither history nor archaeology can as yet contribute answers. According to 
Manetho, the Kings of the XlVth Dynasty numbered 76, and their united 
reigns extended over a period of either 184 or 484 years. None of these 
monarchs, however, in any way resembled their mighty predecessors of 
the Xllth Dynasty. Their reigns were brief and inglorious. A fragment 
of masonry here, a statue there, a scarab bearing a royal cartouche, are 
in most cases all that we have to guide us. There was no wealth, nor 
security, nor stability of government, in which to erect lasting monuments. 
King followed king with startling rapidity, some reigning only a year, 
others stretching out their term to two or three years : in one case a king 
reigned only two months and a few days. It was a period paralleled by 
the misery of the last agonies of the State of Samaria so luridly sketched 
by Hosea, when king after king grasped the sceptre and fell beneath the 
dagger of his successful rival. 1 Or it reminds us of the military despotism 
following the assassination of Commodus, when in about 90 years, probably 
80 emperors assumed the Roman purple. 2 

It is possible that the weakness of Egypt at this era may be connected 
with the contemporary invasions of Palestine and of Sinai by Sargon I 
(Sharganisharali) of Agade, and his famous son, Naram-Sin (c. b.c. 2750). 
The " Omen Texts " mention that both father and son invaded " Magan," 
according to Haupt 3 the Babylonian name for the desert between the 
Nile and the Red Sea, or what is perhaps more likely, the Sinai Peninsula, 
which was Egyptian territory, and conquered it. 4 Four times Sargon 
invaded Martu (Syria-Palestine) and ravaged it. As Canaan had been 
reckoned by former Pharaohs as part of their dominion, the power of 
Egypt must have been low indeed to take these insults tamely. 

Of all the Kings of the XlVth Dynasty, only two stand out with any 
clearness, both bearing the name of Sebekemsaf. 5 These seem to have 
exercised a somewhat wider and more powerful sway than any of the rest 
and to have been buried in the vicinity of Thebes, though reigning in the 
Delta. But the authority of all these faineant monarchs was largely 
nominal. Probably many of them reigned contemporaneously with each 
other in different parts of the Delta, and simultaneously also with other 

that by a turn of fortune, so often seen in the history of Eastern empires, the negroes 
may have had their day, and have become masters, not only of Upper Egypt, but 
even of the Delta ? " _. 

] Cf. Hos. 7/ 8 4 io, 7 io, 2 13. 10 2 Meyer, JEgypt. Chron., p. 62. Orient. 

Litt. Zeit., xvi. 488.' * Cuneiform Inscript., iv., PI. 34: De Sarzec, Dicouvcrtes 

PI. 16, col. vii. (see p. 106). 5 Pieper (/Egypt. Zeitsch., li. 94) l^ks the Sebekcmsafs 

with the late Antefs, and out of these and other constituents he makes a local 
Theban Dynasty, contemporary with the beginning of Dynasty XIII; and 
concludes that between the Xllth and the XVIIth Dynasties, Egypt was an elective 
monarchy. 
G 



98 Nile and Jordan 

kinglets in the Thebaid. In the divided state of the land, the country lay 
open to the attack of any bold invader. 1 The end of the Dynasty was 
brought about by an irruption of semi-savages, who left a deep mark on 
the history and memorials of Egypt. 

in. The Hyksos Invasion and the XV th (B.C. 2533-2249) and XVIth 

Dynasties (b.o. 2249-1731) 

To the wild, roving tribes of the Arabian desert, the Nile Valley, with 
its freshness and greenery, and especially the broad, well-watered Delta, 
with its magnificent crops and luxuriant palms, was always a land eagerly 
coveted. The fertility of the Delta was indeed proverbial, and famed 
beyond its borders. When Lot lifted up his eyes, he beheld all the plain of 
fordan, that it was well watered everywhere, even as the garden of the Lord, 
like the land of Egypt. 2 For many previous centuries there had been a 
constant immigration into the Delta of Semitic peoples, arriving singly, 
or in families, or in tribes, who had settled in the land, and had quietly 
mingled themselves with the purely Egyptian population. Of kindred 
race with these, vast swarms of Shasu, Amu, Menti, as the Egyptians called 
the Bedouin races, hovered on the confines of this fertile territory, and 
sighed for an opportunity of exchanging the blazing sands and arid wastes 
of Arabia and the Sinai Peninsula for the canals and groves and shady 
gardens of Egypt. The weakness of the XlVth Dynasty afforded them 
the long-desired boon. The numerous Bedouin families, who, generation 
after generation, had already been quietly settling in the Delta, were 
suddenly reinforced by enormous hordes of their Semitic fellow-countrymen 
who poured in with irresistible strength from the deserts of Arabia. 

By the native Egyptians the invaders were called Hyksos, but both 
the meaning of the name, and the peoples whom they represent, have 
been the subject of a prolonged controversy which cannot yet be said to 
have been finally settled. 3 Rosellini and Lenormant maintained the 
Scythian origin of the Hyksos. Brugsch held that in a general sense they 
were natives of the interior of Asia. 4 W. Max Mvillcr 5 says that they 
were not Semites, but Mitannians, Hittites, or similar intruders from 
eastern Asia Minor, who had first of all conquered Syria previous to their 
irruption into Egypt. Similarly Mariette 6 and Conder 7 urge the claims 
of the Hittites (whom they style " Mongols ") to be the people represented 
by the name Hyksos. Naville 8 has contributed an elaborate discussion 
on their origin and the extent of their power, and inclines towards Flower's 
and Virchow's views, based on ethnological considerations, that the Hyksos 
were of Turanian stock. Newberry and Garstang 9 believe that the Hyksos 
were practically Hittite, and thus they were racially akin to the Pelasgians, 
the pre-Hellcnic Minoans, the Tyrrhenians, and the Etruscans of Italy. 

1 Naville (Bubastis, p. 19) point9 out how the discords and factions of the XII Ith 
and XlVth Dynasties were the main causes of the success of the Hyksos invasion. 

* Gen. 13. 10 a Much information and acute reasoning regarding the whole 
period from Joseph to Moses, i.e., the Hyksos era, will be found in Dr. Max Uhlemann, 
Isracliten mid Hyksos in JEgypten, cine historisch-kritische Untersuclutng (Leipzig, 
1856), and P. Cesare A. dc Cara, Gli Hyksos Re Pastori di Egitto (Rome, 1889). One 
of the latest discussions is that by Battiscombe Gunn and A. H. Gardiner in Journ. 
of Egypt. Arch., v. (1918) 36 f. « Vcrh. d. Internet. Orient.-Kongress (Berlin, 
1S81), ii. 3, 76. i Encycl. Bibl, art. Egypt, ii. 1238. In Orient. Litt. Zeit., xii. .127, 

ea from the spelling of the name that the Egyptians were well acquainted with 
the Hittites long before the XVIIlth Dynasty, probably in this Hyksos period. 

• Apercu de 1'IIistoire d'Egypte, p. 50. 7 The Hittites and their Language, 
pp. 19-23- 'Bubastis (1891), pp. 15-29. 9 Short Hist, of Anc. Egypt, p. 05. 






Fall of Middle Kingdom 99 

It is, however, a formidable objection to this theory that the Hyksos names 
are all strongly Semitic, 1 while the Hittites were of non-Semitic blood. 
Lepsius, 2 Steindorff, 3 and Maspero 4 plead for a Canaanite-Kushite 
origin. Sayce, 5 finding the Hyksos god, Sutekh, on a Babylonian seal 
in the Metropolitan Museum at New York, with the inscription 
" Uzi-Sutakh, son of the Kassite, servant of Burnaburias," 6 concludes 
that the Hyksos were of Kassite origin. E. Meyer 7 urges that the 
Hyksos were not foreign invaders at all, but a Dynasty of Kings of Lower 
Egypt, who attracted a large number of Asiatic mercenaries to their service. 
This R. Weill 8 strenuously combats. 

Notwithstanding all the force with which some of these views are urged 
by their respective advocates, it would seem likely that the old view is, 
after all, that which lies nearest to the truth, namely, that the" 
Hyksos represent the mingled Semitic peoples of the Arabian desert, along 
with the nomad dwellers in Canaan and neighbouring territories. 
Petrie 9 has pointed out that the Semite Abishua, who headed the pro- 
cession of Canaanites entering Egypt, as shown in the tomb of Khnumhetep 
at Beni-Hasan, 10 in the days of Senusert II, was the bearer of the name 
which appears later in Jewish history as Abishai. 11 The Egyptians gave 
this dignitary the title of hak khast, " prince of the desert," which in the 
plural form became, in later ages, Hyksos, 12 which Manetho correctly 
describes as meaning " Shepherd-Kings." 

Hommel 13 very plausibly connects their invasion of Egypt with the 
simultaneous overflow of other tribes of North Arabia into Babylonia, 
an incursion which led to the overthrow of the early Kingdoms of Nisin, 
Ur, Larsa, and Elam, and to the establishment of the 1st Dynasty of 
Babylon, which was Arabian in origin, and whose sixth king, Hammurabi, 14 
was the most distinguished monarch of his age. 15 There are even in existence 
two scarabs containing the names of two kings of Babylonian origin — 
Khenzer and Khandy — who claim to have a place among the Hyksos 
monarchs. 16 Petrie maintains that these two kings came into Egypt from 
Babylon as mercenaries, and that during the misery and anarchy of the 
Xlllth or XlVth Dynasties, they gradually rose to seize the supreme 
power. 17 Khandy is shown on a cylinder of green jasper wearing the double 
crown of Egypt, and giving the sign of life to a Babylonian figure standing 
before him. It is a remarkable fact that two Babylonian Kings should have 
sat on the august throne of Egypt. Yet, if the invasion of Babylonia 
and of Egypt respectively were thus but parts of the same widespread 
movement, originating in a common centre, impelled by a common impulse, 
and arising from what might be called the common necessity of providing 
for a periodic overflow of the overplus population of Arabia into the 
civilized lands that lay on either hand, it is interesting to note that both 

1 This is emphasized by Burchardt, JEgypt. Zeitsch. 1. 6. 2 Nub. Gram. Einlcititng, 
pp. cxiii. f. 3 Zur Gesch. der Hyksos, pp. 3-7. 4 Gesch. d. Morgen. Volk., 

p. 167. 5 Academy, 1895, p. 189. 6 Burnaburias, King of Babylon, lived 

contemporaneously with the XVIIIth Dynasty, about B.C. 1400. 7 Gesch. d. 

Altertums. 8 Journ. Asiat., 1911, and esp. ix. (1917), PP- I-I43- * Hyksos 

and Israelite Cities, p. 5. 10 See p. 81. "i Sam. 26. 6 12 Hyk= princes, 

kings + Sos = Egyptian Shasu, or desert nomads. 13 Ancient Hebrew Tradition, 

p. 41 : Winckler (History of Babylonia and Assyria, p. 60) supports the same view. 
"The Amraphel King of Shinar of Gen. 14. * as is proved by Pilter, P.S.B.A., 
xxxv. (1913), p. 171. 15 See King, Letters and Inscriptions of Hammurabi, p. 

236 f. 16 Pieper, Konige zwischen dem mittleren u. neuen Reich, p. 32: Meyer, 

Nachtrage, p. 37. « Petrie, Egypt and Israel, p. 12 : but later in Essays and 

Studies, presented to William Ridgeway, 1913, p. 193. he and Peet assign the Khandy 
scarab to the period between the Vlth and Xlth Dynasties, a time of Semitic 
incursion into the Delta. 



ioo Nile and Jordan 

sections of this migration were themselves overcome by the civilization 
which they temporarily displaced. In each case, these nomads, after 
carrying fire and sword, ruin and desolation with them, 1 settled down in 
the land they had conquered, availed themselves of the resources of the 
arts and culture they had despised, adopted the language, learning, 
and religion of the subjugated population, and to a large extent 
became, in the one case, naturalized Babylonians, in the other, thorough 

Egyptians. 

The native Egyptians so loathed these intruding foreigners that they 
disdained to record on their monuments anything as to their exploits. 
Josephus, 2 however, has preserved a long account of them, which he quotes 
from a lost Egyptian history by Manetho. The Egyptian priest tells how 
the invaders savagely burned down the cities, demolished the temples of 
the gods, and used all the inhabitants in a most barbarous fashion. This 
was after they had got the land into their possession " without a battle." 
These men " of ignoble birth from the East " then made one of themselves 
king, whose name was Salatis. 3 He chose Memphis as his capital, and 
forced both Lower and Upper Egypt to pay tribute. Garrisons were 
placed in suitable quarters. For fear of the " Assyrians," 4 he specially 
fortified the eastern frontier. He rebuilt the ancient city, Avaris, making 
it very strong with encircling walls, and put into it a garrison of 240,000 
men. 5 Here he lived in summer, spending the rest of the year at Memphis. 
Such in substance is Manetho's story. 

This fort of Avaris is not Pelusium, as some have supposed. Its true 
site was discovered by Pctrie in 1905. 6 Strange to say, he found that the 
Jewish high priest Onias (about B.C. 154) had utilized the deserted Hyksos 
citadel for his temple-fortress of Leontopolis. But Salatis' original structure 
was a square enclosure, each side measuring about 500 yards, the walls 
being not of Egyptian brickwork, but of sand with an outside sloping 
face of stucco, which only later had a great stone wall built round it. 
There was no gateway. The entrance was by a long, sloping roadway, 
about 35 feet wide, and about 225 feet in length on the east side, leading 
right over the sandbank, which was more than 40 feet high. That the 
stucco was put on and smoothed with the hands is shown by the finger 
sweeps still preserved on it at some points, a remarkably interesting hitman 
element in the course of the excavations. The work displays no great 
building capacity, but rather the untutored attempts at architecture con- 
trived by the rude sons of the desert. The Hyksos defenders of the camp 
must have trusted to archery at long distance to withstand the rush of 
foes up the long slope. It was a mode of fortification utterly different 
from the usual Egyptian massive walled structures as at Abydos, or at 
Semneh and Kumneh. There is certainly a great discrepancy between 

1 Rcisncr (Bulletin of Boston Mtts. of Fine Arts, April, 1914) has shown from excava- 
tions at Kcrma in Nubia, that the brick fort, erected there under Amenemhat III, was 
burned down in a great conflagration. Many seal-impressions of the Hyksos period were 
found, proving that the invasion of Semites penetrated far up the Nile. 2 c. Apion, i. 

14, 15. 'Probably derived from CD vt£' the " governor," the same name as was 
given later by the Hyksos Pharaoh Apepi to Joseph (Gen. 42*). The word may, 
therefore, be only a title, not the real name of the first Hyksos King. * The early 

Kings of Assyria were viceroys and vassals of the Babylonian throne. Even at this 
early period, the ferocity and merciless attacking power for which the Assyrians were 
so much dreaded may have been exhibited in such a way as to make them formidable 
to the I [yksoa I\'ings. But, of course, to a Grecized Egyptian like Manetho, " Assyria " 
e term to include all the dwellers in Mesopotamia and the Euphrates Valley. 
4 Josephus, c. Apion, i. 14. • Arch. Rep. Egypt. Explor. FunJ 1906, p. 25 

Hyksos and Israelite Cities, p. 9. 






Fall of Middle Kingdom 101 

Petrie's measurements of the fort and Josephus' statement that it covered 
10,000 acres (or 3! miles square). Yet there is no doubt that Petrie's 
identification of the spot is correct, and that the later Tell-el-Yahudiyah, 
or Leontopolis, at the mouth of the Wady Tumilat in Goshen, is the site 
of the great camp associated with the Hyksos domination of Egypt. Petrie 
calculates it might hold 40,000 men ; or if they were put together as closely 
as British soldiers in tenting, there might be 80,000. x 

The names of the six Hyksos monarchs of the XVth Dynasty are given 
by Manetho. 2 They were Salatis, who reigned 19 years ; Bnon or Beon, 
who reigned 44 years ; Apakhnas or Pachnan, who reigned 36 years ; 
Apophis, who reigned 61 years ; Jonias or Annas or Staan, who reigned 
50 years ; and Assis or Archles, who reigned 49 years. But the names 
are almost certainly misplaced : some of them belonged to Hyksos Kings 
of the XVIth Dynasty ; 3 and as there are many other names of Hyksos 
monarchs known from scarabs, it is evident that Manetho has mentioned 
merely a few whose exploits were more remarkable, or whose reigning years 
were longer, than the rest. 4 

There seems to have been chronic war for a long period between the 
invaders and the native Theban princes until the latter were crushed by 
the vigorous Hyksos Kings of the early portion of the XVIth Dynasty. 
As the later XVIth sovereigns became feeble, the old Theban spirit revived : 
the quarrel broke out afresh : under the XVI Ith Dynasty there was furious 
fighting, and at last, by the beginning of the XVIIIth Dynasty, the hated 
" Shepherds " were expelled from the soil of Egypt. Manetho asserts 
that the early Hyksos were " always warring with the Egyptians, and were 
very desirous to pluck up Egypt by the roots." Their atrocities earned for 
them the name of the " filthy ones," or the " plague-smitten." It is 
probable that their rapid conquest of Egypt was due to their possessing 
a factor hitherto unknown to the Africans — the war chariot. 5 Though 
used by the Babylonians, and familiar by repute to the Egyptians, the 
horse had not yet been employed by the latter in warfare. The ass 
was the recognized beast of burden. It was the Hyksos who utilized the 
superior striking force of the war chariot in martial combat, and before 
their novel mode of attack the softer Egyptians succumbed. 6 But the 
Egyptians speedily learned the lesson taught them by their conquerors. 
They adopted the war chariot as part of their equipment for battle ; they 
took over with it its Semitic name, markabata, 1 and they used this formidable 
engine in their later raids on Canaan. 8 

1 Petrie, Hyksos and Israelite Cities (1006), p. 5. 2 The versions of the Syncellus 
and of Africanus differ as to the order of these Kings, and their precise nomenclature. 
On the variants in Africanus, Eusebius, and the Scholiast on Plato, see Meyer, Gesch. 
d. Althetthum, i. 13?, and Wiedemann, /Egypt. Gesch., p. 284. 3 For example, 

*' Apophis " seems to be identifiable with Neb-Khepesh-Ra, or with Maa-ab-Ra: Jonias 
or Staan is probably Khian : and Assis seems to be Uatjed. 4 On the other hand, 

Maspero {Struggle of the Nations, p. 53) believes that these are the names of the native 
Theban Kings, and that there has been some mistake made by Manetho in identifying 
them with the Hyksos. Petrie (Historical Studies, p. 14) states that there are far more 
scarabs of the Hyksos than there are of Dynasties XI — XII, XXI XXV, 
XXVI — XXX. There are altogether about 100 with the names of 28 different kings. 
5 See Maspero, Struggle of the Nations, p. 51 = Egypt and Assyria, p. 81 : Zippehn, 
however, suggests that the horse had really died out in Egypt, and was re-introducea. 
This was the way with the camel, which is found portrayed on objects ol tne 
1st Dynasty. 6 See Textor de Ravisi, " Etudes sur les Chars de Guerre Egyptiens " 

in Compte-Rendu de la premidre session du Congress Provincial des Onenialistes Frm 
a St. Etienne, 1875, p. 441 *• ' n ??!9 merkabah. 8 See Chabas' essay, 

" Le Cheval chez les Egyptiens" in his^tudes sur I'Antiquite Historique, Paris, 1873 
p. 421 f. 



102 Nile and Jordan 

During the early Hyksos period, while the land was in a perpetual tumult, 
it was inevitable that "art, literature, and sculpture should be in a decadent 
and backward condition. The graves of the early Hyksos age round 
Avaris show that while there was a steady importation from Syria of its 
typical black incised and buff painted pottery, there was also a continual 
degradation in technique. 1 With the increasing stability of the conquest, 
however, the invaders settled down as thoroughly acclimatized Egyptians. 
They began to revive native styles of architecture, and to impress upon 
the Nilotic types features of a Semitic cast, until the Court life of the later 
Hyksos period, under the XVI th Dynasty, was in all probability formed as 
thoroughly after the ancient mould as if the Shepherd Kings had always 
been true Egyptians. They appropriated the ancient Egyptian titles, 
styled themselves " Sons of Ra," but especially worshipped Sutekh or 
Set, 2 whom they soon learned to identify with their ancestral Semitic Baal. 3 

The annals of the Hyksos period are exceedingly dim, obscure and 
fragmentary. It is impossible to draw the exact boundary lines between 
the XVth and the XVIth Dynasties. Nor can we, except in the case of 
a very few kings, determine to which dynasty any of the Hyksos monarchs 
belonged. Many names of Hyksos sovereigns have come down to us 
merely on solitary scarabs, their personalities otherwise being quite 
unknown. 4 The name of Neb-khepesh-Ra (i.e., " Lord of the Sword ") 
Apepi I is a fitting title for one who all his days pursued a ceaseless war ; 
but regarding his exploits, and those of Maa-ab-Ra, Uatjed, Iekeb-Hur 
(whose name seems to be identical with the Semitic word " Jacob "), 
Semken, Ant-har, Nekara, and others, we are totally in the dark. 

In all likelihood it was during the lifetime of one of these Pharaohs, 
although we cannot identify the particular monarch intended, that Abram 
went down into Egypt to sojourn there, for the famine was sore in the land h 
of Canaan. 6 If the scheme of Biblical Chronology in the Appendix 7 be 
correct, the limits of the possible dates for this entrance of the patriarch 
into the Delta are somewhere between B.C. 2090 (the approximate date 
of his departure from Haran) and B.C. 2065 (the approximate date for the 
birth of Isaac). We may, therefore, hold that the " father of the faithful " 
entered Egypt about B.C. 2080. 

There were three routes by which it was possible to reach Egypt from 
Canaan, and it is probable that Abraham chose the middle one of the three. 
The Way of Shur came down through Hebron by Beersheba, and entered 
the Delta by the Great Wall—" Khetam," or " Etam," 8 or " Shur." ,Shur 
seems to be the Semitic equivalent of Zar or Zaru, the Egyptian word for 
the frontier fortifications. 9 It is referred to in the passage I have already 

1 Petrie in Arch. Rep. Egypt. Explor. Fund, 1906, p. 25 : Hyksos and Israelite 
Cities, p. 15. 2 On the Hyksos worship of Set, see Pleyte, La Religion des Pri- 

IsratUites (Leyden, 1865), pp. 81-127. 3 At Avaris, and at Tanis, the Hyksos 

erected temples to Sutekh-Baal. Under the vengeance of the XVIIIth Dynasty, 
these temples were overthrown, even although they contained great halls, which had 
been erected by the great Kings of the Xllth Dynasty. * Weill {Joum. 

Asiatiqac, E91 7) has shown that it is highly probable that Palestine was the seat of 
an important manufactory of Egyptian scarabs. There was an extensive interchange 
of l his sort, thousands of Egypt-made scarabs having been found in Palestine, and 
similarly, many Palestine-made scarabs being discovered in Egypt. 6 Gen. 12. 10 

•In 1S70, owing to a drought, the Philistine country was almost depopulated, the 
inhabitants having gone to Egypt for food. So ancient history repeats itself. ' See 

1' 5*5- 8 E\ "Zar was ( ung-place of all the great military 

expeditions into Syria in the XVIIIth and XlXth Dynasties. The " fortress of Zar" 
the rendezvous. Seti I has a stele showing the fortress with himself 
Ling strings of Syrian captives. On the other hand, Kiithmann, Die Ostgrcnze 
/Egyptens, places Zaru at El Kantara, instead of near l'elusium. 






Fall of Middle Kingdom 103 

quoted as of proverbial currency, The plain of Jordan was well watered 
everywhere . . . like the garden of the Lord, like the land of Egypt, as thou 
goest unto Zoar, 1 where by " Zoar " we should understand " Zar." The 
Way of Shut is a very ancient road, for Holland, 2 when he discovered it in 
1878 leading eastward from the Delta, found traces of it wherever the sand 
had been blown away, and the old highway could easily be followed by the 
numerous flint flakes and beautifully made arrowheads with which it was 
studded. Abraham descended into Egypt by the same road as that used 
by Palaeolithic man in his journeys to and from Canaan and the Nile 
Valley. 

The danger which befell Sarah in Egypt was a very real one. When 
Abram was come into Egypt, the Egyptians beheld the woman that she was very 
fair, and the princes of Pharaoh saw her, and praised her to Pharaoh, and the 
woman was taken into Pharaoh's house.* The fairness of Asiatics was 
highly valued in contrast to the swarthiness of the native Egyptian women, 
and as the harems of the Pharaoh were being continually replenished with 
white-skinned Syrians, their difference in colour and physiognomy was 
always rendered faithfully in mural paintings. More than that, Chabas has 
discovered in a papyrus of the Xllth Dynasty an enactment that the 
wife and children of a foreigner visiting Egypt might be confiscated as a 
matter of course, and become the property of the Pharaoh. 4 Sarah, as 
the sister of a wealthy Canaanite sheikh, was considered a suitable personage 
to be taken into the harem of a Hyksos sovereign, with whom there existed 
racial affinity, and the Pharaoh showed towards her " brother " gracious 
treatment. 5 

Delivered from this danger, Abraham returned to Canaan, 6 bringing 
with him a native of the Nile Valley, who was afterwards to prove a cause 
of dispeace in his family relationships — Hagar, his Egyptian handmaid. 
For after Abram had dwelt ten years in the land of Canaan, Sarai took Hagar, 
the Egyptian, and gave her to Abram, her husband, to be his wife. 1 When 
Sarah's harshness forced Hagar to flee, it was towards Egypt that she 
bent her steps in the way to Shur. 8 It is a curious mark of genuineness 
in the later narrative that we read that Abraham took a bottle of water and 
gave it unto Hagar, putting it on her shoulder? Hagar was an Egyptian, 
and Herodotus mentions it as a peculiarity of the Egyptians that while 
the men carry burdens on their heads, the women carry them on their 
shoulders. 10 The Arabs still point out Hagar's well, south of Beersheba, 
and also a rock-dwelling, Beit Hagar not far off. 11 When the final parting 
had taken place, and Hagar and her son went forth from the patriarch's 

iGen. 13, 10 see Tomkins, P.E.F.Q., 1884, p. 55: and Naville, P.S.B.A., 
xxxiv. (1912), p. 308: Clay Trumbull in P.E.F.Q., 1884, p. 250 f. It is noteworthy 
that the LXX. distinguish between Gen. 13 10 els z6yopx and Gen. 19. els 
2rw£p. 'Brit. Assoc. Rep. 1878. p. 622 f. : P.E.F.Q., 1879, p. 71: 

1884, pp. 5-13. 3 Gen. 12. 14 15 The history of the name Pharaoh is interesting. 

It occurs under the Old Kingdom as equivalent to " The Great House," i.e., 
the Royal Palace or Court. Horapollo (i. 61) says the King was called oUos 
ixiyas. In the Middle Kingdom it is beginning to be employed a little more in 
the direction of meaning the Royal Person who lives within the palace. Here in 
the Hyksos regime, and a little later under the XVII Ith Dynasty, the term 13 
freely applied to the King himself. By the XXV th Dynasty it is part of the 
King's proper name, e.g., Pharaoh-Necho, Pharaoh-Hophra. See Griffith in Hastings, 
Diet. Bibl.. iii. 819, art. Pharaoh, and P.S.B.A., xxiii. (1901), p. V~ ,~i: 

Les Papyrus hieratiques de Berlin, p. xiv. 5 Gen. 12. fcupolemus 

(in Eusebius, Prapar. Evangel., ix. 17) asserts that Abraham lived many years 
in Heliopolis, taught the Egyptians arithmetic and astronomy, and corrected the 
theology of the college of priests at that religious centre oc n. 11. 

8 Gen. 16.' • Gen. 21." l0 Herod., ii. 35. " Dulmann, Comm. on 

Genesis in ioco. 



104 Nile and Jordan 

Palestinian encampment, he dwelt in the neighbourhood of Varan} and his 
mother took Ishmael a wife out of the land of Egypt} The descendants of 
Ishmael dwelt from Havilah unto Shut that is before Egypt* that is, from 
the Persian Gulf right across the sandy desert of North Arabia as far as 
the great fortified Wall which guarded the eastern frontier of the Delta. 

It is in connection with the life of Abraham that we come across, for the 
first time in Scripture, mention of the " River of Egypt," to which frequent 
reference is made in subsequent times. 4 The promise made to Abraham 
was Unto thy seed have I given this land, from the River of Egypt unto the 
great river, the river Euphrates} The term designates not the Nile, 6 but 
the Wady-el-Arish, which, descending from near Nakhl (El Paran 7 ) in 
the plateau of the Tih, a torrent in winter, a dry watercourse in summer 
drought, after a flow of more than ioo miles, empties the drainage of a 
wide area into the Mediterranean midway between Pelusium and Gaza. 8 
The ancient Rhinocoloura stood near its mouth. The Wady was the 
recognized boundary line between Egypt and Canaan, whereas the present 
boundary line is half-way between El-Arish and Gaza, at Raphia, where 
two ancient pillars have been re-erected as a landmark. But the political 
boundary availed nothing in retarding Egyptian rule over Canaan. The 
Pharaohs of the Hyksos period maintained the same nominal sovereignty 
over Palestine which their legitimate predecessors of the Memphite and 
Theban stock had upheld, and intercourse between the Jordan Valley 
and that of the Nile was close and intimate. Even the name Phicol, 9 the 
" captain of the host " of Abimelech of Gerar, with whom Abraham made a 
treaty at Beersheba, seems to be an Egyptian word meaning " the Syrian," 
inasmuch as Khol is an Egyptian name for Palestine. 10 

Some of the Kings of the XVI th Dynasty are a little more conspicuous 
than their shadowy predecessors of the earlier Hyksos era. The great 
Khian is a mighty figure as he looms up in the obscure annals of the time. 11 
Tokens of his widespread fame and influence are found at opposite ends of 
the ancient world. At Bagdad in Mesopotamia, George Smith discovered 
a small basalt lion bearing his name. 12 In an early alphabetic inscription 
in an unknown language from Ordek-bunu near Zenjirli, now in the Museum 
at Constantinople, Lidzbarski has found his name occurring. 13 At Gezer 

1 The name Paran has been discovered in Shishak's geographical list at 
Karnak as " An-Paran," or " Ain Paran," the " Spring of Paran." It lies 

south of Raphia. P.E.F.Q., 1905, p. 169. z Gen. 21. 21 Winckler denies this, 

and asserts that the name " Hagar " associates her with the Arab tribe of the 
Hagarenes," Ps. 83/ and that she was a native of the Arabian Musri (sec Expos. 
Times, vii. 407). 3 Gen. 25. 19 * Numb. 3-j. 5 Jos. 15. 4 47 1 Ki. 8. 65 

2 Ki. 24.' 2 Chr. 7.* Isa. 27. 13 Esarhaddon called it Nakhal Musur, but to distinguish 
it from the Nile, he added ashar ndru Id ishu, " where no river is," i.e., no continuous 
flow of water (Hommcl, Anc. Heb. Trad., p. 257). 5 Gen. 15. 18 6 The 

Nile is called in the Bible usually "WiT never /H3 which it could never be 
inasmuch as the latter means a wady. The Massoretic text of Gen. 15 18 reads ""l~0 
but this is almost certainly an error for 7,~J3 (soLagarde and Ball in Haupt's O.T.)'. 

7 Gen. 14. • « For a description of the Wady-el-Arish, see Chester in P.E.F.Q., 

1880, p. 1 58 : Holland, ib., 1884, p. 12 : Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, ii. 28S : Trumbull, 
Kadesh-Barnea.p. 115. 9 Gen. 2i, 22 26. 28 10 SoSpiegelberg, Orient. Litt. Zeit.,ix. 106,109. 
He has detected other Semitic words in Egyptian demotic, e.g., swt — Heb., swt," whip"; 
Ki /improbably mh, "be clean": hbl=hebl, 'breath" {ibid. xvi. 193). "An 

elaborate article on'the Hyksos is given by R Weill in Journ. Asiatique, x. Ser. t. xvi, 
17, .507 : xvii. p. 5. Weill regards the Apepi portion of the Dynasty as consisting 
Oi real Egyptians, who worshipped Set in Tanis, and triumphed over North Egvpt, 
while the truly Semitic Hyksos Kings, he maintains, were represented by Khian — a 
theory certainly at variance with the views of most authorities on the subject. 
"Assyrian Discoveries, p. 420: figured in Tomkins' Studies on the Times o ( Abraham 
p. 140, PI. xi. " Ephcmcris /. Semi!. Epigraph., hi. 200. 



Fall of Middle Kingdom 105 

in Palestine, Macalister has dug up a scarab bearing his cartouche ; x while 
on a jar-lid discovered by Evans in 1901 in the ^Egean Palace of Knossos 
in Crete, the same great name of Khian is preserved. 2 What this wide- 
spread dissemination of his influence indicates, it would be hazardous to 
affirm. That under his rule the Hyksos authority spread as far as the 
Euphrates Valley on the east, and as far as Crete in the west, we have no 
reason to believe. The lion may have been carried to Bagdad by some later 
Assyrian conqueror of Egypt ; the Knossos relic may have been transported 
thither by some quite ordinary channel, if only we knew the details. 3 But 
certainly we may well believe that, inasmuch as a Semitic Dynasty now held 
the Valley of the Nile, the Egyptian overlordship of Canaan was 
acknowledged somewhat more emphatically than had before been the 
case. 

It is not improbable that it was by means of the engineering skill of the 
mechanics of Khian's time that the famous water-passage discovered by 
Macalister at Gezer was hewn out. 4 This gigantic excavation testifies to 
one or other of two conclusions. Either the engineering capabilities of the 
Semitic inhabitants of Gezer were much more advanced than has hitherto 
been believed, or else the tunnel owes its construction to the genius of 
Egyptian architects. The entrance is by an imposing archway, 23 feet 
high, 12 feet 10 inches broad. These dimensions are maintained throughout 
two-thirds of its total length (219 feet). The tunnel descends in the rock 
at an angle of about 38 and the floor is cut from side to side into a con- 
tinuous flight of steps. The roof is vaulted into a barrel shape, and the 
sides are well plumb. The cavern was excavated by means of flint tools 
as the quarrymen's toolmarks indicate. The work is clearly marked into 
three divisions, the last two portions being through harder rock, and the 
execution very much inferior to the first. At the bottom of the huge 
shaft, Macalister came upon a powerful spring of water in a great natural 
cave, 94 feet vertically below the surface of the rock, or about 130 feet 
below the present surface of the ground. The tunnel thus presents us with 
a strange historical puzzle. Were the petty chieftains of Canaan able to 
execute such a gigantic scheme as this by means of their own unaided 
efforts ? Is it not more likely that the work was accomplished for them by 
Egyptian engineers, who were well accustomed to hydraulic and 
irrigation projects of an immensely more extensive character ? The 
tunnel was abandoned and filled up about B.C. 1450-1250 ; and as 500 
years at least are necessary to allow for the worn and dilapidated 
condition of the steps in the interior down to the spring, the excavation 
of the water-passage may well be relegated to the period of the XVIth 
Dynasty, and there are strong grounds for referring it to the reign of 
Khian as an interesting relic of his presence, and interest, in 

Palestine. 5 

From the extensive building operations carried on by Khian at 
Bubastis 6 and other places, and from the fact that his Horus-name 
means " The Embracer of many lands," we may gather that he was 

iPEFQ IQ04 p 227. 2 Evans, Annual of the British School at A thens, 

vii., p 64 : fig. To.' P ? * See Lichtenb'erg, " Einfliisse der ^gaxschen Kultur 
auf ^gypten und Palastina " in Miltheil. V order asiaiGesell • «?". la ?P\ r 
* Macalister, The Excavations at Gezer, i. 256 f. ' V ncen * ^Tc.ntu, u> 

V Exploration Recente, p. 27) attributes to the Jebusites of the 15th— ntl cc tunes 
B.C. the excavation of the famous sinnor of Jerusalem up which J°ab a nd his " en 
climbed to capture Jerusalem (2 Sam. 5 8 ) • H Khian's engineers could do the e^avation 
of the Gezer tunnel, there was nothing to hinder the execution of the Jerusalem 
" gutter " at a very early period. 6 Naville, Bubastis, p. 23. 



106 Nile and Jordan 

one of the foremost sovereigns of his time, a real Pharaoh of the first 
rank. 1 

Aa-user-Ra Apepi II, Khian's probable successor, must have exercised 
authority as far south as Gebelen in Upper Egypt, 2 showing that by this 
time the Hyksos monarchs had so thoroughly consolidated their power, 
that their rule extended far to the south of Thebes. In the 33rd year of 
his reign, there was copied the celebrated Rhind mathematical treatise — 
a transcript of an earlier work of the Xllth Dynasty — which attests the 
very remarkable scientific and geometrical knowledge of the times. 3 
Accurate measurements of lands whose boundaries were annually obliterated 
by the Nile flood were required in Egypt, and possibly their very necessity 
led to the prosecution of advanced mathematical studies about 2,000 years 
before Christ. 

A shadowy monarch, Aa-seh-Ra, known only from a fragment of an 
obelisk at Tanis, was followed, whether immediately or not we cannot 
tell, by Aa-kenen-Ra Apepi III, who, with great probability, is to be 
identified with the Pharaoh of the time of Joseph. 

1 W. Max Midler (" Stud, zur Vorderasiat. Gesch." in Mittheil. der Vorderasiat. 
Gesell., 1897, pp. 1-26) indeed urges that there was only one dynasty, consisting of 
six Hyksos kings, the most important of whom was Khian, whose empire, he says, 
may have extended as widely as that of Thothmes III, if not still further. But it 
seems impossible to crowd into this short dynastic period all the many kings 
whose cartouches have been discovered, and it also plays utter havoc with any 
sound scheme of chronology. If Apepi II reigned at least 33 years, and Khian, 
say, another 30, where is there room, on the " Short Chronology " scheme, for all the 
other Hyksos monarchs ? 2 Daressy, " Notes et Remarques " in Rec. de Trav., 

xiv. 26. 3 Facsimile of the Rhind Mathematical Papyrus, published by the 

British Museum, 1898: Eisenlohr in P.S.B.A. (1881), p. 97: Griffith, ibid., xiv. 
(1891), p. 36. 

Additional Note to p. 97* — On the ground of this invasion of Magan, Albright 
(Journ. of Egypt. Arch. vi. (1920) 92) maintains the contemporaneity of Naram-Sin 
and Menes. This involves, of course, the acceptance of the " Short Chronology," 
which for many reasons seems impossible as a scheme. 






CHAPTER X 

The Later Hyksos and the Story of Joseph 

A tradition, widely held in the Middle Ages, maintained that Joseph 
was sold into Egypt while a certain King Apapus or Aphobis was seated 
on the throne. 1 This is quite in accordance with the evidence of the 
monuments which speak of Aa-kenen-Ra Apepi III as one of the later 
sovereigns of the XVIth Dynasty. 2 The story of Joseph as recorded in 
Genesis is so remarkably accurate in its local colouring, and so close. in 
actual correspondence to what wc otherwise know of Egyptian life and 
customs, that it is worth considering whether it could have been written 
by any author who was not intimately and personally acquainted with 
the minutest details of the civilization of the Nile Valley. As Egypt 
depends for its water supply on the melting of the far-off snows of the Alps 
in the heart of Africa, it is so unique in its agricultural operations, and its 
people were so peculiar in their domestic institutions, that it was practically 
impossible for any one who was not an actual dweller in the land to escape 
from perpetrating glaring mistakes and anachronisms. Years ago many 
of these so-called " errors " were triumphantly heralded abroad ; but 
now, through the abundance of modern Egyptological research, the evidence 
is all the other way. It may be well in this chapter to indicate some of 
these minutiae in the story, which reveal the author's close acquaintance- 
ship with all things Egyptian. 3 

The fact that Jacob made for Joseph a coat of many colours 4 was 
not due to the excessive love which he bore towards him. It was because 
Joseph was the first-born of Jacob's first and principal wife. Rachel was 

1 See George the Syncellos, Chrovography (ed. Dindorf), p. 201 : Dionysius of 
Tell Marche (ed. Tullberg, 1850, p. 2) : and Bar Hebraeus (ed. Bruns, p. 14). 2 The 
cartouche of this third Apepi was discovered in 1898 at Sakkara on a bronze dagger 
with a silver handle (P.S.B.A., xxiv. (1902), p. 86). 3 Driver (in Hastings' D.B., 

iii. 771, art. Joseph) states it to be his conviction that " there was an actual person, 
Joseph, afterwards regarded as the ancestor of the tribe, whose biography, during the 
time that it lived only in oral tradition, may have been embellished and made more 
dramatic in details, but who underwent substantially the experiences recounted 
of him in Genesis, and who, having risen to power in Egypt, succeeded in obtaining 
for his fellow- tribesmen a home in the pastoral land of Goshen." 
{P.S.B.A., xxxii. (1910), p. 210) says " It seems to me that the presence in the Book 
of names such as Zaphenath-Paneah and others, and the thoroughly Egyptian 
narratives of the life of Joseph and the Exodus point to the existence of an early 
document written in Egypt by a Semitic writer, when the traditions as to the earlier 
facts were fully alive, and at no great distance from the later ones." The Egyptian 
details in the narrative may be studied in Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ane. 
Egyptians, 3 v. : Tomkins, Life and Times of Joseph (1891) : Harper, The Bible and 
Modern Discoveries, pp. 43-88 : Ebers, Egypt, u. die Biicher Moses, 1. 295 f : Driver 
in Hogarth's Authority and Archeology, pp. 47-54. and esp. in Hastings D.B., m 77 I 
art. Joseph : Rawlinson, HUtor. Illustrations of the O.T., p. 83 f. : bayce, Higher 
Criticism and the Monuments, p. 207 f . * Gen. 37. 

107 



108 Nile and Jordan 

the ruling lady in Jacob's harem ; and as Joseph was her eldest son, he had 
the right to the most distinguished place in the family, above that of the 
sons of his second wife, Leah, or of the concubines. His dress was to mark 
his distinguished position. Egyptian paintings show us that the Semitic 
peoples wore coats and kilts of similar richly coloured designs, and that the 
chieftain was singled out by the special pattern and ornamentation of his 
tunic. 1 

The grave attention paid to the dreams 2 of Joseph, as solemn 
intimations of impending actual occurrences, is quite in accord with Egyptian 
belief on the subject. 3 More than that : in Joseph's dream his sheaf arose 
and stood upright.' 1 In Egypt, sheaves are not set upright ; they are laid 
flat on the ground. The unwonted posture attracted special notice. It 
portended the far-off scene of Joseph's future greatness, the harvest fields 
of Egypt. 

The close commercial connection between Canaan and Egypt is 
witnessed to by the narrative of Joseph's sale. He was sold by his brethren 
to a travelling company of Ishmaeliies from Gilead, with their camels 
bearing spicery, and balm, and myrrh, going to carry it down to Egypt. 5 
The three items mentioned — gum tragacanth, mastic, and ladanum — 
were employed in medical preparations, and formed some of the 
ingredients used in incense for religious worship in Egypt, and for 
embalming purposes. 6 

We learn from papyri and other sources that Syrian slaves were highly 
prized in Egypt. ' Kan'amu " or " Canaanites " was even a synonym 
for slaves. 7 The name of Potiphar, an officer of Pharaoh's, the captain of the 
guard, 8 to whom Joseph was sold, is an abbreviated form of the Egyptian 
Potipherah, " the gift of Ra," the Sun-god. 9 It has been urged that the 
name does not become common until the time of the XXIInd Dynasty, 
and that, therefore, the late date of the narrative is attested. But not 
only is the argumentum e silentio always a precarious one, but Lieblein has 
actually shown that names like " Potiphar," " Poti-pherah," " Asenath," 
" Zaphenath-Paneah," etc., indicate the Hyksos period, and not that of 
the much later dynasties. 10 He asserts that " Potiphar" is a composite 
hybrid word compounded from the Egyptian Pt and bar, a name of the 
Semitic Baal, and he avers that Potiphar himself was an Egyptianized 
Semite. His wife's name, Zuleikha, is non-Egyptian, probably Semitic. 
Similarly, Tomkins 11 has pointed out that the name "Potiphar" is 
made up of " Pa-du-pa-Ra," and is found as " Pa-thu-Ba'al " on a stele 
of the time of Thothmes III. The person indicated by the name must, 
therefore, have lived in the age of the Hyksos, and been of Semitic descent. 
That Potiphar should be a eunuch (A.V. and R.V. " officer ") and yet 
be married, is a feature not unknown in the East. Eunuchs are 
represented on the tombs, 12 but it is possible that saris is used in a general 
sense for " officer." 13 What the exact office is, comprehended under the 

1 " The same word in effect in Egyptian, as a verb signifying to divide in two 
parts, is seen in the Coptic p6sh, meaning 'division.' It is thus patck-wo>k." 
(Tomkins, op. cit , p. 31.) *Gen. 37." 1J * Compare the dreams of 

'I hothmea IV regarding the Sphinx (p. 163) : that of Nut-Amen of Ethiopia, by which 

•is summoned to invade Egypt (Wiedemann, Religion of the Ave. Egyptians, p. 

and what has already been said regarding the " Bethels " at Sinai (p. 50). 

4| " n - 37- 7 6 Gen. 37." • Ebers, JEgypt. u. die Buck. Moses, 1868, p. 289. 

' Sayce, Expos. Times, x. 75. 8 Gen. 37. » 8 » Driver in Hastings' D.B., 

I 23. "P.S.B.A., xx. (1898), p. 202. "Life and Times of Joseph, p. 184. 

II Eben, op. cit., p. 298. 13 The chief butler and Ihe chief baker are both described 
by the same name (Gen. 40 a '), and it is rather unlikely that all these high officials 






The Later Hyksos 109 

title " captain of the guard," 1 is difficult to realize. It might be translated 
" chief of the slaughterers " (not " executioners ") or " cooks," for the 
Royal Cook was a person of no little importance at the Court of the 
Pharaohs. 2 

When we read that Potiphar made Joseph overseer over his house, 3 
it is a statement quite in accordance with what the monuments reveal, 
for the merper or " superintendent of the house " is frequently mentioned 
in connection with the large establishments of wealthy Egyptians. 4 And 
the further statement that he left all that he had in foseph's hand : he knew 
not aught that was with him, save the bread which he did eat 5 is entirely in 
harmony with the scruples which Egyptians had against partaking of food 
that had been prepared by foreigners. It shows how thoroughly 
Egyptianized these Semitic Hyksos Kings and their Courts had become by 
the time of the XVIth Dynasty. 

The story of the attempt on Joseph's virtue made by Potiphar's wife 6 
finds a curious parallel in the well-known Tale of the Two Brothers, but 
the latter romance is of late date, having been written for Seti II of the 
XlXth Dynasty. 7 By Egyptian law it was not permissible for the husband 
to put Joseph to death for the offence of which he was charged. 8 Joseph's 
master, therefore, took him and put him into the prison, the place where the 
King's prisoners were bound? The word for prison — sohar — is very peculiar. 
Literally it means " house of roundness," 10 and suggests a circular tower 
used as a state-prison. 11 The state-prison at Thebes where Thothmes III 
confined his Syrian captives was known as Suhan, 12 and it is possible that 
the former name is a Semitic phrasing of the Egyptian term. 

The offices filled by the chief of the butlers 13 and the chief of the bakers 14 
are well represented on the Egyptian monuments. Lists of officials at the 
Court embrace personages who exactly fulfilled the offices mentioned in 
Genesis. 15 Bread-making in all its stages is portrayed on the walls of 
tombs. 16 Even what the butler said, I took the grapes and pressed them into 
Pharaoh's cup, and I gave the cup into Pharaoh's hand, 11 is illustrated by 
Ebers 18 from a text published by Naville from the temple at Edfu, where 
it is said that grapes squeezed into water formed a refreshing beverage 
which was drunk by the King. 19 Representations of bakers carrying 
baskets of white bread 20 on the head, containing all manner of bakemeats 
for Pharaoh 21 have also been found, 22 and it would seem that at the 
Court there was not only a department for the baking of ordinary bread, 

would be literally eunuchs. ( But see Josephus, Antiq., xvi. 8, 17.) The LXX has 
(nrdScov in 37, 36 and iwoD X os in 39. x Modern, instances in Turkish lands 
show that eunuchs have been married, and have kept harems (Burckhardt 
Arabia, i. 290). 

1 D^rG^n "It^ 2 The Hebrew name for "captain of the guard" is the 

same" chief slaughterer." It was a title in use in Jewish Court circles, and in that 
of Babylon: cf. 2 Ki. 2 5 , 8 Jer. 39 , 9 4L 10 43, 6 5*. 12 Dan. 2." The Royal Butchers 
became the Royal Bodyguard. See Robertson Smith, Old Testament tn the Jewish 
Church* p. 262. 3 Gen. 39.* 4 Erman, Life in Anc. Egypt, p. 187. 

* Gen. 39 . 6 6 Gen. 39 7 - 20 . 7 See p. 251. 8 Diodorus, 1 77- 

9 Gen 39 20 10 The only other place in the Bible where the word is employed 

(besides Gen. 40 3 5 ) is Cant. 7 3 , where it signifies " roundness" Ebers, 

(JEgypten, etc., p. 317) identifies this fortress with that at Memphis mentioned in 
inscriptions as "The White Wall." 12 W. Max. Muller, Asten u, Europa, p. 268 . 

Maspero, Struggle of the Nations, p. 271, n. 5. " Herodotus (u 77 f^Tmwlw 

the vine did not exist in ancient Egypt ; but this has long been proved to be entirety 
erroneous. See Wilkinson, Manners and Customs, 11. M3- wn }ZrZ, T 4 ° 

isChabas, Melanges Egyptol., ser. 3. P- I3L and Offord in P.E.F .0 191H, j>. 39- 
» Wilkinson (ed 1878) ii. 34; "Gen. 40." "Dutch Gosen um Stnal 

(1872), p. 480. 19 Driver in Hastings' D.B., n. 772. <- en - 4Q. 

21 Gen. 40. 17 "Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, p. 314- 



no Nile and Jordan 

but a special superintendent of the bakers of "fancy' bread. 1 The 
punishment of death by hanging, and the doom the birds shall eat thy flesh 
from off thee? constituted the most dreadful thought to an Egyptian, inasmuch 
as not to be embalmed deprived him of the hope of personal immortality 
in the next world. Pharaoh's birthday 3 was made a great deal of in ancient 
Egypt : the day was observed as a festival, no business was transacted 
upon it, and in later times prisoners were amnestied. 4 

The subject matter of Pharaoh's dreams was thoroughly Egyptian. 
The Nile is described as the river — Yeor 5 — the correct term : and as Egypt 
owed her existence and her fertility to the life-giving waters of the river, 
abundance was appropriately typified under the aspect of seven kine well 
favoured and fat-fleshed, which fed in the reed grass* Egyptian texts call 
the Nile a milch-cow, and compare its waters to milk. The cow-headed 
goddess, Hat-hor, the personification of fruitfulness, is stated in inscriptions 
" to cause the Nile to overflow at its due season," and " to pour forth 
fertility upon the land." The seven cows were the " seven Hat-hors," 
the seven forms under which the goddess was worshipped in the great 
sanctuaries of the country. 7 The reed-grass (A.V. " meadow ") is the 
technical Egyptian word, akhu, meaning " river-grass." 8 The east wind 
(really south-east) which blasted the seven ears of corn 9 is well known still 
(the khamsin) as a destructive agency in the Nile Valley. It works great 
havoc among the crops of the fellahin, who say that it rots the grain before 
it is ripe. It makes vegetables seem frostbitten. 

Egypt was the home of magic, and the magicians [khartiimmim 10 ) 
and the wise men n whom Pharaoh summoned to give him the interpretation 
of his dreams, appear frequently in Egyptian texts. They correspond 
to the Egyptian Rekh-Khetu, " knowers of things," which the Rosetta 
stone translates tepoypafi/xareh, " sacred scribes." n That Joseph should 
shave himself and change his raiment 13 before he came in to Pharaoh 
was strictly in accordance with Egyptian etiquette. 14 All Egyptians of 
any social standing shaved. It was only foreigners, especially Canaanites, 
with their pointed beards, and natives of lower social grade, who abstained 
from the use of the razor on head and face, as the monuments faithfully 
testify. 15 Once again, the frequent reference made by Joseph to God, 16 
and the corresponding statement of Pharaoh, Can we find such a one as this, 
a man in whom the Spirit of God is? 17 are in harmony with Egyptian beliefs 
whereby it was held that the soul of the gods could animate mortals, and 
make them the media of a divine revelation. 

Joseph's proposal that the King should take up the fifth part of the land 
of Egypt in the seven plenteous years 18 agrees with the recognized Egyptian 



1 Rosellini, Monum. Storici, ii. 264. - Gen. 40. 19 3 Gen. 



40 



10 



4 Ebers, /Egypt., p. 334 : Wilkinson, iii. 368 : especially see instances in time of 
Ramescs II, and in the Ptolemaic period. 6 Gen. 41. * * Gen. 41. 2 18 7 The 

' Seven Hat-hors " are frequently mentioned : cf. Petrie, Tale of Two Brothers, p. 51 : 
Ebers, TEgypten, p. 359. In chap. 148 of the Book of the Dead, reference is made to 
the Seven Sacred Cows with their Bull, who provide food and drink for the dead 
(Budge's Transl. (1898), p. 261). See also Budge, Gods of the Egyptians, i. 433. 
8 Driver, I.e., p. 773: Sayce, Expos. Times, x. 172: see Job 8, X1 where the same 
word occurs. » Gen. 41. • 1° On the etymology of this word, see Boissier, 

P.S.B.A., xxxv. (1913), p. 189. 1J Gen. 41, 8 cf. Ex. 7, 11 " 8, 7 18 19 9." 

Dan. 1," 2,» 10 27 4,' » 5. 11 See Lenormant, La Magie chez les Chalde'ens, Paris, 
1874, chap, ii., p. 63 f. 12 Sayce, Expos. Times, x. 172. 13 Gen. 41." "That 

there is no mention of any interpreter between Joseph and Pharaoh is an evidence 
that both spoke in the Semitic language, and that the Pharaoh was one of the Hyksos. 
'1 hat the susceptibilities of the native Egyptians, however, must be respected is proved 
from the fact that they arc stated to have hated all shepherds (Gen. .16 M ) 
» Wilkinson, ii. 330, etc. 19 Gen. 41." » 28 32 17 Gen 41 » 8 "Gen 41 M 



The Later Hyksos in 

policy of storing up grain in State granaries. Each chief city had its Royal 
Granaries, where corn was preserved for State purposes, and the 
" superintendent of the granaries " 1 was one of the great officials of the 
Kingdom. 2 When Pharaoh said unto Joseph, See, I have set thee over all 
the land of Egypt, 3 he spoke as one of the later sovereigns of the 
XVIth Dynasty, who by that time had established their authority as far 
as the borders of Nubia. The earlier Hyksos Kings had ruled, as we have 
seen, merely in the Delta. But all the land of Egypt was the territory over 
which at this time Apepi III was monarch, until the Theban insurrection 
broke out a little later. 4 

The signet-ring 5 which Pharaoh took off his own finger and placed 
on Joseph's hand was a thoroughly Egyptian mark of favour, for the " keeper 
of the seal " (mer chetam) was practically a viceroy. 6 A stele of the 
Xlth Dynasty describes in graphic terms the plenary powers of such a 
functionary. 7 The vestures of fine linen 8 with which Joseph was arrayed 
remind us of how Sinuhit, on his return from Canaan to the Court of Egypt, 
had garments of fine linen given him as a mark of Royal favour. 9 It is 
possible that the linen, so greatly prized in Egypt, may have included the 
Royal apron worn under the Old Kingdom only by royalties, but under 
the Hyksos regime by others as well. 10 The gold chain about his neck n was 
distinctively an Egyptian mark of honour : 12 it was called "receiving gold." 
Aahmes, who a little later was associated with the expulsion of the Hyksos, 
" received gold " on seven different occasions for various deeds of valour 
while he was captain-general of the marines. 13 That Joseph should have 
been made to ride in the second chariot u is in strict accordance with the 
fact which has already been pointed out that it was only under the Hyksos 
Kings that horses were introduced into Egypt. Till then the monarchs 
had been carried in litters or palanquins. 15 

The word Abrech, which has been translated Boiv the knee! is still 
of uncertain etymology. Sayce 16 explains it as of Sumerian origin, 
inasmuch as abrik signifies a " seer." He states that the Semitic Babylonians 
borrowed the term under the form abriqqu, and the cry, therefore, of "A 
Seer! A Seer!" with which Joseph was greeted as he rode forth, he explains 
by the supposition that Egypt derived her primitive customs from Chaldsean 
sources. 17 Delitzsch, Schrader, Halevy, and others, all give a different 
etymology. 18 Amid the multiplicity of attempted explanations, it may 
not be amiss to remember that a word of similar sound is still used by the 
Arabs in Egypt in making their camels kneel down. 19 But Renouf's 

1 He was practically the Finance Minister of the day. He had to present to the King each 
year " an account of the harvests of the South and the North." The monuments represent 
to us the offices and the weighing rooms for the grain, secretaries and clerks recording 
each sack as it was weighed (Erman, Life in Anc. Egypt, pp. 95, 433). 2 It is 

possible that the phrase in v. 40 According unto thy word shall all my people be ruled, 

^feV 73 p2£^ ^£) 7in may be translated, upon thy mouth every one of my 

people shall kiss, with reference not to the actual mouth of the Vizier, but to his 
word as written out on a firman which (as still in the East) it was the custom to give 
to be kissed. 3 Gen. 41." 43 44 4 Even the Sallier Papyrus, which was 

written by an Egyptian who hated the Hyksos rule, acknowledges that Apcpi III 
had tribute paid to him from the whole country. This evidence of an enemy is note- 
worthy as to the strength and the wide dominion of the later Hyksos sovereigns. 
8 Gen. 41. 42 «Brugsch, Hist, of Egypt, p. 321 : Petrie, Hist, of Egypt, 11. 90. 

7 Sayce, Expos. Times, x. 172. 8 Gen. 41. 42 9 See p. 79. "Erman, 

op. cit., pp. 62, 206. 1X Gen. 41. 42 12 But see Driver, I.e. 775b n.* " Driver, 

I.e., Lepsius, Denkmaler, hi., pi. 11. "Gen. 41. 43 "Erman, op. cit., p. 65. 

"I.e., p. 172 : Egypt of the Hebrews, p. 33 : Hibbert Lectures (1887), p. 183. " See 

p. 31. 18 Prof. Ira M. Price (Hastings' D.B., i. 18, art. Abrech) gives an exhaustive 

list of all the suggested etymologies. "Stanley Leathes in Kitto, Cyclop. 

Biblical Liter., art. Egypt : Wilkinson, ii. 24. 



ii2 Nile and Jordan 

translation, We are at thy service ! is also deserving of favourable 
consideration. 1 The suddenness of Joseph's elevation from the dungeon 
to the vice-royalty is paralleled by similar instances in Egyptian 
history of Syrian slaves rising to positions of great honour and high 

rank. 2 

Wlien a low-born person was thus dignified, it was customary that a 
new name should either be assumed or bestowed. In accordance with 
this rule, Pharaoh called Joseph's name Zaphenathpaneah. 3 There is little 
doubt that the name is a purely Egyptian one. According to Professor 
Krall, it means " Menthu speaks and he lives" 4 ; according to Professor 
Steindorff, " the god speaks and he lives " ; according to Mahler, " the 
feeder of the land who gives life." 5 Professor Sayce, however, translates 
it " nourisher of the Pharaoh," under the belief that the word is compounded 
of Zaf-nti-pa-ankh, the last word meaning " the life " or " the living 
one," i.e., Pharaoh. 6 Professor Naville, 7 again, thinks these meanings 
singularly inept and inappropriate to the occasion. He believes that 
Erman 8 was on the right track in translating it " a member of the College 
of Hierogrammatists." But he rather favours the rendering " Head of 
the College of Learning " at Heliopolis. 9 

The fact that Pharaoh gave him to wife Asenath, the daughter of Poti- 
phera, priest of On, 10 linked Joseph to the high priest of the national faith, 
for the chief hierophant of Ra at Heliopolis was at the head of Egyptian 
religious worship, and was of royal blood. 11 He bore the titles of " the Far- 
Seeing," " He who sees the secret of heaven," and "the Chief of the secrets 
of heaven." 12 The name Asenath means " attached to (or favourite of 
the goddess) Neith." This Saite deity is found much earlier than the 
Hyksos period in the name Nitocris, borne by the ill-fated Queen in the 
VI th Dynasty. 13 Asenath is not, therefore, merely a late invention of 
the XXVIth (Saite) Dynasty, as has been supposed, but suitably occurs in 
a narrative of the XVI th Dynasty. 14 

It is a matter of no small interest to find a famine referred to on 
monuments of this very period. Beby, an official under Sequenen-Ra III 

1 P.S.B.A., 1888, pp. 5-10: so also Brugsch, Steininschrift, p. 83. 2 The 

instances given by Driver are those of Meri-Ra, the armour-bearer of Thothmes III, 
and the priest User-Min, who were sons of a foreigner, the judge Pa-'Emer-'eu 
(the Amorite) : and under Merenptah, that of Ben-Mat-ana, a Canaanite, son 
of Jupa'a, who held the office of " first speaker of His Majesty," i.e. one who 
acted as an intermediary between the King and his attendants. He received 
the name of Ramses-em-per-Ra=" Rameses in the temple of Ra " (I.e. 773). 
3 Gen. 4i. 4S 4 Cf. Griffith in Hastings' D.B., iv. 963. So also Spiegelberg 

(/Egypt. Zeit., xlii. 84), who quotes occurrences of " the god" in Egyptian proper 
names, and translates Zaphenath-paneah, as" the god spake and he liveth." 5 Zeit. 
Deut. Morgenl. Ces., lxi. 625. 6 Expos. Times, x. 173. 7 P.S.B.A., xxv. 

(1903), p. 157, xxxii. (1910), p. 203. * /Egypt. Zeit., 1883, p. 59. 9 See also 

Scott Moncrieff, P.S.B.A., xxix. (1907), p. 88. 10 Gen. 41. 45 ll Joseph must 

thus have frequently seen the two great obelisks of Senusert II, one of which is still 
standing, and is a favourite object of pilgrimage on the part of tourists from Cairo. 
12 Sayce, ib., p. 173. 13 See p. 68. "Naville (P.S.B.A., xxxii. (1910) 207) 

brushes aside the argument based on the allowed lateness of these names, and asserts 
that Poti-phera is P. hotep Ra, the name of the high priest of On whose beautiful statue 
has been found at Meydum, and which belongs to the Illrd or IVth Dynasty. In the 
early Christian centuries a most romantic novel came to be written, entitled The Book 
of the Confession of Asenath. It told how the proud beauty of On scorned marriage 
with Joseph when it was first proposed, but afterwards fell in love with him when 
he arrived at Heliopolis on business. Joseph would not marry her until she renounced 
idolatry, and there is a vivid description given of how her conversion was brought 
about. The original legend seems to have made out Asenath to have been the daughter 
oJ Dinah and Shechcm, thus getting over the slur on Joseph's character of his having 
marri' 1 a heathen wife. The romance had an immense popularity in the Middle Ages 
(see Latin transl. of Syriac by Oppenhcim, Fabula Josephi et Asenethce, 1886 : Hort 
in Smith's Diet. Christ. Biog., i. 17O : James in Hastings' D.B., i. 162). 



The Later Hyksos 113 

of Thebes, of whom mention will soon be made as having fought to the death 
with Apepi III, 1 records in his tomb at El Kab in Upper Egypt these 
events, 2 " I collected corn, as a friend of the harvest-god. I was watchful 
at the time of sowing. And now, when a famine arose, lasting many years, 
I distributed corn to the city each year of famine." 3 Regarding the 
question whether this refers to the famine of Joseph's time, it may be 
sufficient to quote Kittel's 4 verdict : " We do not hesitate to admit that 
the coincidence of the time of the famine with the conjectural date of 
Joseph, together with the extraordinary infrequency of great famines in 
Egypt, seems to us to be of real weight in favour of the identification of 
the two famines, and consequently in support of the history of Joseph 
generally." Earlier famines are recorded under Tcheser of the 
Illrd Dynasty already referred to, 5 and under Senusert II of the 
Xllth Dynasty. 6 The statement that there was famine in all lands 7 
has occasioned some difficulty. Canaan was not " the gift of the 
Nile " as was Egypt. In Palestine, plenty or dearth depended on no 
single river, but on the amount of general rainfall. It is possible that the 
same climatic influences may have been at work in both countries, 
affecting each in different ways, but with the similar result of a bad 
harvest in both. Yet it is equally likely that just as Canaan in a 
" short year " was normally supplied with corn from Egypt, now 
that Egypt was hoarding her supplies, the inhabitants of Palestine and 
neighbouring territories experienced the sore results of the stoppage of 
the corn trade. 

The word (^/^') use d to describe Joseph as the governor over the 
and, 8 is Aramaic and Assyrian rather than Hebrew, but at the same time it 
suggests the name of Salatis, 9 the traditional first Hyksos King. 10 The 
lowly obeisance whereby Joseph's brethren bowed down themselves to him 
with their faces to the earth u was called by the Egyptians " smelling the 
earth," and the practice was obligatory for all inferiors when approaching 
any high official. The charge Ye are spies n was a very natural one. It 
was always from the direction of Canaan that Egypt looked for invasion ; 
and the Egyptianized Hyksos, who had themselves entered Egypt from that 
quarter, might well dread a second irruption of Semites from the wilds of 
the Palestinian Negeb or the Sinaitic Tih. Under the Xllth Dynasty, as 
we have seen, 13 the "Shur" or border line of fortresses was erected to guard 
the Delta from attack in this quarter. The expression of the reply, We 
are true men, u reminds us of the constant asseveration used some centuries 
later in the Tell el-Amarna tablets by the Canaanite dynasts, " I am thy 
faithful servant," 15 whereby they sought to assure their overlord, the King 
of Egypt, of their loyalty. May it not be that the Hebrews even identified 
their very word for " life " f Pf) with the Egyptian ka, for when Joseph 
said to his brethren, Your words shall be proved, whether there be truth in you, 
or else by the life of Pharaoh surely ye are spies, 16 he meant to say, and 
as a feigned Egyptian did say, " by the ka of Pharaoh " ? As the ka was 
the veritable vital principle, the immortal part of the being of a man, it 

x See p. 124. a Villiers Stuart, Nile Gleanings, p. 237. 8 Brugsch, Hist, 

of Egypt, 2 i. 304. * Hist, of the Hebrews, i. 190. 8 See p. 44. • There 

is also a well-attested instance of a seven years' famine in a.d. 1064-1071, as recorded 
by the Arab historian, El Makrizi, described in Smith, Diet, of the Bible, art. Famine. 
Another, in the 12th Christian century, is narrated by Abd-al-Latif, Relation de I'Egypte, 
ii., ch. 2 : the horrors of which are given by Miss Martineau, Eastern Travels, ch. xx., 
and Stanley, Hist, of the Jewish Church, i. 70. 7 Gen. 41." "Gen. 42.* 

9 See p. 100. " Sayce, Expos. Times, x. 418. " Gen. 42.' " Gen. 42." 

13 See p. 77. "Gen. 42. u 16 See p. 217. »« Gen. 42. 15 1$ 

H 



ii4 Nile and Jordan 

was the most solemn oath by which Joseph could have sworn. Spoken 
lightly it was punishable with death, for the ka was that divine life of the 
King which was the gift of Ra, the solar deity. 1 

The interpreter % between Joseph and his brethren was a recognized 
Egvptian institution. As commerce was zealously carried on, and as 
foreign embassies frequently arrived at the Royal Court, the office was one 
of high importance, and the official is shown on the monuments acting as 
an intermediary. The fact stated that Joseph's brethren laded their asses 
with their com 3 has been seized on as an anachronism. It was long believed 
that asses were not introduced into Egypt till much later. 4 With this 
mention in the story of Joseph went also, of course, the authenticity of the 
fact averred regarding a previous Fharaoh that he had given she-asses 
to Abraham. 5 Wilkinson, however, has shown 6 the frequency with which 
the ass is represented on the monuments as an integral portion of domestic 
riches, some Egyptians possessing even 700 or 800 of these animals The 
famous Sheikh Abishua in the Beni-Hasan wall paintings is shown with 
his 37 companions accompanied by their asses : 7 while in 1913, Petrie 
discovered in the cemetery at Tarkan, 35 miles south of Cairo, in a pre- 
dynastic tomb, the skeletons of three asses. Their heads had been cut 
off and placed beside their bodies, the animals having been killed to 
accompany their masters to the other world. This proves what has hitherto 
been scouted — the existence of the ass in Egypt at the very earliest period. 
The lodging-place 8 where the men gave their asses provender on the way 
home was probably one of those afterwards fully equipped byThothmes III 
so as to rob the desert journey of some of its terrors for wayfarers. The 
style of speech employed by the sons to their father, Jacob, The man, the 
lord of the land, 9 reminds us of the fact that an Egyptian called himself 
"man" (romi), while the people of Egypt styled themselves "men" 
(romet). 10 

The steward of his house, 11 who received orders from the vizier, stands 
in the same relation to Joseph as Joseph had once occupied towards 
Potiphar. The major-domo was a fixed institution in all Egyptian 
establishments of any size, and the extreme politeness of Joseph's brethren 
towards this functionary whereby they said Oh my lord, 12 reveals the 
importance of the post. The statement They set on for foseph by himself, and 
for them by themselves, and for the Egyptians which did eat with him by them- 
selves : because the Egyptians might not eat bread with the Hebrews : for 
that is an abomination unto the Egyptians, 13 is strictly in accordance with 
well-known Egyptian etiquette, which forbade well-bred persons from 
thus mixing with "unclean" foreigners. 14 "Five" was a favourite 
number with the Egyptians, and the fact that Benjamin's mess was five 
times so much as any of them 15 is paralleled by corresponding statements, 
Let Pharaoh take up the fifth part of the land of Egypt ; 16 to Benjamin he 
gave five changes of raiment; 11 from his brethren lie took five men, and presented 
them unto Pharaoh ; 18 ye shall give a fifth unto Pharaoh ; 19 in that day 

1 Miss Amelia B. Edwards, Pharaoh, Fellahs and Explorers (1892), p. 131. 
•Gen. 42. 2 ' Similarly Tushratta, King of Mitanni, speaks in the Tell el-Amarna 
letters of the targumannn=dra.goma.n or interpreter. See also A. H. Gardiner, P.S.B.A., 
xxxix. (1917), 133. 3 Gen. 42, 28 45 . 23 4 Bohlen, Introd. to Genesis, 1835, in loco. 

G Gen. 12." * Anc. Egyptians, iii. 34. 7 See p. 81. 8 Gen. 42. S7 » Gen. 42, so 
41.* • M 10 Sayce, Expos. Times, x. 418. J1 Gen. 43, 18 cp. 39-* 

11. 43. 20 ls Gen. 43." M Herodotus says (ii. 41) that because of their 

veneration for the cow (an animal sacred to Isis), the Egyptians would not use the 
knifu or cooking utensil of a Greek, as it might have been employed in preparing the 
flesh of a cow as food. " Gen. 43." 16 Gen. 41. 3 * 1T Gen. 45." 

"Gen. 47." "Gen. 47." 



.1 






The Later Hyksos 115 

there shall be five cities in the land of Egypt that speak the language of 
Canaan. 1 

The cup, the silver cup (Egyptian yenra) in which my lord drinketh and 
whereby he indeed divineth 2 is a familiar feature in Egyptian divination. 
Kulicomancy is not infrequently referred to as part of the recognized ritual 
for obtaining horoscopes of the future. 3 It was specially associated with 
the cult of Anubis, the god being invoked by means of a vase full of liquid 
or a flame. 4 Jewish methods of reading the future were similar. A 
cup was filled with water or wine : the beholder gazed intently on the 
surface till all sorts of images were seen. 5 Joseph's words, Know ye not 
that such a man as I can indeed divine ? 6 remind us of many similar 
expressions in Egyptian novels, where marvellous deeds of magic are 
described as having been wrought for the purpose of detecting secret 
criminals. 

When Joseph used the expression, God hath made me a father (ab) to 
Pharaoh, and lord ('adon) of all his house, 7 he was merely employing 
ordinary official titles. 8 The wagons 9 which Joseph sent for his father 
were new institutions in Egypt. They came in with the Hyksos and their 
horses. The name of the vehicle — agolt 10 — is Semitic, being borrowed 
from Canaan, the original home of this new mode of travel. The date of 
this descent of Jacob and his family into Egypt, according to the Biblical 
chronology, must be B.C. 1875. u 

As the Hyksos monarchs, as a rule, resided at Avaris or at Tanis, 12 
it was probably from one or other of these towns that foseph made ready 
his chariot and went up to meet Israel his father to Goshen. 13 The LXX says 
that he met him " at the City of Heroes," that is, Heroopolis. u The advice 
which he gave to his brethren as to what they should say to the King was 
eminently wise, When Pharaoh shall call you and shall say " What is your 
occupation ? " ye shall say " Thy servants have been keepers of cattle from 
our youth even until now, both we and our fathers : that ye may dwell in the 
land of Goshen." For every shepherd is an abomination unto the Egyptians. 15 
It was a measure of precaution, lest the prejudices of the native Egyptians 
should be shocked ; for while the Hyksos themselves had originally been 
shepherds, they had by this time become so Egyptianized that the native 
Egyptian antipathy to keepers of herds of cattle had been taken over 
by them. Cowherds and swineherds were scorned by the proud Nile 
dwellers, 16 for while cows were venerated, and much attention was paid to 
cattle-rearing, those who personally attended to animals of this sort were 
regarded with aversion. Living in reed huts in the swamps they were 
styled " marshmen," and on the monuments they are depicted as dirty and 
unshaven, with tattered garments, and even as dwarfs and deformed. 17 

1 Isa. 19. 1S 2 Gen. 44.2 5 3 Pliny, H.N., xxxiii. 46: Plutarch, de 

Iside, Ixi., lxiv. : Horapollo, i. 39 : Iamblichus, de mysteriis, iii. 14. 4 See 

Foucart in Hastings' Encycl. of Religion and Ethics, iv. 792. 5 Gaster, op. cit., 

p. 814, art. Divination (Jewish). 6 Gen. 44. 15 7 Gen. 45.* 8 Brugsch, 

Hist, of Egypt (1891), pp. 101, 357: Driver in Hastings' D.B., iii. 774. 9 Gen. 45. 27 

10 n^JI/ 1X See Appendix, page 515. 12 Another proof that the 

T T -' 

arrival of Jacob in Egypt occurred during the time of the Hyksos kings is 
seen in the fact that both under the Xllth Dynasty (which preceded the 
Hyksos) and under the XVIIIth (which succeeded), the Court was resident at 
Thebes as a rule. Here the narrative presupposes that Joseph was residing at a 
Court not far from Goshen, where he could see his father and brethren frequently, 
and yet be in attendance on the King. Tanis answers the conditions exactly. 
"Gen. 46. 29 14 The bearing of this on the question of the date of the Exodus 

will be discussed later. See page 138. 15 Gen. 4 6. 33 M 16 Herod, ii. 47. 

17 Erman, Life in Anc. Egypt, p. 439: Wiedemann, Herodots zweites Buck (1890), 
P- 371. 



n6 Nile and Jordan 

The herdsmen and shepherds of the eastern Delta were regarded as unclean 
Bedouins, and were looked upon as gipsies are with us. It was, therefore, 
a wise policy on Joseph's part to settle his brethren in Goshen, a district 
round about Saft-el-Henneh. Qesem or Oos (LXX, " Geshem ") was the 
capital of the " Arabian Nome," so that Goshen embraced the territory in 
the Wady Tumilat, south of Tanis, along the line of the Freshwater Canal, 
bounded on the east by Tell el Maskhuta, the ancient Pithom, and on 
the west by Belbes and Zagazig. 1 Goshen was, therefore, a very con- 
venient spot for the family of Israel to settle in. It was near the capital, 
Zoan or Tanis, where the Court resided ; it was not occupied to any extent 
by the Egyptians themselves, and therefore, while on the one hand the 
Israelites did not offend Egyptian susceptibilities, on the other hand 
they were less exposed than in other parts of the Delta to the influences 
of Egyptian polytheistic idolatry. Goshen had been canalized, and to 
some extent cultivated by the later Kings of the Xllth Dynasty — 
Senusert III and Amenemhat III. 2 

It is striking to find, in later centuries, history exactly repeating the 
request made by Joseph's brethren to Pharaoh, To sojourn in the land are 
we come : for there is no pasture for thy servants' flocks : for the famine is 
sore in the land of Canaan : now, therefore, we pray thee, let thy servants 
dwell in the land of Goshen. 3 An inscription of Horemheb at the close of 
the XVIIIth Dynasty mentions how a group of " Mentiu " or " Shepherds " 
from Sinai and the Hauran, who had been expelled from their homes, 
came bowing before the Pharaoh, requesting him to grant them land in 
which to pasture their cattle, " as was the custom of the father of their 
fathers from the beginning," since " their lands hunger," and they had 
nothing to live on. 4 Similarly in Merenptah's reign (XlXth Dynasty) 
permission was granted to " Shashu " or Bedouin to enter Egypt and to 
settle in Goshen. 5 The mention of Rameses has been explained as a proleptic 
anachronism — Joseph placed his father and his brethren . . . in the best 
of the land, in the land of Rameses 6 — as implying that it was the land which 
later was associated with the name of the great despot of the XlXth Dynasty. 
But the inference is not warranted. 7 

The results of the great famine upon the system of land tenure in 
Egypt, as described in Genesis, are fully borne out by the monuments. 
Joseph bought all the land of Egypt for Pharaoh : for the Egyptians sold 
every man his field . . . and the land became Pharaoh's* In the days of 
the Old Kingdom, the land had been owned by an aristocracy of feudal 
nobles, the governors of the nomes possessing large estates, and enjoying 
considerable independence. Under the Hyksos regime this system was 
overthrown. When the XVIIIth Dynasty comes on the scene, we find 
the nobles a negligible quantity, and the whole land absorbed in the person 
of the King who rules as autocrat. The feudal aristocracy is displaced 
by a crowd of royal officials. The successors of the Hyksos were absolute 
despots, ruling over a nation of slaves, unchecked save by the power of 
the priesthood, and by the slow and cumbrous working of the bureaucratic 
machine of Government. 9 For there was one important exception. 

1 For the limits and the characteristics of Goshen, see Naville, Goshen and the 
Sin -ine of Saft-el-Henneh (1888), pp. 14-20: and Duncan, The Exploration oj Egypt 
and the Old Testament (1908), ch. iv.-ix. : A. H. Gardiner, Jo. of Egypt. Arch., v. 
(1918)1 218. 2 Griffith, Hieratic Papyri from Kahun and Gurob, pi. ii. I, 12. 

B. .17. 4 « Sayce, Expos. Times, x. 551 : Zeit. f. /Egypt. Sprache, 1889, p. 125 : 

Tomkins, op. cit., p. 81. 6 Brugsch, Hist, of Egypt, ch. v. "Gen. 47. n 

1 See further regarding this point, page 241. 8 Gen. 47. 20 8 Erman, op. cit., 

p. 102. 









The Later Hyksos 117 

Only the land of the priests bought he not, for the priests had a portion from 
Pharaoh, and did eat their portion which Pharaoh gave them : wherefore 
they sold not their land. 1 This entirely agrees with what the monuments 
declare as to the special privileges of the priesthood. At a later age, 
Diodorus a stated that the land in Egypt belonged to the King, the priests, 
and the mercenary troops. The land other than that owned by the priests 
was rented from the Crown on a payment of 20 per cent. It shall come to 
pass at the ingatherings that ye shall give a fifth unto Pharaoh, and four parts 
shall be your own 3 . . . and foseph made it a statute concerning the 
land of Egypt unto this day that Pharaoh should have the fifth : only the land 
of the priests alone became not Pharaoh's} 

The prayer of the dying Jacob for his grandsons, Ephraim and Manasseh, 
suggests Egyptian rather than Canaanite imagery. When he prayed, 
Let them grow into a multitude in the midst of the earth? he compared the 
multiplication of his progeny, not to the stars of the Chaldaean heavens, 
nor to the sand of the Syrian shore, but to the countless fish swarming 
in the great Egyptian river. 6 Similarly in the blessing on Judah, when 
he said The sceptre shall not depart from fudah, nor the ruler's staff from 
between his feet, 1 it may be that the reference to the feet rather than to the 
hands is due to the fact that it was not a short ornamental sceptre that 
the Patriarch had in view, but a long staff reaching to the ground. The 
Egyptian hieroglyph for a " great man," a " chief," a " king " (ura) is a 
human figure holding a staff precisely in this way. 8 

Embalming was a practice so well established in Egypt, 9 that it is 
quite what we might expect when we are told that foseph commanded 
his servants, the physicians, to embalm his father, and the physicians embalmed 
Israel : and forty days were fulfilled for him, for so are fulfilled the days of 
embalming. 10 Herodotus, 11 at a time when embalming had been much 
elaborated, says that the usual period was seventy days : Diodorus 12 gives 
thirty. Strictly speaking, they were not " physicians " who performed 
the task, but a special guild of workers 13 who were regarded by their 
neighbours as unclean. It is not said that the Israelites mourned for their 
father for any lengthy period, but the Egyptians wept for him three score and 
ten days. u Diodorus 15 remarks that the usual period for such mourning was 
seventy-two days. 16 That Joseph with all his Egyptian culture was at heart 
still a true Palestinian is evidenced by the fact that he did not personally 
approach the King during the period of mourning. When the days of weeping 
for him were past, foseph spake unto the house of Pharaoh, saying : "If 
now I have found grace in your eyes, speak, I pray you, in the ears of Pharaoh 

1 Gen. 47." 2 Diod. i. 73 f. : Herodotus asserts that every priest and soldier 
in Egypt possessed 12 Apovpat, about 9 acres of land, free of taxes (ii. 168). See also 
Prasek, Expos. Times, xi. 208. 3 Gen. 47. 21 4 Gen. 47.2 s s Gen. 48. 1S 

8 Stanley, Jewish Church, i. 72. The word " grow " is H}1 from JH a fish. 
7 Gen. 49. 10 8 Ball in S.B.O.T., ad loc. 9 See Professor Elliot Smith's (Joum. 

of Egypt. Archceol., i. Pt. iii. (1914), p. 191) article on Mummies, in which 
step by step he traces the art of embalming back as far as the Hnd Dynasty. 
10 Gen. 50. 2 3 " Herod, ii. 86-89. 12 Diod. i. 91. 13 wapatrxevurTai, 

Egyptian Khatfu. The relationship between them and the rapixevrat has been 
unravelled by Revillout, JEg. Zeit., 1879-80. On the whole subject of embalming, 
see Pettigrew, A. Hist, of Egyptian Mummies, 1834: Wilkinson, iii. 470 f. : Conine 
in Edinb. Med. Joum., ii. (1909), p. 17: Macalister in Joum. of Anthropol. Instit., 
xxiii., 1894, p. 115. Budge, The Mummy (1893), p. 160 f. An interesting treatise 
on Preservative Materials used by the Ancient Egyptians in Embalming, by A. Lucas, 
has been issued by the Ministry of Finance, Cairo, 191 1. M Gen. 50. 3 

is /b. is a striking illustration of what an Egyptian mourning was like 19 

given by Ball, Light from the East, p. 119, from a wall painting in an Egyptian 
tomb. 



n8 Nile and Jordan 

for me." In accordance with Canaanite custom, he had permitted his hair 
and beard to grow long in token of grief : by the etiquette of the Court, 
therefore, he was excluded from personally approaching Pharaoh. 

The strange fact that when the inhabitants of the land, the Canaanites, 
saw the mourning in the floor of A tad, they said " This is a grievous mourning 
to the Egyptians," wherefore the name of it was called Abel-mizraim, which 
is beyond Jordan, has been a subject much discussed. 1 It is remarkable 
(if it be the case) that the funeral did not go straight to Hebron, either 
by the " Way of Shur " or by the " Way of the Philistines," but instead 
went round the southern end of the Dead Sea, up through Moab, down to 
the Jordan fords, and up again to the Hebron plateau. Dillmann 2 found 
the difficulty insuperable of unravelling the problem of the reason for this. 
Winckler 3 proposed to find the Abel-mizraim at the Nahal Mizraim, 
which he transliterated Nahal Muzri, the " river of Egypt," the present 
Wady el-Arish. Stanley's 4 picturesque explanation may need some 
correction, but is, nevertheless, interesting. " They came, not by the 
direct road which the Patriarchs had hitherto traversed on their way to 
Egypt by El-Arish, but round the long circuit by which Moses afterwards 
led their descendants, till they arrived on the banks of the Jordan. Further 
than this the Egyptian escort came not. But the valley of the Jordan 
resounded with the loud shrill lamentations peculiar to the ceremonial of 
mourning, and with the funeral games with which, then as now, the Arabs 
encircle the tomb of a departed chief. From this double tradition the spot 
was known in after times as " the ' meadow ' 5 or the ' mourning ' of the 
Egyptians," Abel-mizraim, and as Beth-hogla, " the house of the circling 
dance." 6 For all we know, there may have been political reasons making 
it prudent for the very great company 7 to adopt this circuitous route. 8 

It is of interest to note that the massive substructions of the Haram 
at Hebron may in all likelihood be attributed to Egyptian workmanship. 
It was not likely that a patriotic and wealthy governor like Joseph would 
leave un cared for and unprotected the sepulchre of his great ancestors, 
Abraham and Isaac, and his father, Jacob. Now that Canaan was no 
longer the home of the Israelites, there were no friendly hands to guard 
the sacred resting-place of the dead. What more probable than that Joseph 
would give orders that the cave-sepulchre should be enclosed and built 
over with strong, mastaba-like courses of masonry, to protect the mummy 
case of his father, and the revered dust of his ancestors ? Anyone visiting 
the Haram to-day must note the difference between the lower masonry, 
so simple, massive, and colossal, and that of the upper works, so com- 
paratively insignificant, erected by the hands of monks and Moslems. 
In these solid and substantial blocks of stone, so monumentally fitted 
together, we recognize the same expert craftsmanship as is revealed in the 
vast Egyptian pyramids and other Nilotic structures seemingly built for 

1 See Driver, Deuteronomy, p. xlii. f. * Die Genesis, p. 470. 3 Altorient. 

Forschungen (1893), p. 36. * Jewish Church, i. 65. 6 There is a play on the words 

7J^N (meadow) and 73fr\ (mourning). ° Conder explains the word rather to mean 
the" place of the partridge" (in Hastings' D.B., i. 280), now AinHajlah, S.E. of Jericho. 
The place was identified with Abel-mizraim by Jerome. 7 Gen. 50.' 8 Cf. what is said 
regarding the funeral of Jacob's sons later on p. 121. If Jacob's mummy case was 
deposited in the Cave of Machpelah, it may be still there. In the "Diary of David, the 
Reubenite " (Ncubauer, Anecdota Oxoniensia, 1895, ii.) the mediaeval traveller (a.d. 

) states that he saw inside the cave likenesses of the patriarchs and of their wives. 

may be a reminiscence of the fact that on the outside of Jacob's mummy case 
liis portrait may perhaps have been painted. What may we not discover when 
access is at last obtained to the penetralia of that wonderful cave ! 



The Later Hyksos 119 

eternity. The tomb of the ancestors of the Hebrew race is protected 
from violation by the splendid architecture of Egyptian workmen. 1 

It is remarkable that Joseph attained to the age which Egyptian 
sentiment regarded as the ideal term of years for a man's life on earth. 
Joseph lived an hundred and ten years. 2 It is the age which suppliants 
desired from the gods. The Instruction of Plah-hotep, which we have 
already considered as a specimen of early Egyptian hochma literature, 
ends with these words : "If now thou attain my position, thy body shall 
flourish, the King shall be content in all that thou doest, and thou shalt 
gather years of life not fewer than I have passed upon earth. I have 
gathered even five-score and ten years of life . . . this because I wrought 
truth and justice for the King unto mine old age." 3 Similarly, another 
early Papyrus 4 says : " Fulfil no years on the earth, whilst thy 
limbs are vigorous." A granite statue at Vienna preserves a prayer to 
Isis to grant health and felicity for no years. 5 Once again, the statue of 
Amenhotep, son of Hapi, the seer and grand vizier in the reign of 
Amenhotep II, which was discovered at Karnak in 1901 by Legrain, bears 
an inscription expressing the hope that the old man, then eighty years of 
age, may live to be no. 6 Like his father, at Joseph's death, they embalmed 
him, and he was put in a coffin in Egypt. 1 The word for " coffin " 8 signifies 
a mummy-case, or sarcophagus, so familiar a feature in Egyptian 
funerals. 9 

Such are some of the striking touches of graphic verisimilitude in the 
story of Apepi III, and in that of his vizier, Joseph, regarding whom a late 
Hebrew psalmist sang : — 10 

The King sent and loosed him : 

Even the ruler of peoples, and let him go free. 

He made him lord of his house, 

And ruler of all his substance. 

The Hyksos monarchs seem to have had at least three capitals, 
Memphis, Bubastis, 11 and Tanis or Zoan. 12 In Tanis, Petrie discovered 
a remarkable series of Hyksos sphinxes which are now in the British 
Museum. They are of black granite, with flat, massive faces, short whiskers 
and beard, shaven lips, and hair in a mat of short locks descending over the 
whole chest . x 3 The inscriptions are always in a line down the right shoulder, 
never on the left, the Semitic custom being to honour the right side more 
than the left. 14 This tendency is seen perpetuated in the Semitic ritual of 
the Tabernacle of later days in which the right shoulder always enjoys 

1 See Ritter, Comp. Geo«. of Pal., iii. 308. 2 Gen. 5 o. M 3 Edit. Battiscombe 

Gunn (19 1 2), § 44. 4 Papyrus Anast., iv. 4. s Driver in Hastings D.B 11. 775- 

sSavce, P.S.B.A., xxiv. (1902), p. 86: see further on this point Jacoby, Rec. 

j t- ~ 7 ron m» 8 li~lJ"\ ' Al Beidawi, a 

de Trav., xxxiv. 9. 'Gen. 50. ]' 'y 

Muhammadan author, records a legend that there arose such disputes among the 
Egyptians regarding the burial of Joseph that they were like to come to blows At 
length they put his body into a marble coffin, and sank it in the NiJ^to indiaw good 
harvests, and to ensure a plentiful " flood." Moses at the Exodus took up the coffin 
again, and carried the bones of Joseph into Canaan where they were buried (Sale s 
Koran n t8o n ) 10 Psa io<5 16 22 " Naville (Bubastis (1887-89), p. 22) 

fays that BubasSs was one of the chief residences of the Hyksos J^S^SS 
their capital. Toseph must frequently have been at Bubastis, as it lay at the entrance 
to the land of Goshen. » Where the A.V. in Psa^ 7 8 . ia reads %n the field of Zoan 

the LXX reads iv *«S.V Tdws. 13 Petrie Tarns, 1. IX. j™^ 

Apepi II inscribed his name and titles on the right shoulder of two black granite statues 
Mermashau, already placed in the temple. 



120 Nile and Jordan 

greater prominence and distinction. 1 But the fact that the Hyksos 
sphinxes are all of black or dark grey granite, brought either from the 
Wady Hammamat, or more probably from far-off Sinai, is an evidence of 
the divided state of the country. The red granite quarries in the neigh- 
bourhood of Assuan, which had contributed their massive blocks to so 
many temples in Lower Egypt in he days of the previous dynasties, were 
now in the hands of the Theban rebels, who were gathering their forces for 
a great attempt to sweep Egypt clear of the " filthy Shasu foreigners." 
The red granite was consequently unobtainable. 

An interesting reminiscence of the residence in the neighbourhood of 
Tanis of the Hyksos Kings is seen in the physiognomy of the present 
dwellers in the modern village San, the Biblical Zoan. The inhabitants 
are in feature quite distinct from the rest of the Nile peoples. They style 
themselves Melakiyin, that is Melekites or Royalists, an early Christian 
sect. But in ancient times they were known under the name of " Pi- 
shemer," corrupted to " Bashmurites," and also by the title Pi-amu, 
corrupted to Biamites. Pi-amu is just the familiar " Amu," the name 
under which the Hyksos " shepherds " went when they first invaded 
Egypt. 8 

It was during the reign of this Apepi III, the Pharaoh of Joseph's time, 
that the final revolt of the South broke out. The Theban princes, who 
constitute Manetho's XVI Ith Dynasty, raised the standard of rebellion 
against the hated Hyksos, and the long War of Expulsion began. The 
story of the origin of the quarrel is described in an historical romance of 
the XlXth Dynasty, given in the First Sallier Papyrus. 3 Though details 
have been worked up, the body of it is doubtless based on facts handed 
down by tradition. It will be referred to more particularly in the next 
chapter when the XVIIth Dynasty is dealt with. 4 

After Apepi III there seems to have reigned another famous Hyksos 
monarch named Nubti, who is immortalized on the celebrated " Stele of 
Four Hundred Years." This granite slab was discovered at Tanis by 
Mariette in 1865, and after its exquisitely engraved inscription had been 
read, it was again buried, for security, in the sand. But the burial has 
been so effective that subsequent digging has never revealed its hiding- 
place. Yet the stele evidences that Nubti established what came to be 
regarded as a new era in the Egyptian calendar, like the era of Nabonassar 
or that of Seleucus. 5 The monument, which professes to have been erected 
at the command of Rameses II, is not dated by any year in the long career 
of that XlXth Dynasty monarch ; it states, on the contrary, that it was 
set up in the 400th year of the Hyksos King, Nubti. The Semitic 
people who inhabited Tanis seemingly discarded the old methods of 
computing the passage of time, and their new era survived for centuries 
later. 

Manetho's statement that the XVIth Dynasty consisted of thirty-two 
" Hellenic " Kings has been much criticized and misunderstood. His 

1 The following instances may suffice, Ex. 2Q, 22 T/iou shalt take of the ram the 
right shoulder . . for consecration : Lev. 7, 32 The right shoulder shall ye give unto 
the priest for an heave-offering : Lev. y, i3 He among the sons of Aaron that offer eth the 
blood of the peace-offering, and the fat shall have the right shoulder for his part : 
Lev. 8, M ,e Aaron and his sons were consecrated upon the right shoulder : Lev. 9, 21 
The right shoulder Aaron waved for a wave-offering : Numb. 18, 18 To Aaron it was 
said The wave breast and the right shoulder are thine. The persistency of Semitic 
practice is thus testified to. 2 Duncan, The Exploration of Egypt and the 

Old Testament, p. 78. « T.S.B.A., iv. 263: Brugsch, Egypt under the Pharaohs, 

1 2 }8. * See p. 124. ° .Brugsch, Egypt under the Pharaohs i. 214: de Rouge" 

Rev. Archiolog. ix (1864) : Mariette, ib., xi. 169 



The Later Hyksos 121 

veracity, however, has now been established by Petrie. 1 Petrie has shown 
that in the troublous times which succeeded the fall of the Xllth Dynasty, 
the Semites who poured down into Egypt from Syria, and who constituted 
the XVth Dynasty, might suitably be called " Phoenicians." But while 
the " Phoenicians " subdued Egypt, their rear was cut off by the rise of 
Assyria in the upper regions of their old homeland. Yet, they still retained 
command of the sea : and six of the Kings of the XVIth Dynasty applied 
to themselves the title of " Sea-Kings." What they specially prized in 
their naval supremacy was the possession of Cyprus with its unfailing supplies 
of copper. As rulers of Cyprus, they would be styled Ha-nebu or " Lords 
of the North." The term survived till much later times. We find Ha-nebu 
used in the days of the Ptolemies as an equivalent for " Hellene," the 
Cypriotes being to Egyptian view the nearest representatives of the actual 
Hellas. So that when Manetho in the Ptolemaic age wrote of the thirty- 
two " Hellenic " Kings, he was entirely accurate. 

The XVIth Dynasty in its closing days was in death-grips with the 
Theban princes of the XVI Ith Dynasty. Fierce, long and bloody was the 
struggle, but finally the native Egyptians triumphed, and the loathed 
" shepherds " were expelled from the soil of the Nile Valley. It may be 
that to the early stages of this protracted war we must refer (if there be any 
truth at all in the tradition) the legends regarding the burials of the patriarchs 
at Hebron, recorded in the Book of Jubilees. This work, compiled by a 
Pharisee somewhere between B.C. 135-105, is a midrashic expansion of the 
early narratives of the Pentateuch in the interests of orthodox Judaism. 2 
In the process of re-editing his material, the author has incorporated a 
great mass of traditional lore, which had been orally transmitted from 
previous generations. What stress ought to be laid upon such traditions 
will always be a matter of varying opinion, but the legends in some cases 
seem to embody ancient details which had flourished alongside of the written 
story, and which were originally based on fact. Now, it is curious that in 
describing the decease of the sons of Jacob, the Book of Jubilees mentions 
that when Joseph died, " he made his brethren swear regarding his bones, 
for he knew that the Egyptians would not again bring forth and bury him 
in the land of Canaan, for Makamaron, King of Canaan, while dwelling 
in the land of Assyria, fought in the valley with the King of Egypt, and slew 
him there, and pursued after the Egyptians to the gates of Ermon. 3 But 
he was not able to enter, for another, a new king, had become King of 
Egypt, and he was stronger than he, and he returned to the land of Canaan, 
and the gates of Egypt were closed, and none went out and none came into 
Egypt. And Joseph died in the 46th jubilee, in the sixth week, in the 
second year and they buried him in the land of Egypt, and all his brethren 
died after him. And the King of Egypt went forth to war with the King 
of Canaan in the 47th jubilee, in the second week in the second year, and 
the children of Israel brought forth all the bones of the children of Judah 
save the bones of Joseph, and they buried them in the field in the double 
cave 4 in the mountain. And the most of them returned to Egypt, but a 
few of them remained in the mountains of Hebron, and Amram remained 
with them. 5 And the King of Canaan was victorious over the King of 
Egypt, and he closed the gates of Egypt." 6 

1 Hyksos and Israelite Cities, p. 12 : Man (1906), No. 75, p. 30. "Charles, 

Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament, ii. 1. 3 Heroopohs. ».«., 

Machpelah. 6 This is mentioned here alone: see, however, Josephus, 

Antiq., ii. 8, 2. a Booh of Jubilees, 46." u 



122 Nile and Jordan 

Similarly, in the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, 1 a work composed 
between B.C. 109-106, a corresponding legend is preserved. There it is 
stated that " they laid Simeon in a wooden coffin to take up his bones to 
Hebron ; and they took them up secretly during a war of the Egyptians " : 2 
as regards Benjamin, that " in the ninety-first year from the entrance of 
the children of Israel into Egypt, they and their brethren brought up the 
bones of their fathers secretly during the Canaanitish war ; and they buried 
them in Hebron, by the feet of their fathers. And they returned from the 
land of Canaan and dwelt in Egypt until the day of their departure from the 
land of Egypt." 3 In like manner it is affirmed that Gad also was buried 
in Hebron. 4 

It seems thus to have been the view of the authors of both these 
books, embodying a more or less trustworthy tradition, that the bones of all 
the patriarchs, 5 except those of Joseph, were carried from Egypt to Hebron, 
and buried there in the ancestral resting-place, on the occasion of a war 
between Egypt and Canaan. This war may have been connected with 
the revolt in the Thebaid, the native Egyptians conspiring with the peoples 
of Palestine to drive out the hated Hyksos. 

As for Joseph himself, it is remarkable that the most ancient tradition 
to the effect that the bones of Joseph, which the children of Israel brought 
tip out of Egypt (after the Exodus) buried they in Shechem, in the parcel of 
ground which Jacob bought of the sons of H amor, the father of Shechem, 6 has 
recently received curious verification. A little to the east of Balata, a 
tell a. few hundred yards west of the well of Jacob, Professor Sellin along 
with Drs. Prseschniker and Grohmann in 1914 discovered an Egyptian 
sarcophagus which is thought to have been that of Joseph. The 
sarcophagus is now in the Museum at Munich. 7 

1 See Charles, op. cit. z Testament of Simeon, 8. 2 3 Testament of Benjamin, 12. s 
* Testament of Gad, 8. 5 6 Test, of Levi, 19. 5 Test. ofZebulon, 10. 7 Test, of Dan. 7? Josephus 
adopts the same view (Antiq., ii. 8, 2), though he omits reference to the war. So also 
Stephen adopted the current tradition, Ac. 7, 16 Jacob died himself, and our fathers, 
and they were carried over into Shechem and laid in the tomb that Abraham bought, where 
Shechem " is substituted for " Hebron " as the place of sepulture. 6 Jos. 24. 3a 

7 Geo. L. Robinson in Harvard Theol Rev., viii. (1915) 544, and Amer. Journ. of Arch., 
xxi. (191 7). 84. 






CHAPTER XI 

The War of Liberation and the New Kingdom 

i. The XVIIth Dynasty (b.c. 1731-1580) 

The subjection of Egypt to the rule of the Hyksos had not been effected 
without much fierce fighting. The Theban princes, remembering the 
glories of the Senuserts and Amenemhats, would not readily submit to the 
dominance of the swarms of Asiatics who poured into the land and 
submerged the ancient Royal House. They had kept up for some 
time a semblance of regal dignity, and had defied the Hyksos 
sovereigns. 

One of these Theban Kings, Antef-aa V. Nub-kheper-Ra, in an 
inscription at Coptos, has left us a memorial of the fierceness of the struggle. 1 
He dismissed from office with curses a certain Teta, who seems to have 
been commander of the fortress-temple of Coptos, for having entered 
into traitorous correspondence with the Hyksos. He assumed for himself 
the title of " Sopdu, Lord of the Deserts," thus claiming the sovereignty 
of the very territory from which the myriad hordes of " Shepherds " had 
emerged. But with his death and burial at Thebes, the power of the native 
princes oozed away, and his successors had to submit to the galling yoke, 
and the ever-increasing might, of the Hyksos monarchs of the 
XVIth Dynasty. 

It is likely that during the entire course of the Hyksos domination, 
the South indulged in periodic revolt in the hope of expelling the hated 
foreigners. The struggle reminds us of the history of the Manchu-Tartar 
despotism in China, which lasted 269 years, from a.d. 1643 to 1912, during 
which time repeated attempts were made to obtain freedom, and which 
was overturned at last only after a final bloody revolt. Similarly, in 
Upper Egypt, the Sebekemsafs, Antefs, and Sequenen-Ras exercised for 
a while a more or less shadowy independent rule ; and though always 
repressed after each rebellion with rigorous cruelty, they kept alive the hope, 
and nourished the ambition, of one day being successful in freeing their 
fatherland from the invader. According to Manetho, these Theban princes 
constitute the XVIIth Dynasty, which lasted 151 years, and embraced 
43 kings. But the majority of these Theban rulers must have been 
subject to the will of their contemporaneous Hyksos sovereigns : their 
dominion must have been nominal ; and even their names have largely 
perished. 

At last, however, the final revolt against the Hyksos broke out in the 

Petrie, Koptos, PI. viii. : Maspero, New Light on Ancient Egypt, p. 100 

133 



124 Nile and Jordan 

reign of the Theban King, Sequenen-Ra III. 1 The Sallier Papyrus I, a 
an historical romance of the XlXth Dynasty, professes to relate the story 
of the origin of the struggle. Apepi III— the Pharaoh of Joseph's time- 
picked a quarrel with his Theban rival. He sent an envoy to him with an 
insulting message complaining that he could not sleep at Tanis because of 
the noise made by the hippopotami kept by Sequenen-Ra in the sacred 
lake at Thebes ! He ordered his vassal to destroy them, and counselled 
him to serve no other god besides Sutekh. If the romance is based on any 
substratum of fact, it is small wonder that Sequenen-Ra flew to arms 
on receiving such a summons. But in the war that ensued he was not 
successful. His mummy, recovered from the Valley of the Tombs of the 
Kings at Thebes, was unrolled in 1886 by Maspero, and the remains show 
him to have been a man in the prime of life who must have met his death 
in battle. His head was covered with ghastly wounds, his face was smashed 
in, his tongue was bitten in two in his death agony, his brains were 
protruding, while on his countenance there still remained a look of 
fury. 3 

He was succeeded by his son, Kames, a boy of twelve, concerning whom 
a new historical tablet was recently discovered by Lord Carnarvon and 
Howard Carter. 4 It tells how in Kames' seventh year, the Hyksos with 
Avaris as their capital controlled the Delta and Middle Egypt as far as 
Cusae. Kames with his headquarters at Thebes governed Upper Egypt 
as far as Assuan. Ethiopia was in the hands of a third prince, whose name 
is not given. By command of the god Amen, Kames went down the Nile 
to drive back the Asiatics, having with him an army of Nubian mercenaries. 
He was successful in capturing in the city of Nefrus the Crown Prince Teta, 
son of the Hyksos Apepi III. Lord Carnarvon found at Thebes the tomb 
of a prince of this period, named Teta-ky (literally " the other Teta"), 
which seems to imply that there must have existed some sort of (perhaps 
matrimonial) connection between the Theban Royal Family and their 
Hyksos suzerains. 5 

In the 20th year of his reign, Kames resumed the old struggle. It 
was probably he who captured Memphis, thus inflicting a crushing blow 
on the tottering Hyksos cause. His father had evidently married a Nubian 
princess, for Kames' features are of a pronounced Ethiopian cast and hue, 
and the fierceness of his African blood was shown in the vehemence with 
which he carried the war into his enemy's territory. He was ably assisted 
by his wife, the celebrated Queen, Aah-hetep I (from Hermopolis, where 
Aah, the Moon-god, was specially worshipped), who seems to have been a 
woman of remarkable force of character. Her colossal coffin was discovered 
by Mariette in 1859 in the sand at Thebes, and the articles it contained 
for long constituted the most splendid of all Egyptian royal relics. 6 The 

1 Hall (Near East, p. 244) thinks that the war must have commenced under one 
of the earlier Sequenen-Ras, probably Sequenen-Ra I. 2 T.S.B.A., iv. 268 : Brugsch, 
Egypt under the Pharaohs, i. 238 : Goodwin, " Hieratic Papyri " in Cambridge Essays, 
1858, p. 243 : Lushington in R.P., 1st Ser. viii. 1-4. 3 The mummy 13 now in 

the Cairo Museum. * The Earl of Carnarvon and Howard Carter, Five Years' 

Explorations at Thebes, 1912, p. 36: summarized by Newberry in P.S.B.A., xxxv. 
(191 *,), p- 117- The genuineness of the tablet as really historical has been defended 
by A. H. Gardiner, Journ. of Egypt. Arch., iii. (1916), p. 95 f., and v. (1918), 45, 
against Weill (Journal Asiatique, nth Ser. i. (1913) 536-44), who regarded the 
narrative as embodying a mere legend of a romantic character. 5 Newberry, 

op. nt., p. in. "Described by Birch, Archaol. Journ., xx. 166: and Facsimiles 

of the Egyptian relics discovered at Thebes in the tomb of Queen Aah-hetep, 1863 : 
for an account of this famous lady, see Miss Buttles. The Queens of Egypt, p. 47 f. 
and for a discussion as to her parentage, see Newberry, P.S.B.A., xxiv. (Z902), 
285. 



The War of Liberation 125 

most beautiful were two models of boats, one of gold mounted on a carriage 
of wood and bronze, bearing the name of Karnes, the other of silver being 
plain. 

On the death of Karnes, either his son or his younger brother, Senekht- 
en-Ra, succeeded him, 1 and after his decease there followed another 
brother, Aahmes, the heroic Liberator of Egypt from the Hyksos, and 
the founder of the great XVIIIth Dynasty. 

11. The XVIIIth Dynasty (b.c. 1580-1322) 

Aahmes 3 or Amasis I, the first King of the famous XVIIIth Dynasty, 
ruled from about B.C. 1580 to 1559. From an inscription 4 found at El Kab 
in the tomb of one of his admirals, also called Aahmes, we get glimpses 
of the last terrific struggle of the native Egyptians to drive out the Hyksos. 
Step by step the hated foreigners were forced down from the higher regions 
into the swamps of the Delta. City after city fell into the hands of the 
Theban troops, till a final stand was made at the vast entrenched encamp- 
ment of Avaris. 6 Josephus 6 quotes Manetho as his authority for an 
extraordinary statement that Thummosis, the son of Alisphragmuthosis, 7 
with 480,000 men besieged Avaris, a place that contained 10,000 acres. 
Unable to take it by storm, he obtained the surrender of the fort on the 
stipulation that the Hyksos would evacuate Egypt. Thereupon the 
"Shepherds," to the number of 240,000, marched out from Egypt to Canaan, 
and for fear of the Assyrians, built Jerusalem. What slender basis of 
truth there is in all this we cannot say. But the aforementioned inscription 
of the admiral, Aahmes, rather leads us to believe that the attack on the 
last stronghold of the Hyksos went on by land and water for a long period ; 
that at the fourth attempt the fort was stormed ; that there was a wild 
slaughter of the " filthy people," and that the remnant (at least so far as 
the fighting element amongst them was concerned) were finally driven back 
to the desert whence their ancestors had come. Even this remnant, Aahmes 
pursued with merciless ferocity. The fugitives had seized the fortified town 
Sharuhen, in the south of Canaan, a city long afterwards allotted to the 
tribe of Simeon, 8 and for three years Aahmes sat down and besieged 
his foe. 9 With the fall of this fortress, the last remains of the Hyksos 
domination perished. Aahmes then passed rapidly through Zahi (Phoenicia) 
leaving a trail of blood behind him. Next he paid a flying visit to 
Sinai to subdue its Bedouin population, and to re-annex the turquoise 
mines to the Egyptian crown. An alabaster vase with his name, and that 
of his queen, Nefertari, along with other articles, testify to his presence 

^att. Gunn and A. H. Gardiner question this (/. of Egypt. Arch., v. (1918)48). 
2 The dates of the XVIIIth— XXth Dynasties have been worked out by Lehmann, 
Zwei Haupt-probleme der altorientalischen Chronologie, 1898, and Steindorff, Die 
Blutezeit des Pharaonenreich (1900). They have been re-examined by Holhngworth 
in P.S.B.A., xxxiii. (191 1), p. 46, who places them all half-a-century earlier, ^but I 
have not found myself able to adopt his revised chronology. 3 Aah-mes - the 

Moon-god has brought forth." 4 The best edition of this famous inscription is that 

by Victor Loret, " ^Inscription d'Ahmes fils d'Abana," in Chassinat, Bibhothique 
d'Etudes, hi. (1910), pp. 1-24. Other translations will be found in Renouf R.P., 1st 
Ser., vi. s-19 : Petrie, Hist, of Egypt, ii. 21 f. : Wiedemann, Gesch. von Alt-/tgypten, 
p. 72 : A H. Gardiner in /. of Egypt. Arch., v. (1918), 48 f- 5 See Peine, Hyksos 

and Israelite Cities (1906), p. 9, for a full account of his excavations of this site: ana 
consult what has been said on p. 100. 6 c. Apion, 1. 14. Petrie [Htst., J- 8 2 3°. 

ii. 20) conjectures that this is a corruption of" Aahmes-pa-her-nub-thes-tau^ see 

Tos. 19* probably now Tell-esh-Sheriah, N.W. of Beersheba. setne [teu. J. 

/Egypt. Spr., xlii. (1905), 136) has shown that this siege of Sharuhen occupied three, 
not five or six years, as had hitherto been supposed. 



126 Nile and Jordan 

at Serabit-el-Khadem, where Petrie discovered them. 1 He then returned 
in triumph to the Delta. 

But his work was not yet done. His absence from Egypt had been 
seized on by the Nubians as an opportunity for revolt. 2 Aahmes had, 
therefore, to march 1,000 miles up the Nile, and to subdue these invaders, 
who had swarmed down the river, laying waste all the shrines and temples 
belonging to the gods of Thebes. No sooner was this task successfully 
accomplished than, on descending the Nile, Aahmes found himself face to 
face with a fresh invasion of Egypt by the Hyksos under a King named 
Aata. It was a reckless and despairing attempt to regain the Delta while 
Aahmes was occupied far up beyond the Cataracts. But the attempt failed. 
The last Hyksos king and all his army were annihilated or captured by 
the victorious Thebans. One more enemy remained. Teta-'an, an 
Egyptian noble, jealous of this Theban supremacy, tried to wrest the 
sovereignty from Aahmes. The revolt ended in Teta-'an and all his followers 
being put to death. At last Egypt was free and at peace. 3 The War of 
Liberation was over, and the sword sheathed. 4 

There was now, throughout the whole of Egypt, a call for architects, 
builders, sculptors, and painters. Centuries of neglect of all but temples 
reared to Semitic divinities had brought the public edifices of the land 
into a pitiable condition. But now the dilapidated temples of Amen at 
Thebes, and of Ptah 5 at Memphis rose again from the ground, while the 
Royal Quarries at Tura 6 supplied the whitest limestone for the cutting of 
delicate inscriptions and exquisite bas-reliefs. More than ever Thebes 
was recognized as the capital of the whole of the Nile Valley, situated, 
as it was, midway between the Delta in the north and the remote Egyptian 
possessions, so recently subdued, lying far to the south beyond the Cataracts. 

A people whom the monuments style the Fenkhu 7 were set to quarry 
the stones for all this building activity, and to act as serfs in the brick- 
fields. The word has been construed as meaning " Phoenicians," but in 
the strict sense they were not so much " Phoenicians " as Asiatic or 
Canaanite prisoners in general. 8 They constituted the remaining portion 
of the " Shepherds," who being non-combatants had not been expelled 
from Egypt, and amongst them, in all likelihood, we must reckon the 
children of Israel, who had been settled by Joseph in Goshen. Of kindred 
race with the Hyksos, the Israelites had enjoyed prosperity under the 
dynasty that had now expired. Family tradition kept alive the fact that 
some of the descendants of Judah had even married into the Royal House. 
These are the sons of Bithiah, the daughter of Pharaoh, which Mered took. 9 
Which Hyksos Pharaoh this was is quite unknown, but the name " Bithiah," 
" daughter [i.e., worshipper) of Jehovah," implies that the Egyptian 

1 Pctric, Researches in Sinai, p. 102. 2 " Inscription of El-Kab " in P.P. 

1st Scr., vi. 5-19, lines 17-21. 3 By reckoning that the War of Liberation began 

under Sequenen-Ra I instead of under Sequenen-Ra III, i.e. in B.C. 1618, instead of in 
b.c. 1591, Hall (Anc. Hist, of Near East, p. 227) computes the length of the war as 
45 years, off and on. * Naville (Trans. Vict. Instit., July 1889) thinks that the 

Expulsion of the Hyksos was not finally accomplished till the time of Thothmes III. 
• It was " of good stone and white" (Lepsius, Denkmaler, iii. 3). 'Opposite 

Memphis : cf. Perring and Vyse, Operations at the Pyramids, iii. 90. 7 Meyer 

(Gesch. d. Alterthmns, § 180, 190) derives the name " Phoenicia " from these 
Fenkhu. Miiller, however (Asien u. Europa.p. 208), has pointed out that the latter 
word is only an Egyptian term, used in a general sense for the Northern barbarians, 
i.e., .-ill the peoples whom the Egyptians reckoned as " filthy foreigners." The 
derivation of " Phoenicia " is still uncertain. It may be that we must go back to the 
old \n v. that it was taken from the <j>o<Vif, the palm-tree. The etymology (poivbs, 
browmsh-red " (cf. Latin, " Pcenus," Punic) seems doubtful (Pietschmann, Gesch. 
d. PMnirier, p. 13). 8 Miiller, op. cit., pp. 208-212. » 1 Chr. 4." 



The War of Liberation 127 

princess had become a convert to the Hebrew faith. Intermarriages 
between the Israelites and the Egyptians seem to have been not infrequent. 
The example of Joseph in wedding the daughter of the priest of Heliopolis 
was followed by Sheshan, a descendant of the ninth generation from Judah. 
Sheshan had no sons but daughters. And Sheshan had a servant, an Egyptian, 
whose name was Jarha. And Sheshan gave his daughter to Jarha, his 
servant, to wife. 1 

But with the re-establishment of the native Egyptian rule, the lot of 
the Israelites had changed indeed. The opinion is now steadily gaining 
ground amongst scholars that the theory, so tenaciously held and diligently 
preached, that the Oppression of the Israelites and the Exodus took place 
under the XlXth Dynasty, breaks down completely when it is closely 
examined. The view has been so assiduously propagated, and it is reiterated 
with such a persistent want of investigation, that many have come to regard 
the statement that Rameses II was the Pharaoh of the Oppression, and his 
son, Merenptah, the Pharaoh of the Exodus, as amongst the ascertained 
and unassailable facts of Egyptological research. 2 The theory, however, 
is entirely inconsistent with monumental evidence ; it does violence to 
many a passage of Scripture, and it throws the chronology of the Bible, 
otherwise consistent with itself, into inextricable confusion. All the most 
recently discovered facts make it increasingly imperative for us to return 
to the belief once current, and foolishly abandoned, that the Oppression 
and the Exodus both occurred during the XVIIIth Dynasty. 3 

Abraham, as we have seen, visited Egypt in the earlier days of the 
Hyksos period : Joseph, Jacob, and his descendants came in during the 
latter portion of the same age. Had the Israelites entered Egypt while 
the XVIIIth Dynasty was in power, their reception would have been 
inether cordial nor pleasant. The remembrance of the indignities they 
had endured under the Hyksos was too recent and sore for any gracious 
welcome to be accorded by the Egyptians to a new influx of Semites from 
Canaan. Still less would the newly-freed Egyptians have granted a settle- 
ment in Goshen to a fresh band of loathed foreigners, within the bounds of 
the Delta itself. So cogent are these facts that practically all authorities 
(with some trifling exceptions afterwards referred to 4 ) agree that the 
Israelites entered Egypt under the XVIth (Hyksos) Dynasty. But while 
that is so, it is equally impossible to believe that throughout the whole 
of the XVIIIth Dynasty— a period which lasted 258 years— no attempt 
was made by the triumphant Egyptians to tyrannize over the remnant of 
the " Shepherds " (the non-combatant section of them, among whom 
must be reckoned the Hebrews in Goshen), and that only when the 
XlXth Dynasty arose did the Oppression break out. On the contrary 

1 1 Chr 2 34 35 2 Hall (Anc. Hist, oj Near East, p. 408) says "We have all 

been hypnotized by the Merenptah-theory, except Lieblein {Recherches sur I ktstotre 

etla civilisation de Vancienne Egypte (1910), ii. 279)." '.Jf 6 *?^ the + theor y 

that the Oppression took place under the XlXth Dynasty will hold water, nor 
the old one that it occurred under the -Hyksos. A typical example of the old and 
completely antiquated reasoning that the Hyksos were the oppressors of the "««™ 
will be found in the Marquis Spineto's Lectures on the Elements of Hieroglyphics 
and Egyptian Antiquities, London, 1829. • One of these exceptions may be 

mentioned here. Prof. Eerdmans of Leyden argues that the Hebrews were 
distinct from the " Israelites," that the former (known as the Apenu ) entered 
Egypt under Thothmes III, the latter under Siptah, about B.C. 1205. He places tne 
Exodus at the end of the XXth Dynasty, about b c 1125-much too late for any 
adequate space of time to be allotted for the period of the Conquest and of the Judges 
before David comes on the scene as King of Judah, about b.c. iooo {Expositor, bept. 
1908) 



128 Nile and Jordan 

there is every reason to believe, and contributory evidence from the 
monuments proves, that the change for the worse in the lot of the Semitic 
dwellers in Goshen began as soon as the vast majority of their Hyksos 
compatriots had been driven out of Egypt by Aahmes I. On their 
hapless heads descended the wrath and the vengeance of the victorious 
Egyptians when the new dynasty was inaugurated. There arose a new 
King over Egypt which knew not Joseph. 1 

The mummy of Aahmes I was discovered in 1871, and unrolled in 1886. 
That of his sister- wife, Aahmes-Nefertari, was opened in 1885. She was a 
lady of such force of character that for many succeeding centuries she was 
revered as a divine being, and adored as the venerated ancestress and 
co-founder of the great XVIIIth D}niasty. 2 

Their son, Amenhotep I 3 (c. B.C. 1559-1539) followed in the 
footsteps of his father. So long as his famous mother lived and ruled 
conjointly with himself, no wars were waged. Mother and son were 
worshipped as living representatives respectively of the goddess 
Isis and the god Osiris, and there are many inscriptions revealing 
the lavish adoration offered them. 4 The queen-mother is usually depicted 
with a blue or even black skin, not thereby signifying that she was 
a negrcss, but that she represented Isis or Hathor, the mistresses of the 
nether world. 5 

In his later years, Amenhotep I had to repeat his father's Nubian 
campaign, and to penetrate up the Nile as far as the Third Cataract. 6 
An expedition had also to be undertaken against the Libyan tribes inhabiting 
the country between Memphis and the Oasis of Jupiter Ammon. 7 When 
these were successfully accomplished, he turned his attention to building, 
and extensive restorations and new constructions at Karnak and Deir-al- 
Bahari, and in Sinai, where he repaired the sacred cave at Serabit- 
el-Khadem, 8 attested his zeal for architecture. When he died, after a 
useful reign of twenty years, the grateful priests of Amen, of whom he had 
been a munificent supporter, buried him with royal pomp in the Valley of 
the Tombs of the Kings. 9 His sister-wife, Aah-hetep II, was a queen of 
similar royal dignity to her namesake and predecessor, Aah-hetep I. A 
scarab bearing her royal cartouche was discovered by Bliss 10 at Lachish, 
showing that her influence reached over the land of Palestine which 
her father, Aahmes I, had traversed. Her coffin, of gigantic dimensions, 
stands in the Cairo Museum. 

In Thothmes I (c. B.C. 1539-1514), son of Amenhotep I by a secondary 
and non-royal wife, Sen-seneb, we come across the first of the great 

1 Ex. i. 8 2 Rrugsch, Egypt under the Pharaohs, i. 279. 3 Though he is known 
as Amenhotep I, Newberry (P.S.B.A., xxv. (1903), p. 35S) records the discovery of the 
name of another early prince of the name of Amenhotep on a small limestone stele in the 
collection of Lord Amherst of Hackney. He must have belonged to the XVTIth 
Dynasty, and have been the son of one of its kings. * A list of these inscriptions is given 
by Wiedemann, /Egypt. Gesch., p. 313, and by Petrie, Hist., ii. 38-39. 6 Tn 1908, 
the Earl of Carnarvon discovered a figure of this celebrated queen at Thebes in the 
tomb of Teta-ky. She was depicted as of fair complexion, and not black, as in her 
later portraits (Carnarvon and Carter, Five Years' Exploration at Thebes, 1912, p. 3). 
• Reisner (Harvard Theol. Rev. (i<>2o), p. 27) has now been able to compile a complete 
list of 23 successive Egyptian viceroys of Ethiopia from c. B.C. 1548 to c. B.C. 1080. 
7 For an exhaustive account of the military system of the Egyptians during the 
XVIIIth Dynasty, by which these and other campaigns were carried out, see Wilkinson, 
vol. i., and Maspero, Struggle 0] the Nations, pp. 211-28. 8 Petrie, Researches 

in Sinai, p. 102. * Lord Carnarvon and Howard Carter discovered the lost tomb 

of Amenhotep I at Thebes in 1914 at Dra' Abu '1-Nagga (op. cit.), and Joum. of 
Egypt. Arch., iii. (1916), 147: H. E. Winlook, ib. iv. (1917), p. 11. The statue of 
Amenhotep I in the Turin Museum is a wonderful work ol art. 10 Blis3, A Mound 

of Many Cities, p. 131. 






The War of Liberation 129 

Egyptian military conquerors. His warlike career opened with an invasion 
of Nubia. Sailing up the Nile with a flotilla of vessels, he experienced 
great difficulty in forcing his way through the rapids of the Second Cataract, 
but in spite of lack of water he succeeded. There followed a naval encounter 
with the enemy in mid-stream. Thothmes pierced the heart of the Nubian 
King with his javelin, sunk many of the opposing ships, and pressed on up 
the ever-shallowing river. Reaching Tombos near Kerma at the head of 
the Third Cataract, he erected a fort (part of which still remains) and 
garrisoned it with troops. On Tombos he set up a stele recording in 
grandiose language his achievements. The country as far as Dongola 
having been thus annexed to the Theban Empire, Thothmes returned in 
triumph to his capital, with the body of the Nubian King dangling 
head downwards from the bows of his Royal ship. 1 

Flushed with these comparatively easy victories, Thothmes I looked 
round for new worlds to conquer. His imagination began to be 
excited with the thought of what lay in the wider regions beyond 
the narrow parallel lines of hills that hem in the Nile. For centuries 
his country had suffered untold ignominy and miserable slavery at 
the hands of the Hyksos. Now was the opportunity and the season 
for revenge ! As the Asiatics had done to Egypt, so would Egypt 
now do to Asia. Never before had an Egyptian sovereign planned 
an expedition such as Thothmes I now led forth. Other Pharaohs 
had paid flying visits to Canaan, but their appearance in Palestine had led 
merely to a temporary payment of tribute, not to a permanent conquest 
of the land. Nor had more than a few spots in Syria known the presence 
of an Egyptian army. The Negeb, the Shephelah, and the main trade 
routes as far perhaps as Galilee had from time to time been raided by 
Egyptian troops, as we have seen ; but since the invasion of Palestine by 
Senusert III, a change had ensued in the fortunes of Canaan, and for some 
centuries Syria had been reckoned as belonging to the Kingdom of Babylon. 

When the great Xllth Dynasty passed away, and the weakness of the 
XHIth and XlVth Dynasties was manifest, first Ur-nina of Lagash, and 
later Lugalzaggisi of Erech, swept across from the Euphrates Valley, and 
achieved the suzerainty of Palestine, wresting the overlordship from the 
powerless hands of the Pharaohs. 2 The Sinai Peninsula was similarly 
invaded and passed under Chaldaean influence, the very mountains taking 
on a Babylonian name, Swai, from the Chaldaean Moon-god, Sm. 3 The 
continued ignominious condition of Egypt made it possible for Sargon I 
of Agade, 4 a little later, to invade Syria four times, 5 and in token of the 
conquest of Canaan, to set up a statue of himself " at the setting of the 
sun." His son, Naram-Sin, claimed to be " King of the four quarters of the 
earth," and his rule over Palestine was unquestioned. Gudea of Lagash 6 

1 Lepsius, Denkmdler, iii. 5: Birch, P.S.B.A. (1885), vii. 121. * Radau, 

Early Babylon. Hist., p. 135. 3 The " Sin " is seen in many names, e.g., 

Szw-mubaliit. For traces of Chaldaean influence in the West, see Eckenstein, 
" Moon-cult in Sinai " in Ancient Egypt (1914). pt. i- 9- * *•*•. the Biblical Accad., 

Gen. 10. 10 5 Thureau-Dangin, Comptes Rendus, 1896, p. 355, and Revue 

d'Assyriologie, iv. 3. 6 That Gudea had dealings with Egypt is evident from 

his expression, " I used strong wood brought from the land of Upper Egypt, brought 
from the fortress of Zoan" (Conder in P.E.F.Q., 1893, p. 172). Again (ibid., p. 176), 
" I, Gudea, having received a sceptre, for the Lord oi the Pyramid have raised tribute 
of the land of Magan (Sinai) and of the land of Melukha ( = Upper Egypt according 
to Conder : = Western Arabia, according to Paton (Early Hist, of Syria and Pales' 
p. 20) of the land of Chub (=Gubi or Ethiopia), land belonging to the country of Zal 
( = Zoan ?). See Winckler, Altorient. Forsch., ii. 2, p. 398 : Amiaud, R.P., new Ser. 11. 
79 f. 



130 Nile and Jordan 

enjoyed such political supremacy over the West that instead of his having 

to wage wars in Canaan, he indulged in great commercial exploitation of 

the territory which no one dared to dispute. When simultaneously with 

the invasion of Egypt by the Hyksos, Chaldsea was submerged by an Arab 

horde, who set up the First Dynasty of Babylon, the sovereignty of Palestine 

passed from Babylon to Elam. Chedorlaomer of Elam * as the paramount 

monarch, compelled his vassal Kings, Amraphel of Shinar? Arioch of 

Ellasar, and Tidal of Goiim* to accompany him on an expedition to 

enforce his overlordship of Canaan. Defeated by Abraham 4 and bankrupt 

in military reputation, it was not long before Chedorlaomer had to 

acknowledge the suzerainty of his former vassal, Amraphel. The famous 

Hammurabi, sixth King of the 1st Dynasty of Babylon, threw off the Elamite 

yoke, united all Babylonia under his sway, ruled with glory and splendour, 

and bequeathed to mankind his magnificent Code of Laws which has 

revolutionized our ideas in regard to ancient jurisprudence. 5 We have 

every reason to believe that the principles of this body of legislation, so 

singularly advanced and enlightened, were in force throughout a large 

part of the territory which owned the sway of Babylon, and were therefore 

practised in Canaan, which belonged to Chaldsa. With the rise, however, 

of the new Kingdom of Mitanni, intermediate between Bab}donia and 

Palestine, the Kassite Dynasty, which succeeded the Ilnd Dynasty of 

Babylon, was unable to retain its hold on Canaan. The steady growth in 

military power of this buffer state effectually barred the road from the 

lower plains of the Euphrates to the highlands of Syria. The whole of 

Canaan, which for so many centuries had been subject to the civilization 

of Babylon, passed out of Chaldsean influence, and the way was, 

therefore, clear for the strong pushing XVIIIth Dynasty to restore the 

ancient Egyptian supremacy over Palestine. 

In a spirit of revenge for the injuries inflicted on his country by the 

Hyksos, Thothmes I now blazed a track through Syria as far as the Euphrates, 

a trail which was only too frequently followed by his successors in the 

centuries to come. His route lay from Gaza to Megiddo, from there to 

Kadesh on the Orontes, and on to Carchemish on the Euphrates on the 

confines of Naharaina. 6 Here he met the King of Mitanni in battle, 

vanquished him, and set up a memorial stele as the mark of the extreme 

eastern limit of his empire. 7 Never before had Canaan witnessed 

within her bounds a foe so powerful, so merciless, or so greedy. He 

despoiled the cities of Palestine of their treasures, and swept off to Egypt 

1 Gen. 14. * 2 2 The identification of these kings with others named on 

contemporary Babylonian clay tablets may now be considered established. That 
' Amraphel of Shinar " = Hammurabi of Babylon, " Arioch of Ellasar " = Eriaku of 
Larsa, etc., scouted by so many as linguistically impossible, has been exhaustively 
examined, answered, and maintained by Pilter, P.S.B.A., xxxv. (1913), pp. 171, 244: 
xxxvi. (191 4), pp. 125-42, 212-50. Surely the matter may now be left to rest. 

3 Goiim = probably the non-Semitic " nations" of the North, such as the Hittites. 

4 The narn^s of the Canaanite Kings over whom Chedorlaomer and his companions 
enjoyed a temporary triumph (Gen. 14 6 ) have been submitted to a thorough linguistic 
investigation by Pilter. ibid., pp. 205-66, who strenuously upholds their authenticity 
as being " not Northern Amorite, but the purer Arabian Amorite, which befits their 
geographical origin." 6 See Johns, The Oldest Code of Laws in the World, 
1903, and especially art. Code of Hammitrabt in Hastings' D.B., v., pp. 584-612. 
* Naharaina = Aram-naharaim (Psa. 60 title) -^Mesopotamia (Jud. 3 10 ) = Paddan- 
Aram (Gen. 28 2 ). 'The stele was seen by Thothmes III when he followed the 
same track in later years. The Egyptians, on this first occasion of viewing the 
Euphrates, were greatly amused and puzzled by the fact that the river flowed south- 
Is ! They were even accustomed to joke at the necessity of reversing the terms 

used in Egypt to express sailing up and down the Nile. It shows how provincial in 
their ideas in many respects the Egyptians till now had been (Maspero, Struggle of the 
-i t ) . 






The War of Liberation 131 

an enormous amount of gold. When the tide of conquest rolled back, 
and the Egyptians had returned home, the Syrian cities which had 
experienced his cruelty and rapacity began at once to build huge fortifica- 
tions, fearing further attacks. A specimen of these massive ramparts 
and battlements Bliss uncovered at Lachish. 1 

The immense treasure gathered on this plundering expedition 
Thothmes I devoted to the embellishment of the temple of Amen at Thebes, 
to whose divine power he attributed his successes. To this shrine he 
added a court, 240 feet long and 62 feet broad, surrounded by colonnades 
of square pillars each with a statue of Osiris in front. He also erected 
two giant granite obelisks, 76 feet high, on a pedestal 6 feet square. One of 
these still stands, bearing an inscription testifying to the King's piety and 
devotion towards Amen-Ra. Many other buildings throughout Egypt, especi- 
ally up the Nile, owe their erection to him. The frontier fortresses of Semneh 
and Kummeh were restored, and there are records of his conquests in Nubia as 
far as Argo. 2 His interest in his Sinai dominions is attested by his sending 
thither offerings of alabaster, glazed pottery, vases, menats of himself and of 
his queen Aahmes, wands and other objects, all discovered by Petrie. 3 

The domestic relationships of Thothmes I are exceedingly complicated 
and difficult to unravel, and their intricacy and uncertainty have given rise 
to many ingenious reconstructions 4 of the available data. It is unnecessary 

1 A Mound of Many Cities p. 137. Bliss conjectures that the walls may be 
dated from this period, but they may have been of earlier date, built to resist 
local foes. 2 P.S.B.A., vii. 121 : Wilkinson, Thebes, p. 472. 3 Petrie, 

Researches in Sinai, p. 102. 4 As an example of such re-arrangements of history, see 
Breasted, Hist, of the Anc. Egyptians, 1908, p. 214 f. Breasted's view is that on the 30th 
anniversary of Thothmes I's heirship to the throne, his claim to it was weakened by the 
death of his queen, Aahmes, through whom alone he had any valid title to the crown. Her 
only surviving child being her daughter, Hatshepset, the legitimists forced Thothmes I 
to proclaim her as his successor. But Thothmes I, by other wives, had other children, 
who in later years ruled as Thothmes II and Thothmes III. Thothmes III was 
originally made a priest in a Karnak temple. He married Hatshepset, and through 
her obtained a claim to the throne. The Amen priesthood supported his cause, and 
in B.C. 1501 he was dramatically made King, Thothmes I being allowed to live on. 
Then Thothmes III shook off the legitimist party, and partly disowned Hatshepset. 
Those, however, who supported the royal claims of the latter would not allow her 
to be treated after this fashion. Thothmes III was forced to acknowledge the co- 
regency of his queen. More and more the latter gained power, and Thothmes III 
fell into the background as a mere puppet. Suddenly a third party arose, headed by 
Thothmes II, who took up the cause of the aged dethroned Thothmes I. He succeeded 
in thrusting aside both Hatshepset and Thothmes III, and in seizing the crown. Then 
Thothmes I and Thothmes II began a bitter persecution of Hatshepset, cutting out 
her name from every monument, and putting their own in its place. News of these 
domestic revolutions reaching Nubia, an insurrection there had to be put down by one 
of Thothmes II 's generals. Another insurrection in Southern Palestine occurred 
simultaneously, and was similarly quelled. But the death of the aged Thothmes I 
at this juncture weakened the rule of Thothmes II, who was feeble and diseased in 
body. He became reconciled to Thothmes III, and for a brief period they reigned 
conjointly. Then Thothmes II died after a reign of not more than three years at 
most. Thothmes III was again on the throne, but the friends of Hatshepset forced 
him to recognize the claims of the latter. Once more the old tactics were repeated. 
Hatshepset came to the front, and Thothmes III was relegated to the background 
They both numbered the years of their joint reign from the first accession of 
Thothmes III, as' if it had never been interrupted by the short reign of Thothmes II. 
Hatshepset then launched out on those building exploits which have made her name 
famous. At last she died, and the sole rule of Thothmes III began again. He spent 
his energies in trying to deface the memorials of his hated half-sister and wife, who 
had so long kept him in subjection. This theory outlined here is virtually that of 
Sethe, Untersuch., i. (1896), pp. 1-58, and Mgypt. Zeit., xxxvi. 24 f. : Arch. Rep. Egypt. 
Explor. Fund, 1897, p. 26 : Steindorff, Bluiezeit d. Pharaonenreichs, pp. 28-40, adopts 
its main lines as authentic. Naville, however, will have none of it, and utterly disowns 
it in AZgypt. Zeit., xxxv. 30-67 : xxxvii. 48 f. Another working out of the intricate 
genealogical tree is given by Maspero, P.S.B.A. (1892), xiv. 170, and by Naville, 
The Temple of Deiv-d-Bahavi, p. 13. 



132 Nile and Jordan 

to enter into particulars, for all conjectures are more or less uncertain. 
What seems, however, to be established is that Thothmes I married his 
sister, Aahmes, the daughter of Amenhotep I and Queen Aah-hetep II. 
The beauty of Queen Aahmes was renowned. Her lovely face is shown 
carved and painted in the temple of Deir-el-Bahari, with an inscription 
in which the god Thoth (after whom Thothmes was named) describes to 
Amen Egypt's Queen, in these words, " Aahmes is her name, she is more 
beautiful than any woman." x By Aahmes, Thothmes I had seemingly 
two sons and two daughters. Both of his sons, after being associated with 
their father on the throne, died young, and Hatshepset, his favourite 
daughter, was assumed as co-regent. But by another wife, Mut-nefert, 
Thothmes I had another son, who was probably married 2 to his half-sister, 
Hatshepset, and he (whether independently, or in a co-regency with his 
father and sister, we cannot definitely fix) reigned as Thothmes II. 

During his brief reign (c. B.C. 1514-1501), Thothmes II carried out 
some punitive expeditions against the rude tribes far up the Nile, once 
again subdued Nubia which had revolted, 3 quelled some disturbances 
in the Delta, and harried some of the restless tribes of Bedouins in the 
south of Canaan. One of his generals records in an inscription that he 
had captured alive of the " Shasu " or Asiatic Bedouins, more prisoners 
than he could count. 4 But the records of Thothmes II's short occupancy 
of the throne are inglorious. He was completely overshadowed by the 
personality of his strong-minded half-sister. Whether reigning conjointly 
with her, or governing alone, Hatshepset's was the dominant mind and will. 
Beyond adding to the great dynastic temple cf Amen at Thebes and 
restoring other shrines throughout the land, the reign of Thothmes II 
does not count for much. He was merely the husband of Hatshepset. 
His mummy, unrolled in 1886, revealed a youth of thirty, with the 
marks of a blotchy skin disease, a low forehead, and a deformed 



nose. 5 



On the death of Thothmes II, there succeeded (at least nominally) 
Thothmes III, his son by a lady Aset, not of royal pedigree. But during at 
least 21 years of his reign, Egypt was really governed by the extraordinarily 
vigorous Queen Hatshepset (c. b.c. 1514-1493). Daughter of Thothmes I, 
and perhaps associated with him on the throne ; of royal descent through 
her mother also ; the half-sister and probably the wife cf Thothmes II ; 
the aunt and the stepmother of Thothmes III, this marvellous woman 
deserves to be remembered as one of the most remarkable sovereigns the 
world has ever seen. 6 Soon after her accession she summoned a council 
of her nobles, and announced her intention of reigning like a man. 7 On 
the Theban monuments, accordingly, she is depicted in male attire, with 

1 Naville, Tomb of Halshopsitii, p. 2. 2 Naville believed that 

Thothmes II married Hatshepset : Sethe denies this. A lintel discovered by 
Petrie at Abydos in 1902 proves that at one time Thothmes II and Thothmes III 
were reigning jointly, regardless of Hatshepset. Each bears the same titles 
(Abydos, i. 30). The palace intrigues and the many revolutions among the 
Thothmidce cast a lurid light on the evils of polygamy, and the dire results of the 
Egyptian practice of marriages between brothers and sisters, uncles and nieces, etc. 
* The Inner Temple at Wady Haifa was begun by him. It was excavated 
by Scott Moncrieff and Crowfoot in 1905 (P.S.B.A., xxix. (1907) p. 39)- 4 Prisse 
d'Avennes, Monuments, Pi. 4: JEgypt. Zeits., 1883, p. 78. s The mummies of 

all these kings of the XVII I th Dynasty are described in detail by Maspero, Les M amies 
Royales de Deir-el-Bahari, p. 534 f. a Maspero, in preface to Miss Buttles, The 

Queens of Egypt, p. vi., says " For over half-a-century, Hatshopsitu has wrongly 
borne the name of ' Hatasu,' a name still used by those who prefer its sound." 
'" Whether as infant, youth, or adult, she is always represented as belonging to the 
male sex " (Naville, Arch. Rep. Egypt. Explor. Fund, 1893-4, p. 5). 



The War of Liberation 133 

a false beard attached to her chin. 1 Under her strong, masculine rule, 
Egypt enjoyed peace. The only expedition of note which she despatched 
was one to Punt, to secure incense and aromatic gums for the temple worship. 
The details of this voyage are most vividly portrayed on the walls of her 
exquisite temple in Thebes. We see there her fleet sailing down the Nile, 
emerging by a canal across the Delta into the Red Sea, and speeding their 
course southwards. Then we observe the beehive huts of the Somaliland 
natives, the profound obeisance of the prince of Punt and his queen 
(who has a figure of extraordinary obesity), the presents offered, types of 
the tropical fauna and flora of the country, including apes, strange fish and 
incense trees, and lastly, the return home of the galleys laden to the gunwale 
with ivory, gold, ebony, cassia, myrrh, leopard skins, greyhounds, slaves, 
and other products of a barbaric civilization. 2 It is not to be supposed 
that Hatshepset personally accompanied this expedition : doubtless she 
was afraid of a domestic insurrection had she quitted Egypt for so long a 
period. But with the fleets she sent a statue of herself which was duly 
erected in Punt that the natives might gaze on the countenance of a warlike 
Egyptian Queen. 3 

The riches acquired in this great trading venture were spent by 
Hatshepset on the funerary temple at Deir-el-Bahari, which she was erecting 
in memory of her father, Thothmes I. It is the most perfect structure of 
its kind in Egypt. For upwards of thirteen years the Egypt Exploration 
Fund spent great sums in the complete excavation of this magnificent 
building, and to-day it stands forth, cleared of all sand and rubbish, the 
most lovely creation in stone which the Nile Valley can show. 4 The old 
belief held by the IVth Dynasty Kings that the body of a deceased monarch 
must be buried within an enormous pyramid had long been discarded. 
The sovereigns of the XVIIIth Dynasty followed an entirely different plan. 
They burrowed far into the interior of a cliff wall, 5 excavated there a long 
gallery which terminated in a tomb chamber, and erected outside, at the 
door of the gallery, a mortuary temple. Yet, such was the fear lest robbers 
should rifle the tomb that Thothmes I inaugurated the practice of having 
the actual tomb altogether separate from the mortuary chapel. The 
permanent resting-place for the coffin might, therefore, be a couple of 
miles away from the exquisite temple erected for the worship of the departed 
sovereign. The shrine now erected by Hatshepset was of this character. 
It was enclosed by a wall and approached by an avenue of sphinxes, all 
portraits of the Queen, which led to the pylon at the entrance with its 
twin obelisks. The building, 800 feet long, rose in three platforms up the 
slope of the hill against which it was built. Flights of steps ending in a 
portico or colonnade united the terraces ; and far in the interior of the 
mountain, hewn out of the solid rock, was the sanctuary itself. 6 The 

1 Newberry (Anc. Egypt, 1915, pt. iii. 101) seeks to show that Hatshepset, in 
adopting male attire, was following a Libyan custom, where the chief's women were 
clothed in masculine dress. 2 Mgypt. Zeitsch., xlii. 91. ' Some have 

expressed doubts whether this expedition ever really took place. The disco\ cry 
in 1903 of an Xlth Dynasty temple at Deir-el-Bahari, which was evidently the 
model on which Hatshepset built her own lovely shrine, has raised the question in 
some minds as to whether her Punt reliefs are not merely beautified copies of renew 
in this older Xlth Dynasty building which similarly depict an expedition to Mini 
(see Hall in Arch. Rep. Egypt. Explor. Fund, 1903-4. P- 9)- But the doubt seems 
unwarranted. 4 Naville, Deir-el-Bahari, i.-vi. (1895-1908). n \\ou u 

seem that Hatshepset in her early years prepared for herself a romantic and loneiy 
tomb, perched like an eagle's nest, far up the face of a cliff 367 feet high. It was 
discovered by Howard Carter in 1916-7, and described vajowm. of. Egypt. Arcn. 
(1917), iv. 107. The tomb was never used. 6 Budge, Hist. 0/ hgypt, iv. 1-. 



134 Nile and Jordan 

lowest of the three platforms was made into an orchard or garden where 
the 31 incense trees from Punt were planted in square trenches dug in the 
rock and filled with earth. 1 Thus Hatshepset created a dream of beauty in 
stone. With the salmon-red ground in front, the long lines of white 
colonnades, the terraces and flights of stairs rising up and standing out in 
bright contrast to the dark red cliffs behind, the greenery of the trees, 
harmonizing with the carvings, and over all the Egyptian heaven's 
perennial turquoise blue, the temple of this most famous Queen excelled 
any other in the Nilotic land of wonders. 2 

Another of Hatshepset's great accomplishments was the transport 
from Assuan of two gigantic red granite obelisks which were floated down 
the Nile to Thebes, erected in Karnak, and covered with splendid and 
elaborate hieroglyphics. One has fallen, but the other still proudly rears itself 
aloft 98 feet in height, after the vicissitudes of over thirty centuries. Naville 3 
states that each obelisk weighs 374 tons, or unitedly 748 tons. The boat 
which conveyed them down the Nile was 200 feet long, and 69 feet wide. 
On the obelisks themselves it is recorded that their quarrying, transport, 
erection, and the cutting out of their inscriptions, were accomplished within 
seven months, a feat which, if true, speaks volumes for the marvellous 
organization and the high efficiency of labour at the period. 4 But in 
designing and carrying out these great works, Hatshepset was guided by 
the technical wisdom and skill of one of the most gifted men of antiquity, 
the architect, Senmut. 5 Of humble parentage, this man rose by sheer 
natural ability step by step, till he occupied the highest place in the State, 
as " Chief of the Granaries of Amen," and principal Royal Architect. He 
had also been Hatshepset's tutor when she was a girl. 6 

Senmut 's tomb is in many respects very remarkable. To begin with, 
the architect must have had a keen eye for the loveliest landscape near 
Thebes, for he constructed his " eternal " dwelling-place at one of the most 
beautiful view points on the western side of the river. But what is of 
special note is that though Thothmes III afterwards defaced his tomb, and 
obliterated from it every trace of his name as far as he could, inasmuch as 
the famous architect had been Hatshepset's friend, the tomb, nevertheless, 
contributes a vivid picture of /Egean connections, testifying to a renewal 
of intercourse between Egypt and Crete. 7 From right to left on the wall 
we see a procession of ^Egean gift-bearers, carrying massive cups of gold 
and silver, shaped like the famous gold vases of Vaphio, and ewers of gold 
and silver which closely resemble those discovered by Evans at Knossos. 
The bearers wear the well-known Cretan high boots and kilts, their hair 
is long and partly tied in a pigtail, with a dandy curl on the brow. They 
stand out a distinct type from the hook-nosed Semite, the long-robed 
Asiatic, or the native of the Nile Valley. Their narrow waists and richly 
embroidered loincloths evidence their identity with that wonderful 

^Maspero, New Light on Anc. Egypt, p. 79 : Naville, Arch. Rep. Egypt. Explor. 

I, 1895-6, p. 1. 2 King and Hall, Egypt and Western Asia, p. 345. In 

Ptolemaic times, the upper terrace of this temple was given up to the worship of 
Amenhotep, son of Hapi, and of Imhotep. It became a place of resort for invalids, 
for Imhotep was identified by the Greeks with Asklepios : see J. G. Milne in Joum. 
°f Egypt. Arch., i., pt. ii., p. 96. 'An interesting account of the transport 

of these obelisks is given by Naville, ibid. pp. 6-13. 4 For the question of the mode 

of erection of the obelisks see Borchardt, " Zur Baugeschichte des Amonstempels von 
Karnak " in Sethe's UntersuchungenV. 5 A famous statue of Senmut stands in 

tli-- Berlin .Museum with an inscription which tells us much of his life. ■ W. Max 

Muller, Egyptolog. Researches (1904), i- 12. 7 Another ^Igean connection of this 

Bame era 1- seen in the vase found in the tomb of Mentu-her-Khepeshef at Thebes 
(Davies, Five Tluban Tombs (1913), p. 7). 



The War of Liberation 135 

pre-Hellcnic race which was destined to be immortalized through the fame 
of their exploits in the Trojan War. 1 

The vigorous rule of Hatshepset made Egypt very prosperous. The 
silted up canals of the Delta she diligently cleared out, and much of the 
damage inflicted by the Hyksos Kings she carefully repaired. 2 The 
commerce of the land was encouraged in every way. A very interesting 
example of the widespread ramifications of trade in her day is afforded 
by the discovery in barrows at Stonehenge of beads of Egyptian faience, 
coated with Egyptian blue glaze. From this circumstance, Professor Sayce 
has dated the erection of the Stonehenge monoliths to the time of 
Hatshepset. 3 In Sinai there are inscriptions and stelae of the indefatigable 
Queen, stretching over a period of eighteen years, which reveal her pious 
care for the divinities of the Wady Maghara. 4 And while this peace- 
loving sovereign waged no great wars, and spent most of her days at home, 
it is possible to believe, from an inscription of her reign that has survived, 
that at least on one occasion she made a triumphal tour through the 
territory of Canaan which had been overrun by her father, Thothmes I. 
The inscription makes the gods refer to her in these terms : 5 " Thou makest 
thy way through mountainous lands innumerable, and makest thyself 
master of them : thou seizest the lands of the Thekennu : thou smitest 
with thy weapons the devilish Anti, and cuttest off the heads of their 
soldiers : thou art master of the nobles of Retennu (Syria) with slaughterings 
after the manner of thy father : thou hast tribute from the people and takest 
prisoners by hundreds of thousands." Unless this is just grandiloquent 
nonsense, it seems to tell us the singular fact that the greatest of Egypt's 
queens marched through the Holy Land, and with her own eyes witnessed 
the territory which was afterwards to prove so famous in the annals of 
mankind. 

But the main fact which renders the personality of this Queen of 
engrossing interest to all students of Scripture is that there are many cogent 
reasons for believing that she is to be identified with the daughter of Pharaoh 6 
who was the means of preserving the life of the infant Moses. 7 I have 
already pointed out that modern thought is more and more tending to discard 
the once widely received opinion which identified Rameses II with the 
Pharaoh of the Oppression, and rather to revert to the old view that both 
the Oppression and the Exodus took place under the XVIIIth Dynasty. 
The fresh evidence which has induced this change of view is not so much 
any single fact, as rather a multitude of scattered details which collectively 
make the case for the Rameses II theory quite untenable. While the 
evidence against that theory contributed by the famous Merenptah stele will 
be referred to in its proper place, 8 it may be well at this juncture to point 
out another fact dealing with the whole scheme of the Bible Chronology. 

1 See on these Egypto-Cretan connections. Hall, Ann. of Brit. School at 
Athens, viii. 162-75 : x - *54 : Oldest Civilization of Greece, 1901 : and Journ. of Egypt 
Archceol., i., Pt. iii. (1914), p. 201, where he discusses the identity of the " Keftiu " 
with Crete, as against Wainwright's view {Liverpool Annals of Arch., vi. (1913). P- 2 4 *•) 
that by " Keftiu " is meant Cilicia. 2 This she herself asserts on the front of the 

rock cut temple at Speos Artemidos near Beni-Hasan. See Gol6nischeff, Rec. de 
Trav., iii. 1-3. 3 Journ. of Egypt. Archceol., i. 1, 18 (1914)- Hal1 ( The XIth Dynasty 

Temple at Deir-el-Bahari, iii. 17) and op. cit., p. 19, corroborates the identity of the 
British beads with Egyptian XVIIIth Dynasty types. On the other hand, Ludovic 
M. Mann {Glasgow Herald, Jan. and Feb. 1920) maintains that the Stonehenge beads 
were of purely British workmanship, and that it is therefore impossible to deduce from 
them any Egyptian connection. 4 Petrie, Res. in Sinai, pp. 84, 89, 102-5, 142. 147. 

etc. 5 Naville, Temple of Deir-el-Bahari, p. 3, pi. 57- 6 Ex. 2 1 am 

indebted for some of the following remarks to an admirable paper by the late I rotessoi 
Orr in the Expositor, 5th Ser., v. 173. 8 See p. 244. 



136 Nile and Jordan 

If the Chronology of Scripture is of any value, it decidedly favours the 
time of the XVIIIth Dynasty, rather than the XlXth, as that wherein 
the Oppression and the Exodus took place. It should be carefully noted 
with what extreme particularity the Exodus date is given. In the case 
of the founding of Solomon's temple, it is stated, In the four hundred and 
eightieth year after the children of Israel were come out of the land of Egypt, 
in the fourth year of Solomon's reign over Israel, in the month Ziv, which is 
the second month, he began to build the house of the Lord. 1 The date was a 
great era in the history of Israel, and it is a very important one for our 
purpose, for from it we can calculate backwards many other chronological 
details. 2 Professor Curtis, as a result of careful investigation, has shown 3 
that Ussher's date for the founding of the Temple — B.C. 1015 — is too high, 
and that either B.C. 973 (based on the synchronisms of the Assyrian 
eponyms), or B.C. 965 (based on the synchronisms of the two Kingdoms 
of Judah and Israel) are nearer the truth. For our present purpose, 
it matters not which of these two latter dates be the correct one. For if 
to both of them we add 480 years, then for the date of the Exodus we get 
in the one case B.C. 1453, and in the other, B.C. 1445. Now, both these 
dates fall within the XVIIIth Dynasty, which lasted from B.C. 1580 till 
B.C. 1353, and not in the XlXth Dynasty when Rameses II ruled. More 
than that, Moses was 80 years of age 4 at the time of the Exodus, so that, 
if we take the latter of these two dates (b.c. I445+8o = b.c. 1525), the birth 
of Moses may be placed about B.C. 1525. 5 But it was at this very period 
that Hatshepset was a princess, the favourite daughter of the Pharaoh, 
Thothmes I. 

The new King over Egypt which knew not foseph 6 evidently refers to 
the rise of the XVIIIth Dynasty after the expulsion of the Hyksos, during 
whose regime the Israelites had been made welcome. As of kin with the 
hated " Shepherds," the Hebrews, who had remained on in Goshen after 
the departure of their Semitic compatriots, were now subjected to an iron 
rule. Their steady multiplication excited the jealousy and apprehension 
of the Egyptians, for the land was filled with them. 7 Repressive measures 
were adopted. The Egyptians made the children of Israel to serve with 
rigour, and they made their lives bitter with hard service, in mortar and in 
brick, and in all manner of service in the field* We have already seen 9 
that this was the case with the founder of the XVIIIth Dynasty, 
for Aahmes I forced the " Fenkhu " thus to toil as slaves in the prosecution 
of his great building schemes, and Amenhotep I had continued the 
oppression. But if the chronology I follow be right, it would seem that it 
was Thothmes I who was the author of the inhuman command, 10 Every 
son that is bom ye shall cast into the river. 11 And possibly Hatshepset would 
have followed the same cruel policy, had not her womanly instincts been 

1 1 Ki. 6. 1 The LXX has 440 years, but in this it stands alone : 480 is 
found in Aquila, Symmachus, the Peshitto, etc. (Kohler, Bibl. Gesch., i. 242 : 
ii- 36-39)' 2 Ewald (Hist, of Israel, ii. 140) says. " This statement approves 

itself as perfectly accurate, whether we look to the sources whence it is apparently 
derived, or compare it with all other landmarks of history and chronology among 
the Hebrews and other nations." 3 Art. Chronology of the O.T. in Hastings' 

D.B., i. 401. * Ex. 7.' B See further details in chronological Table in 

\\p.517. 6 Ex. 1". 'Ex. 1.' B Ex.i."« "Seep. 126. I0 This is apparent 
from the fact that Thothmes I reigned from B.C. 1544 to probably B.C. 15 15, and Moses 

born in B.C. 1525. " Ex. 1." The birth stools to which reference is made 

1 l ") have been discovered in Egypl is large numbers, and similar articles have 

been found in many parts of the world (Ploss, Das Weib a ii. 35, 179 f.). It is uncertain 

whether the names of the two midwives, Pual and Shiphrah, are of Hebrew or of Egyptian 






The War of Liberation 137 

roused at the sight of the infant's pathetic situation. When the ark of 
papyrus 1 containing the child was opened, and the babe wept, she had com- 
passion on him. 2 It should be noted that the Bible does not describe her 
as " queen." She did not begin to reign till B.C. 1514, and, as we have seen, 
Moses was born in B.C. 1525. Had she been spoken of as " queen," the 
discrepancy would have been manifest. But she is referred to merely as 
the daughter of Pharaoh. 2 Nevertheless, as the favourite daughter, and 
latterly the co-regent of her father, Thothmes I, this remarkable princess, 
even at an early age, wielded very considerable authority, and it was 
therefore appropriate that she should be able to defy the royal order, and 
in the face of the law, carry out her own scheme of saving Moses alive. 

It is significant also that Josephus 3 gave this princess the name of 
" Thermuthis," which may well be a corruption for " Tahutimes " or 
" Thothmes," the family name of the XVIIIth Dynasty. 4 The name 
she bestowed on the Hebrew child — he became her son and she called his name 
Moses 5 — linked the adopted boy with the Royal Family. Her own name 
being " Thermuthis," or " Tahutimes," her father, husband and nephew 
all bearing the names " Thothmes " or " Thutmosis," it was appropriate 
that she should call the child " Moses " or " Mosis " also. 6 

While these facts fit in admirably with the events of the 
XVIIIth Dynasty, it is hard to reconcile them with the state of matters 
under the XlXth Dynasty, as is so often attempted. The main argument 
used in support of the theory that the Oppression took place under the 
latter dynasty is supplied in the statement that the Hebrews built for 
Pharaoh store cities Pithom and Raamses, 1 which has been advanced as the 
clearest proof, inasmuch as, it is alleged, the last mentioned city could 
only have been named after Rameses II. Yet, the reasoning is fallacious 
and inconclusive. 8 Pithom, now Tell-el-Maskhuta 9 in the Wady Tumilat, 
was the religious name of the city whose civil title was Succoth, and whose 
later Greek appellation was Heroopolis. 10 It is the same as Patumos, one 
of the cities of the "Arabian nome," ll whose capital was Oesem or Goshen, 12 
now Saft-el-Henna. 13 Raamses also was in the land of Goshen, and seems 
to be the modern Tell-er-Retabeh. u It is situated, like Pithom, in the 

1 Ex. 2. 3 The ark ( PO,H tebhah) in which Moses was preserved was made of 
papyrus reeds. It is an Egyptian word=" hollow " ; perhaps connected with Heb. ob, 
which appears in the name for a ventriloquist (Macpherson in Hastings' D.B., i. 148). 
The Hebrew words for" pitch " and " slime," with which Jochebed daubed the ark, 
are also akin to Egyptian equivalents (Cook in Speaker's Comm. on Exodus, p. 484). 
2 Ex. 2. 5 e 7 s 9 10 " * Antiq., ii. 9, 5. * See Lesueur, Chronologie des rots d'Egypte, 
p. 183, for an attempted identification of Thermuthis with some Egyptian princess. 
5 Ex. 2. 10 6 The modern tendency is to derive the name 'Moses" not 

from the Coptic mo, " water " and ushe, " saved," but from the Egyptian vies, 
mesu, " son," "child," seen in Thothmes, Ra-wss-su (see Hastings' D.B., iii. 438: 
One Volume D.B., p. 632). It may be observed that Thermuthis was bathing in the 
Nile in a branch free from crocodiles. This suggests the locality of Zoan or Tanis. 
Heliopolis is not near the river : Memphis was crocodile haunted : but the field of Zoan 
(Psa. 78 12 ) answers all the particulars necessary. 7 Ex. 1." "The British 

Museum possesses bricks stamped with the name of Thothmes I, showing straw 
mixed with clay in order to bind the materials together, centuries before Rameses II. 
9 Chabas was the first to make out this identification. 10 On the name " At" 1 ".' 

contained in "Pithom," and its connection with Canaan, see Olford in P.E.F.Q., 
1919, P- 182. "Herod, ii. 158. 12 Gen. 46. 31 "Naville, The Stove 

Citv of Pithom, has proved that Saft-el-Henna was the city whose name 111 hieroglyphics 
was Pa-Sopt. In the time of the XXXth Dynasty it was known as Kes (in Creek, 
Pha-cus-a), in the LXX as " Kesem," in the O.T. as " Goshen." u So Petne, 

but Lieblein identifies it with Tell-el-Kebir. He quotes the Peregnnatw ad loca 
sancta of the Lady Silvia, p. 39 (a.d. 385-8) to prove his point. Handcock, The 
Latest Light on Bible Lands (1913), p. 76, considers its identification still unceri 
and A. H. Gardiner (/. of Egypt. Arch., v. (1918) 267) says'* We may feci certain 
that Tell-er-Retabeh is not Raamses." 



138 Nile and Jordan 

Wady Tumilat, 20 miles from Ismailia. But neither Pithom nor Raamses 
needed to be " built " for Rameses II, for both of them had been in 
existence long before the time of the XlXth Dynasty. Petrie dug into the 
foundation deposit of Raamses, and discovered a small arched brick tomb 
of an infant buried at full length with its head to the East. 1 Now, this is 
proof of the non-Egyptian foundation of the city. It points to a connection 
with the similar revolting Canaanite practice of sacrificing a child at the 
foundation of a city, or castle, or house, of which Macalister found many 
traces at Gezer in Palestine. From this, Petrie has assigned the date 
when Raamses was founded to possibly the time when Syrian invaders 
entered the Delta subsequent to the downfall of the Vlth Dynasty. In 
any case, the site was a very ancient one, for the explorer came across 
stone vases of the Old Kingdom, and weights and scarabs of the IXth to 
the Xllth Dynasties at a depth of 12 to 15 feet below the level of the 
XVIIIth and XlXth Dynasty buildings. These discoveries prove the 
antiquity of the city, and make it manifest that the " building " by the 
Israelites was not ab initio, but in actuality the rebuilding on a foundation 
already hoary with age. 

That the city existed long ere this " building " by the Hebrews is still 
further evidenced by the testimony of the Bible itself. In the Hyksos 
regime, centuries before the time of Rameses II, it is stated that Joseph 
placed his father and his brethren, and gave them a possession in the land of 
Egypt, in the best of the land, in the land of Rameses? Still further, the 
Septuagint says that Jacob sent Judah before him unto Joseph to meet 
him at Heroopolis in the land of Ramesses. z This shows that Heroopolis 
(that is Pithom, as the Coptic Version has it) was regarded as in 
existence in Joseph's day. And once again, the Septuagint affirms that, 
in addition to Pithom and Raamses, the children of Israel were forced 
by Pharaoh to build also On, which is Heliopolis* If the reading 
embodies a true tradition, it shows that " built " cannot mean literally 
" founded," for Heliopolis had been a great city since the time of the 
earliest dynasties. 5 As thus Heliopolis was merely rebuilt by the 
Hebrews, there is nothing to hinder us from understanding that 
Pithom and Raamses were similarly dealt with by the command of 
Thothmes I. 

It is remarkable also that at Saft-cl-Henna, or Goshen, the cemetery, 
on being discovered by Petrie, 6 yielded evidence of having been used 
during this period. It was found that the 1,500 graves which were 
examined started from the time of the XVIIIth Dynasty, and continued 
down to Roman times. But it was during the XVIIIth Dynasty that the 
burials were particularly numerous, many of the dead being interred in 
slipper-shaped coffins. 7 The fact that these deaths took place in Goshen 
while the Oppression was in progress gives point to the pathetic cry of the 
Hebrews at the Red Sea, when at last they thought they saw freedom 
ahead, Because there were no graves in Egypt, hast thou taken us away to die 
i>i the uildcrness ? 8 

1 Petrie, Hyksos and Israelite Cities, p. 29. 2 Gen. 47. ll 3 Gen. 46." 

* Ex. i. 11 & Hall (A)ic. Hist, of Near East, p. 405) says " The objection to this 

(an Exodus earlier than the time of Merenptah) that the names Pithom and 

nises arc but little earlier than the time of Merenptah, is easily disposed of. They 

may perfectly well be the interpretation of a scribe who knew their names as those of 

Egyj ties which existed in his time in and near the land of Goshen." This is 

ive supposition, but one which I do not find it necessary to adopt. 

' Irch. Rep. Egypt, lixfrlor. Fund, iyo6, p. 25 : Hyksos and Israelites' Cities, p. 35. 

7 Ibid., p. jj. "Ex. 14. ll 



The War of Liberation 139 

From these premisses, and from others of an even more cogent character 
yet to be discussed, it seems to be plain that the Oppression was a feature, 
not of the XlXth, but of the XVIIIth Dynasty, and that the princess who 
saved Moses from destruction, and brought him up in her house, to become 
the future deliverer of his people, was none other than the renowned 
Hatshepset, who later became one of the most remarkable of Egypt's 
Queens. 1 

1 Her tomb, recently discovered, has been described by Davis, The Tomb of Queen 
Hatshopsitu, 1906. 



CHAPTER XII 

THOTHMES III AND THE OPPRESSION OF THE HEBREWS 

The death of the famous Queen Hatshepset, whose reign of peace had 
brought prosperity and glory to Egypt, was followed by the long and 
strenuous reign of Thothmes III [c. B.C. 1515-1461), who on the decease 
of his aunt, assumed full control of the reins of government. His first act 
was to vent his rage against the powerful woman who had so long imposed 
her will as a check on his. Every inscription and figure of the late Queen 
which he could find he chiselled out, and he sought to obliterate her 
memory altogether. In the defaced cartouches he placed either his own 
name, or that of Thothmes II. 1 

Through a widespread revolt of the nominally subject provinces of 
Canaan, Thothmes III was led to embark on a path of conquest absolutely 
unprecedented in the annals of Egypt. For the next twenty years almost 
every spring found him engaged in some vast plundering expedition, whereby 
he ravaged Syria and Palestine from end to end. The story of his 
achievements he carved on stone slabs in the temple of Amen at Karnak. 2 

In the 22nd year of his reign, he tells us he was at Zar or Zaru, 3 the 
frontier outpost of Egypt. The date was about 17th April, B.C. 1494- 
Nine days later he reached Gaza, 4 on 26th April, the anniversary of his 
accession to the throne. Amid the almost universal defection, he had found 
only two cities that were loyal — Sharuhen 5 and Irtcha. On the 8th May 
he reached Yehem, a little south of Mount Carmel, where he learned of 
a formidable Canaanite coalition which was intending to bar his advance 
at Megiddo. 6 His council of war advised either one or other of two 

1 Occasionally, however, it happened that his masons were not very careful in 
this thankless toil. Amongst many other instances which might be cited of strange 
forRetfulness on their part, that at the temple of Buhen may be mentioned. This 

>le in many places bears a cartouche, which has evidently been engraved over the 
erased cartouche of the deceased Queen. "But the epithets ' Beloved of Hums,' 
and ' giving life for ever,' which follow the names of Thothmes II, have feminine 
t< i munitions, which betray the secret that the titles were originally not those of a 
king, but of a queen ! It is evident then that the cartouches were originally those of 
Thothmes II and Hatshepset, but were deliberately altered to Thothmes II and 
Thothmes III, and that the royalty whose figure has been consistently cut out or erased 

1 fueen Hatshepset, the principal builder of the temple." (Randall Maciver and 
Woolley, Buhen (1911), p. 10). * See Birch, Archccologia, xxxv. 116-1G6: R.P., 

ii. 35 : Petrie, Hist, of Egypt, ii. 103 : Brugsch, Gesch. Mgypt., pp. 295-305 : Osburn, 

m. Hist, of Egypt, i. 233-52 : < under, P.E.F.Q., 1876, pp. 87, 140, and Tell-Ama 
Tablets, pp. 232-4O : Tomkins in T.S.B.A., ix. 223-254: Mtillcr, Asien u. Europa, 

281 92. 'The Zoar of Gen. 13, 10 see p. 103. "This is the first mention 

found in the Eg monuments: for the rise of the town before tins. 

of the City of Gaza, New York, 1907. * N 

Tcll-esh-Sheriah, 12 miles N.W. of Bcersheba (cf. Jos. 19 6 ). Its capture 

by Aahmes I may have taught it the lesson of loyalty to the Egyptian crown. 

According to G. A. Smith (Hist. Geog. of the Holy Land, p. 386) to be identified 

140 









Oppression of the Hebrews 141 

safer routes — by Taanach x or by Zephath. Thothmes scorned the idea, 
and cried for volunteers to force the dangerous pass via Aluna. 2 The 
gorge was rushed in face of the ambuscades, and that night the 
royal tent was pitched to the south of Megiddo. Next morning 
(13th May) there was a bloody battle. Thothmes, riding in his 
polished bronze war-chariot like the flashing god Horus, struck terror 
into the hearts of the enemy, who, abandoning their gold and silver 
chariots, fled to the city. The inhabitants shut their gates, and pulled 
up the fugitive leaders by ropes made of clothes let down over the wall. 
The Egyptian troops flew upon the immense loot of the stricken battle- 
field, and cut off a hand from every corpse. But the city had next 
to be captured. It was closely invested, and at length starved into 
absolute surrender. 

The King of Kadesh, the head of the rebellious coalition of petty 
dynasts, had escaped, but all his companion chieftains prostrated them- 
selves at Thothmes' feet. They were treated with the clemency which 
was so marked a feature with Egyptian Kings, and which offered such a 
contrast to the inhuman barbarities with which the Assyrian monarchs 
tortured their captives. Such was the renown of this battle, and the 
fear of Egypt's prowess aroused by it, that, soon after, ambassadors arrived 
from Assyria, bringing presents to the Pharaoh from the King of Nineveh. 
The booty from the battle was enormous, and revealed how wealthy Canaan 
was. It comprised 2041 mares, 191 foals, 1,949 oxen, 2,000 goats, 296 bulls, 
20,500 sheep, 200 suits of armour, 502 bows, 892 chariots, 32 chariots 
plated with gold, 7 silver-plated tent poles belonging to the prince 
of Kadesh, and 3,401 prisoners. 3 From the rest of Canaan, 4 which now 
lay prostrate before him, Thothmes carried off 1,796 male and female 
slaves, 8y sons of chiefs, 97 swords, 1,784 pounds of gold rings, silver rings 
weighing 966 pounds, cups, vases, ivory and ebony ornaments, a golden 
plough, thrones and footstools, a statue with a head of gold, cedar wood 
tables inlaid with gold and precious stones, golden sceptres, richly 
embroidered garments, etc., besides 208,000 measures of corn. 5 Incense 
also is frequently mentioned as part of the spoils from Canaan, 6 and 
even the town of Lebonah 7 ("frankincense") is mentioned in a list 
of Thothmes III. Incense burners have been found in the mounds of 
Palestine. 8 

This Canaanitish civilization with which the Egyptians thus came in 
contact was in some respects far in advance of that of the conquerors. 9 
While Egypt might excel in the vastness of her engineering works, in the 
exquisite finish and enormous solidity of her buildings, Canaan easily beat 
her in the delicacy of the arts of refinement and culture. The evidences 
of luxury are so abundant, while skill in craftsmanship is revealed in so many 
directions, that it is plain that Egypt had much to learn in technique from 
the peoples of Palestine, whom she crushed. These little towns, some of 

with Leijun. Conder, however (P.E.F.Q., 1877, p. 13), urges that the true identifica- 
tion is with Mujedda. Breasted (P.S.B.A., xxii. (1900) 96) thoroughly investigates 
the rival claims of these two cities, and decides for Lejjun. Hall (Anc. Hist, oj Near 
East, p. 235) places it at Tell-el-Mutesellim. tws™«i 

1 Now Ta'annuk on S.E. edge of plains of Esdraelon, of. Judg. 5. » " ? cr1 ^ 

from Hebrew, Elyon=high. 3 See Budge, Hist, of Egypt iv. 36. **°V?" 

military operations of Thothmes, subsequent to the capture of Megiddo see nsqrkmn 
in Rec de Trav., 1903 (xxvL). p. 169. 5 On the lavish luxury of Canaan during 

this period, see Sayce, Archeology of the Cuneiform Inscriptions, p. 156- -f^SSi 
Anc. Rec. Index, s.v. " Incense.'' ' Judg «.» 8 Schumacher TeU-d-Mulesclhm 

frontispiece. s See Stanley A. Cook, The Religion of Ancient Palestine, pp. I-I2. 



142 Nile and Jordan 

which — Gezer, Lachish, Beth-shemesh, Tell Zakariya, 1 Megiddo, Taanach, 
Jericho — have recently been unearthed by modern exploration, evidence 
a state of culture which is surprising. Their lavish wealth and their arts 
and crafts show how deeply they were influenced by that Babylonian 
civilization which had once been predominant throughout the West. The 
jurisprudence of Hammurabi had been the law of Syria since the days of 
Abraham : the astronomy of Chaldaa had taught the Canaanites much 
star-lore : the sciences of language, writing, and of mathematics 
were well developed ; and Babylonian cuneiform was the tongue of 
diplomacy in which the Palestinian " Kings " conducted their 
correspondence. Canaan was no land of barbarism, tenanted by rude 
pastoral tribes. It was peopled by a race who were among the 
foremost then living in all the arts, refinements, and luxuries of 
a highly technical civilization. While the cities and towns were full of 
treasure — gold, silver, bronze, and iron ornaments, and precious stones 
which seem to have been exceedingly abundant — the agriculture of 
the country districts was far advanced. Their glorious cornfields, 
their sunny orchards, their smiling vineyards and oliveyards betokened 
the enormous productiveness of the soil, insomuch that Thothmes 
says he found grain in Canaan " more plentiful than the sand of the 
shore." 

On one of the pylons of the temple of Karnak, the King carved a " list 
of the princes of Upper Ruten (i.e., Syria) whom His Majesty shut up in the 
miserable Maketa (Megiddo), and from whom His Majesty led living captives 
to Thebes on his first victorious campaign." The list originally contained 
270 names in 10 rows, but it has now only about 119 that are legible. The 
names of many of the towns are very familiar to us in later days when the 
Hebrews had conquered Canaan. The list 2 includes such places as Kadesh, 3 
Megiddo, 4 Tibhath, 5 Dothan, 6 Merom, 7 Damascus, 8 Hamath, 9 Beirut, 10 
Shimron, 11 Kanah, 12 Ashtaroth-Karnaim, 13 On of the Rephaim 14 (or 
Raphana), Laish, 15 Hazor, 16 Bella, Chinneroth, 17 Adami or Adam-nekeb, 18 
Kishion, 19 Shunem, 20 Mishal, 21 Taanach, 22 Ibleam, 23 Accho, 24 Carmel, 25 
Anaharath, 26 Shemesh-Atum or Beth-Shemesh, 27 Ophrah, 28 Nekeb, 29 
Anem, 30 Joppa, 31 Gath, 32 Lydda, 33 Ono, 34 Socoh, 35 Migdol, 36 Hard, 37 
Naamah, 38 Gerar, 39 Carmel of Judah, 40 Ekron, 41 Rabbah of Judah, 42 
Maarath, 43 Adoraim, 44 Gezer, 45 Sirah, 46 Beeroth, 47 Bethel, 48 Beth-Anath, 49 

1 Blis3 {P.E.F.Q., 1899, p. 108) found at Tell Zakariya, among many other 
Egyptian remains, a scarab of bone, bearing the cartouche of Thothmes III. 
2 An analysis of the list, with probable identifications of the localities indicated, 
will be found in Conder, P.E.F.Q., 1876, pp. 86-97 : 140-148 : Tomkins R.P., 2nd 
Ser. v., and P.S.B.A., 1887, p. 162: T.S.B.A., ix. (1893), pp. 255-280: Trans, of 
Victoria Institute, 1886, p. 297 : Muller, Asien u. Enropa, p. 157, and especially Mitt. 
d. Vorderasiat. Gesell., 1907 : Petrie, Hist, of Egypt, ii. 320-332 : Sayce, Patriarchal 
Palestine, p. 225 f. 8 Kadesh on the Orontes, Jos. 12. 22 4 Jos. 12. 21 

5 1 Chr. 18. « «Gen. 37. 17 7 Jos. 11. 7 8 Gen. 14. 1S • Num. 13. 21 

10 Mariette and Maspero (/Egypt. Zeit., 1881, p. 123) recognize Beirutin the hieroglyphic 
Bartu. J1 Jos. iq. 15 12 Jos. 16. 8 1S Gen. 14. 5 14 Gen. 14.* 

"Jud. 18. 7 16 Jos. ii. 1 17 Deut. 3. 17 18 Jos. 19. 33 19 Jos. 19. 20 

20 Jos. iq. 18 21 Jos. 19. 26 22 Jos. 12. 21 23 Jos. 17. 1J 24 Jud. 1." 

20 Jos. 12. 22 26 Jos. 19. 1B 27 Jos. 19. 22 28 Jud. 6. 11 29 jos. I9. 3S 

30 1 Chr. 6. 73 3I Jos. 19. 48 32 Jos. n. 22 33 Acts g. 32 M 1 Chr. 8. 12 

35 Jos. 15. 35 3 « Jos. 15. 37 37 Ezek. 43." (-Jerusalem?), see Sayce, 

Patriarchal Palestine, p. 231. 38 Jos. 15. 41 39 Gen. 10. 19 40 Jos. 15. 55 

41 Jos. 13. 3 Petrie found at Ekron a large mortar of black trachyte with handles pierced 
BO as to turn it over on pivots to empty it. On one side was a design of apparently 
the Egyptian tat, with the sun and moon on each side, and palm branches above 
(P.E.F.Q., 1890, p. 245). This, however, was controverted later (ibid., 1892, p. 128), 
. 15" "Jos. is. 69 "2 Chr. n.° 45 Jos. 10. 33 40 2 Sam. v !3 

47 Jos. 9. 17 "Gen. 12. 8 49 Jos. 15. 89 



Oppression of the Hebrews 143 

Helkath, 1 Gibeah of Judah, 2 Zelah, 3 Zephath. 4 Professor W. Max 
Miiller 5 has recently revised the text, and has discovered further references 
to Tunip, Carchemish, 6 and Pedru or Pethor, 7 the home of Balaam. 
Another small list, 8 engraved in relief on a sandstone wall not far from 
the famous large inscription at Karnak. mentions in addition Irpeel, 9 
Alam-melech, 10 Edrei, 11 and Jokneam. 12 The nomenclature shows that 
long before the Israelites entered Palestine, most of the towns and villages 
of Canaan had received names which survived throughout the later centuries. 

There are, however, two names in the list to which special interest 
attaches. Number 78 reads "Joseph-el" and number 102 "Jacob-el." 13 
Their presence in the catalogue of towns in Canaan has given rise to many 
conjectures. While some, such as Jeremias 14 and Spiegelberg, 15 have 
denied the identification of the Egyptian ideograms with the names of 
Jacob and Joseph, others, like Professor W. Max Miiller, 16 have as strenuously 
maintained their connection. It is certainly strange to find certain localities 
in Palestine in the time of Thothmes III (b.c. 1494) still bearing the names 
of the two patriarchs who had quitted Canaan, Joseph when a lad of 
seventeen 17 in B.C. 1897, and Jacob when an old man, in B.C. 1875. Yet, 
surely, it casts fresh light on the high rank and importance of the wealthy 
grandson of Abraham, who while still a mere sojourner in Canaan had 
impressed himself and his religion so strongly on the land, that a locality 
in the neighbourhood of Hebron ever afterwards bore the name of 
" Jacob-God." 

The other name is more difficult to explain. How could a young man 
of seventeen give his name to a spot so that, after 400 years, it 
should still be found clinging to the neighbourhood of what had been his 
residence for merely a very brief period ? I believe it is a possible con- 
jecture that Jacob, after the supposed death of his favourite son, may have 
erected some monument to his memory in the territory afterwards allotted 
to Ephraim (the tribe which sprang from Joseph), and that this spot, 
associated with his pious life, may have retained the name of " Joseph- 
God " because of its sacred associations. 18 Commemorative pillars were 
not uncommon, and some monument, erected in the neighbourhood of the 
place where Joseph was last seen alive, may have given rise to the gradual 
growth of a village or township which clustered round the holy pillar that 
bore the name of Joseph-El. 19 It is noteworthy that the two places are 
not in close proximity, for while Jacob-el is described as being near Hebron, 
Joseph-el is in the mountainous region of Ephraim. 

1 2 Sam. 2. 16 2 2 Sam. 6. 3 3 Jos. 18. 28 4 Jos. 1." 5 Egypt. Res., i. 39. 
6 Is. 10. 9 7 Num. 22. 5 As it was seemingly during his third campaign that 

Thothmes III penetrated as far as these districts, we must understand that merely 
tribute or presents are referred to in this inscription of his first expedition. 
8 Miiller, Egypt. Res., ii. 80. 9 Jos. 18." 10 Jos. iq- 26 n Num.21. 33 12 Jos. 12. 22 
13 Meyer, Zeit. f. Alttest. Wiss., vi. (1886) 8: Miiller, Asien u. Europa, p. 162: 
Groff, Rev. egyptologique, iv. (1885) 95 : Maspero, Trans. Vict. Instit., 1888, pp. 8-10 : 
Sayce, Higher Criticism and the Monuments, p. 337. u Das Alte Testament in 

Lichte des Alten Orients, 1904. 15 Mgyptol. . Randglossen zum A.T. 16 Max 

Miiller in Orient. Lift. Zeit., 1900, p. 396 : Prasek, Expos. Times, xi. (1900), p. 400. 
17 Gen. 37. 2 "There are, of course, many other explanations. Some maintain 
that the words intimate that not all the Bene-Israel descended into Egypt, but that a 
clan or two remained behind in Canaan. The difficulty attaching to this view will 
be dealt with later (page 245). I prefer the above much simpler explanation, based 
on the profound grief of Jacob over the loss of his son. Jacob rent his garments, and 
put sackcloth upon his loins, and mourned for his son many clays . . . he refused to 
be comforted . . . his father wept for him. Gen. 37- 34 35 " Man y a P aralIcl ca3e 
might be adduced from Arab practice. Not a few Bedouin place-names owe their 
origin to some long-departed ancestor, it may even be of many bygone centuries, 
whose memory lingers on in the spot to which he has given celebrity. 



144 Nile and Jordan 

The Egyptian supremacy over Canaan having thus been vindicated, 
Thothmes III in the succeeding year repeated the expedition. This time he 
fought no great battle, but contented himself with receiving the homage 
and the tribute of the subject Canaanite princes. His raid through the 
Palestinian cities again enriched him with enormous spoil. He mentions 
golden ornaments, 9 chariots plated with gold, 823 incense vessels, 
1,718 casks of wine and honey, ivory, rare woods, and droves of oxen and 
sheep. He established the practice of erecting permanent fortresses in 
Canaan manned by Egyptian garrisons. The Syrian princes were com- 
pelled to repair periodically to these fortresses, and there to adore the 
images of Amen-Ra, and of the Pharaoh, the god's representative on earth. 
Thothmes presented three cities in Northern Syria to Amen in acknowledg- 
ment of the help his god had been to him. 1 A system of royal couriers was 
organized to keep the Egyptian Court in constant touch with what went 
on in Canaan. 2 The sons of the Palestinian dynasts were compelled to 
live in Egypt as hostages for the good behaviour of their fathers. Even 
the sword-bearer of Thothmes III, and his brother, a priest, were sons 
of a tall, fair-haired, blue-eyed Amorite and his wife, Karuna. 3 

In his 25th year, Thothmes III marched a third time through Upper 
Syria, this time as far as Aleppo and Carchemish, 4 bringing back with him 
in addition to the customary trophies of a great plundering expedition, 
plants and shrubs which he introduced into the soil of the Nile Valley. 
Whether he succeeded in actually acclimatizing them to the aridity of the 
Egyptian atmosphere is another matter ! His 26th and 27th years witnessed 
similar marauding forays. In his 28th year 5 his raid extended as far 
as Mitanni, 6 and the spoil of its chief city, Tunip, 7 yielded lapislazuli, 
gold, silver, copper, vases, lead, emery, and hundreds of captives. On 
his way home he sacked the maritime city of Arvad. 8 So abundant was 
the wine in the city that the Egyptian troops were continually drunk, 
and spent their time anointing themselves with oil, which they were allowed 
to do in Egypt only during the most solemn festivals. 

In his 30th year, Syria was again desolated : fruit trees were cut down 
and the harvest reaped and carried off. Kadesh on the Orontes and Simyra 9 
were captured and Arvad was again despoiled. 10 More hostages were taken, 
and Syrian maidens in large numbers were carried off to serve as concubines 
in the harems of the Pharaoh and his nobles. The riches of Canaan were 

1 Breasted, Am. Rec. ii., 223. 2 From a papyrus recently published by 
Golenischeff (Les papyrus hieratiques, nos, 1116 A, de VEr milage Imperial a St. Petersbourg, 
1913) w e obtain a list of Palestinian ambassadors to the court of Thothmes III, and a 
statement of the rations in grain and beer allowed them from the governmental 
magazines, probably at Thebes. W. Max Miiller (Jewish Quart. Rev., N.S. iv., 1914, 
p. 651) has identified the names of the Palestinian cities sending these envoys, 
as Slegiddo, Chinneroth, Achshaph, Shabbathon, Ta'anach, Rosh-el (perhaps 
= Rosh-qadosh = Holyhead, see p. 233), Daibon (in Judah ?), Sharon or Saruna, 
Ashkelon, Hazor, Hatuma (unknown), and Lachish. See also Miiller on these 
identifications in Orient. Lilt. Zeit., xvii. 103. s Sayce in Hastings' D.B. i. 85. 4 He 
actually this time reached the land of Pethor, where in later times Balaam lived 
(Num.22 5 , Deut. 23'). The spot is on the "Sajur" or "Pedru" or "Pitru," 
some 400 miles N.N .E. of Palestine. * Breasted (Hist, of Egypt, p. 298) 

believes that he went by sea with a fleet of transports, and that he landed, 
first of all, in North Phoenicia. After his successful campaign he returned home 
also by sea. 8 New details have been discovered on a newly-found obelisk of 

Thothmes III at Karnak (W. Max Miiller, Egyptol. Res., ii. 83 (1910). 7 Probably 

Tenncb (now Tumhj, 18 miles N. of Aleppo : see Hogarth in Joum. of 
Egypt. Archaol., i. 1, 11 (1914) for an account of these raids. 8 Aradus, now 

Ruad, of. Ezek. 27." "Now Sumra. 10 Breasted (Anc. Records, ii. 196) 

again supposes with strong probability that the Egyptians sailed to Syria. Their 
great war-galleys were now becoming formidable battleships. 



Oppression of the Hebrews 145 

drained off to Egypt, and the annual progress of Thothmes through the 
subjugated territory was regarded with a kind of hopeless terror by the 
miserable inhabitants of the land. No man's wealth was secure, no city dare 
assert its independence or refuse tribute with impunity, no farmer could hope 
that the harvest he sowed would be reaped by himself. Every spring, as the 
winter rains passed away, the rumble of Thothmes' bronze chariots, the 
neighing of Egyptian horses, and the tramp of Theban soldiers were heard in 
the glens and valleys of Syria from one end of the country to the other. The 
revenge of Egypt for the humiliation of the Hyksos-Semitic domination 
was complete. In the 31st year the list of spoils gathered was so extensive 
that the scribe had no room to detail the various items. He naively says : 
" They are placed on the roll in the palace of the King : an enumeration 
of them is not given in this list lest there should be too many words." 

At the close of this campaign, Thothmes III, on returning to Egypt, 
found the Nubians coming to him with lavish tribute of gum, cattle, ivory, 
ebony, lion and leopard skins, giraffes and black slaves. This embassy was 
the fruit of an important action taken earlier in the reign of Thothmes. 
Instead of leaving Nubia to be a wild uncivilized territory, inhabited by 
rude negroid peoples, he had inaugurated a policy of thorough Egyptian- 
izing of this remote province. 1 He had founded castles and forts right up 
the Nile as far as Gebal Barkal, had filled them with Egyptian garrisons, 
and had attempted to introduce the refinements of Egyptian culture. 2 Some 
of his castles have recently been explored. One at Areika, the district 
between Korosko and Amadeh, was excavated in 1907 by Maciver and 
Woolley. 3 It was found to be of most unusual architecture and plan, 
and it yielded multitudes of objects of a thoroughly African character, as 
well as those of an Egyptian facies. The policy of Egyptianizing the upper 
waters of the Nile proved successful, and for a certain period Nubia remained 
quiet. But in the 31st year of Thothmes Ill's rule, the Ethiopians had 
again broken loose, and had to be crushed. The lavish tribute was 
therefore the proof that they acknowledged afresh that they had been 
subjugated by one of Pharaoh s generals. 

This fact opens up a very interesting and suggestive question. Can 
we discover in this submission of the Nubians any connection with Moses 
and the Hebrews ? If we accept the dates of Lehmann and Steindorff 4 
for the reigns of the Kings of the XVIIIth Dynasty, 5 then, seeing that the 
reign of Thothmes III began in B.C. 15 15 and ended in B.C. 1461, his 31st year 
would coincide with B.C. 1485. Therefore it was in B.C. 1485 that the 
Nubians submitted to him. But we have already seen that the Biblical 
chronology gives B.C. 1525 as the date of the birth of Moses. 6 Consequently, 
Moses would be forty years of age at precisely this same date, B.C. 1485. 
We are told that Moses was brought up as the son of the Pharaoh's daughter, 
and that princess, as we have already found, was in all likelihood 
Hatshepset. Moses would certainly be taught the art of war among the 
other accomplishments deemed suitable for a prince adopted into the 

1 See Max Miiller, Egypt. Res., ii. 138 f. 2 Many traces of this culture are 

mentioned in Rosellini's great work, I Monumenti dell 'Egitto e delta Nubia, Pisa, 
1832-44, 9 vols. 3 For full details, see Maciver and Woolley, Areika (Eckley B. 

Coxe Expedition to Nubia, vol. i.), 1909. The same explorers a little later excavated 
temples and tombs at Boon, near Wady Haifa, and discovered a temple built by 
Hatshepset, and later modified and remodelled by Thothmes III on the site of a 
Xllth Dynasty temple which had the same interesting features as at Areika. Woolley 
and Maciver, Buhen, 1912. 4 Die Blutezeit der Pharaonenreichs, 1900. 

have already stated that I have been led to adopt their scheme as being the most 
nearly accurate. 6 See p. 136. 

K 



146 Nile and Jordan 

Royal Family. Stephen, in his speech, declared that Moses was instructed 
in all the wisdom of the Egyptians, and he was mighty in his words and works. 1 
These expressions, as the context shows, refer to events in Moses' life prior 
to his flight from Egypt. What, then, were these exploits ? 

If we turn to Josephus 2 we find reference to an invasion of Lower 
Egypt by the Ethiopians or Nubians, who had poured down the Nile as 
far as Memphis. The country w r as in terror when Moses came to the rescue. 
Appointed general of the Egyptian troops, he marched southwards, avoiding 
the river, and choosing the desert route. Penetrating through a serpent- 
infested wilderness, he circumvented the venomous beasts by letting loose 
ibises among them which he had carried to the spot in baskets. These 
snake-destroyers cleared the ground for his troops. At last he reached 
Saba or Meroe, the capital of Ethiopia, and began the siege. Tharbis, 
the daughter of the Nubian King, fell in love with him, and offered to 
deliver up the city if Moses would promise to marry her. The bargain was 
accepted : Meroe was stormed ; and Moses wedded the Ethiopian princess. 
So far Josephus. 

Is it not possible that, putting aside some of the later legendary 
accretions, there may remain some substratum of fact ? We have, first, 
the statement of Stephen regarding Moses' exploits before he quitted 
Pharaoh's Court ; second, the fact that later Miriam and Aaron spake 
against Moses because of the Cushite {i.e., Ethiopian) woman whom he had 
married : for he had married a Cushite woman ; 3 and third, the remarkable 
way in which the respective dates tally, the year B.C. 1485 (as shown by 
two entirely independent lines of calculation) being alike that of the 
31st year of Thothmes Ill's reign wherein a successful expedition against 
Nubia is recorded, and also that wherein Moses attained his fortieth year. 
Surely, it would be a most natural thing when thus Moses was grown up* 
when he was well-nigh forty years old, 5 after this splendid addition to his 
already distinguished military laurels, when he had all the prestige of a 
victorious general, that he should make a rash and premature attempt to 
figure as the deliverer of his enslaved compatriots, for he supposed that his 
brethren understood how that God by his hand was giving them deliverance, 
but they understood not. 6 Thothmes resented this proposed overturning 
of the settled policy of repression, and Moses had to flee to Midian, where 
he remained in seclusion for other forty years till Thothmes III was dead. 7 
The synchronism is at least interesting and not improbable. It may also 
be pointed out that there were other traces in Moses' family of Nilotic 
blood-relationships. His grand-nephew, Phinehas* bore a name implying 
Ethiopic, or even negroid descent. According to Eerdmans 9 it is pure 
Egyptian, and means " the negro " (pnhsi). The grandfather of Phinehas, 
on the maternal side, was Putiel, 10 a name which evidences his half Semitic 
and half Egyptian extraction. 11 Hur, n whom Josephus 13 makes out to 
have been the husband of Miriam, seems to have borne a name which was 
neither more nor less than "' Horus " the young Egyptian god, for as 
Spiegelberg points out, " Horus " occurs in Egypt as the name of a human 
individual as well as that of a god. 

In this connection it is of interest to note that the genealogies of the 
tribes of Israel afford evidence of not a few individuals whose names were 

•Ac. 7." 2 Antiq., ii. io, i. 3 Num. 12. » * Ex. 2. 11 B Ac. j. 2 ' 1 

8 Ac. 7." 'Ac. 7." 8 Ex. <>.-"• 9 Expos., Sept., 1908. 10 Ex. 6* & 

" Hommel, Anc. llcb. Trad., p. 293: De Voguii, Inscriptions Semiliques, p. 125. 
1;."' u " foa. Antiq. iii.. z, \. 









Oppression of the Hebrews 147 

derived from Egyptian divinities. It is precarious to date these names 
as the genealogies are notoriously honeycombed with lacuna; ; we must 
be content with tabulating a few of them, without allotting them to any 
particular epoch. We find derivatives from Horus in Ashhiir, 1 "man of 
Horus," the son of Hezron : Hamepher* " Horus is good" of the tribe 
of Asher : Ahihur 3 or Akishahar, 4 " Horus is my brother " : Pashhur* 
" Portion of Horus," or " Horus apportions." The influence of Ra is 
acknowledged in Ahira* " Ra is my brother." 

In the 32nd year of his reign we find Thothmes III penetrating still 
further into Syria. This time he reached Naharaina, 7 captured 32 towns, 
razed^ their walls, and slew 120 elephants in the neighbourhood of the city 
of Ni. 8 The presence of so many elephants in this region is exceedingly 
interesting. For it was through this district that Jacob had journeyed 
432 years before, and as there is no reason to suppose that the local fauna 
had materially changed, it follows that in Paddan-Aram he must have been 
familiar with the appearance of these gigantic pachyderms. 9 At Ni, 
Thothmes III erected a stele side by side with the earlier one that had 
been reared by his grandfather, Thothmes I. Tribute also poured 
in upon him from Sinjar, 10 from Bebru, 11 and from the Hittite 
Kingdom to the north. In his tomb at Thebes, Amen-em-heb, one of 
his generals, has furnished a graphic account of these military and hunting 
expeditions on which he had accompanied his sovereign. He records the 
capture of slaves and booty in the southern uplands of Palestine ; the 
storming of Aleppo when herds of Asiatic donkeys were seized ; and 
the reduction of Carchemish on the Euphrates, 12 of Sinzara on the 
Orontes, of Kadesh, and of Ti-kha-si or Tahash. He was also present 
at the great elephant hunt, and when an infuriated monster charged 
upon the King, he saved his Royal master's life by cutting off the animal's 
trunk. 13 

Thothmes' 34th year found him ravaging Lebanon, receiving large 
donations of copper from Asi (probably Cyprus 14 ), and floating timber from 
Phoenicia to Egypt for his temple and palace building. His 35th year 
witnessed a victory over a combination of princes of the Euphrates Valley 
near the city of Areana. The 38th and 39th years were taken up with 
attacks on Syrian and Bedouin tribes to the west of Mitanni. In his 40th 
and 41st years tribute was exacted from the Kings of Crete, of Cyprus, 15 
of North Syria, and of the Hittites. In the tomb of Rekhmara, 16 prime 
minister under Thothmes III for many years, 17 there are shown ambassadors 
arriving from Punt, Nubia, Syria, and from the Keftiu. The latter are 
now generally believed to be the Cretans, or at least representatives of that 

j 1 1 Chr. 2. 24 2 1 Chr. 7. S6 3 Read Abihur for Abihud, 1 Chr. 8. 7 4 1 Ch. 7. 1 

5 1 Chr. 9. 12 6 See Cheyne, Isaiah, ii. 144: Kerber, Die religions-geschichtliche 

Bedeutung der hebrdischen Eigennamen.p. 75. 1 T\\e Aram-naharaim oi Psa. 60 title, and 
of Judg. 3 8 , Heb. (EN. Mesopotamia). * W. Max Muller (Asien u. Europa, 

p. 267) locates Ni at Balis where the Euphrates begins to turn eastward : Maspero 

j (Struggle of the Nations, p. 144), and Petrie place it at Kefr-Naya near Aleppo. 
9 Elephant herds are referred to as infesting the same locality 360 years later than 
Thothmes III, in the time of the Assyrian King, Tiglath-pileser I (Ragozin, Story of 

\ Assyria, p. 59). 10 Sayce (Patri. Pal., p. 102) identifies Sinjar with Shinar 

i or Babylon, but surely it is more likely a city in the Sinjar mountains. ll According 
to Breasted (Hist, of Egypt, p. 304), to be identified with Babylon. 12 On Carchemish 
see Maspero, Be Carchemis oppidi situ et Historia Antiquissima, Paris. 1872. 

1 13 Max Muller, Egypt. Res., i. 29. " Hall (Near East, p. 243 n.) rather favours 
the identification of Asi or Alashiya with the coast land immediately north of 
Phoenicia. 15 Possibly the same as in note 14 . 16 Newberry, Life of Eckhmara. 

p. 20 (1900) : Muller, Asien u. Europa, p. 348. 17 Rekhmara survived into the 

! reign of Amenhotep II, for he is represented as an old man paying homage to the young 
King. 



148 Nile and Jordan 

" ;£gean " civilization, of which Crete was the typical exponent. The 
procession on the tomb walls moves from left to right. The first three 
ambassadors are lifelike Cretans : they show the same brown complexion, 
the same long black hair, dressed in the same fantastic curling fashion, 
the same richly variegated kilt, and they carry the same style of vase as 
the celebrated " Knossian Cupbearer " discovered by Sir Arthur Evans 
in the palace of Minos in Crete. 1 

Thothmes Ill's last campaign in Asia was in the 42nd year of his reign. 
The region round Kadesh, and a portion of Naharaina, groaned under a final 
experience of his oppressive exactions as he again harried the land, and 
transported to Egypt immense loot and hundreds of prisoners. His sub- 
sequent expeditions were doubtless led by his generals, for the King was 
growing too old to undertake in person campaigns of this arduous nature. 
In these eleven 2 invasions of Syria, the total number of slaves captured 
was 7,548, 3 of whom 400 are mentioned as belonging to the higher ranks 
of society. 4 A regular tribute of girls was exacted for the Egyptian harems, 
and in this way the scions of the Theban aristocracy were insensibly 
Semiticized. The offspring of these unions showed a departure in 
physiognomy from the old Egyptian stock, and gradually also there super- 
vened alterations in art, dress and manners, which revealed that Canaan 
was avenging herself on her oppressor for his wanton deportation of the 
flower of Palestine. Yet, through these expeditions conducted with such 
arrogance and inhumanity, Thothmes III raised the power of Egypt to 
its zenith. 5 Not only Canaan and Syria, as far as the Euphrates 
acknowledged his overlordship, but even the isles of the Mediterranean 
trembled at his name. The ancient supremacy of the Pharaoh over Sinai 
is attested by steles, sphinxes, and a hall and cave of Sopdu, the god of the 
East, 6 at Serabit-el-Khadem, which were all erected during his reign. 7 
The Theban Empire now stretched from Nubia to Asia Minor, and from 
Libya to Mesopotamia. 

Modern excavation in Palestine has revealed abundant traces of this 
Egyptian domination. At Gezer, Macalister discovered a steatite scarab 
of Thothmes III, 8 while at Tell Zakariya 9 Bliss dug up many similar 
articles. 10 One scarab had the goddess Sekhet and the god Sebekin the form 
of the lion and crocodile, with the disc of the Sun-god Ra above. Another 
bore the cartouche of Thothmes III, followed by the name of Amen and 
the eye of Horus : a third had the name of Ptah of Memphis, and so on. 
Most of them were Syrian imitations of Egyptian work, copied by Canaanite 
workmen for ornamental purposes without understanding what the 
hieroglyphics actually meant. The cartouche was a thoroughly Egyptian 
invention, and was introduced into Canaan directly from the Nile Valley. 
Other finds include a jar-handle with a stamp of the god Set : another 
with a picture of a horse in the style of the XVII Ith Dynasty : another 
with a winged solar disk : a mould of blue glass with the representation 
of an Egyptian chariot and horse careering over a prostrate foe : a figure 

1 Cf. also the fragments of a Cretan vase described by Davies, Five Theban 
Tombs, p. 7, from the tomb of Amenmcs at Thebes, which must be ascribed to this era. 
2 Hall (ib., p. 244) counts no fewer than 17 campaigns. s Or 8,000, if we reckon 
in other figures now indecipherable. 4 Petrie, Hist, of Egypt, ii. 147. 6 For 

the characteristics of this Egyptian supremacy over Asia, see Sayce, Pat. Palestine. 
pp. 94-122 : Paton, Early Hist, of Syria and Palestine, ch. vi. : Maspero, 
Struggle of the Nations, pp. 271-288. There were 350 towns captured in N. Syria 
by Thothmes III. 8 Sopdu's emblem was the zodiacal light. 'Petrie, 

lies, in Sinai, p. 105. 8 P.E.F.Q., 1904, p. 224. ' Probably the town of 

kah, Jos. 10. 10 u 10 P.E.F.Q., 1899, pp. 24, 99, 106, 107, 210. 



Oppression of the Hebrews 149 

of Bes : Egyptian alabaster vases, beads, and many other Deltaic 
importations. Similarly at Tell-es-Safi (Gath) the same Egyptian features 
were prominent, the spade turning up Nilotic amulets, beads, ushabtis, a 
fragment of an Egyptian stele, 1 a female seated figure with an Egyptian 
headdress, 2 twelve paste charms in the forms of eyes, figures of Bes in 
blue or green paste, statuettes of Horns, Sekhet, and other Egyptian 
divinities. 3 

At Jericho the excavations conducted by Sellin and others have yielded 
like signs of Egyptian influence. Under the remains of the gigantic walls, 
24 feet high, which ran round the city in the form of a great oval egg, thus 
confronting the invading Bedouins of the desert with an impregnable 
rampart, the pottery dug up reveals that the associations of Jericho were 
altogether with Egypt and the Mediterranean, not with Babylonia. 4 At 
Beth-shemesh, Mackenzie's excavations have produced the same Egyptian 
facies. An alabaster pyxis 5 of the XVIIIth Dynasty, stamped jar handles, 
figurines of Bes 6 and Isis, 7 scarabs and other objects attest the pre- 
dominance of Nilotic culture, while at Askalon a portion of an Egyptian 
alabaster vase dug up by the same explorer leads one to the same conclusion. 
Traces of the worship of the Egypto-Semitic god, Mithra-Shama, " Mithra 
has heard," have also been discovered in Palestine. 8 

In connection with these conquests of Palestine, legend was soon at 
work. A romance of the XlXth Dynasty 9 gives us a striking account 
of the capture of the city of Joppa by one Tehuti-a, a general of 
Thothmes III. The story describes how the general trapped the prince of 
Joppa, felled him with the stolen royal sceptre, introduced 500 soldiers 
into the city sealed up in large jars, captured Joppa, and handed over 
the inhabitants bound in ropes and fetters to the vengeance of his lord 
the Pharaoh. It is but a romance which some novelist of the succeeding 
dynasty wove round the exploits of this great general of the mightiest 
warrior King of the XVIIIth Dynasty. 

Yet, one item in the narrative is of deep interest to us. The story 
makes out how Tehuti-a requested the King of Joppa to allow his soldiers 
to come and feed their horses, and that a man of the "Apure " 10 might be 
sent as a messenger with the instructions. Long ago, Chabas n suggested 
that these " Apure " mentioned in the romance were Hebrews, but the idea 
was laughed out of court, as, of course, on the supposition that Rameses II 
was the Pharaoh of the Oppression, the Hebrews ought to have been still 
in Egypt in the time of the XlXth Dynasty when the romance was composed. 
But now that it is increasingly being recognized that the identification of 
Rameses II with the Pharaoh of the Oppression is untenable, the conjecture 
of Chabas is by no means improbable. As the Exodus must have taken 
place during the XVIIIth Dynasty, by the time the romance was written 
the Hebrews were settled in Canaan. How easy, therefore, for a novelist 
composing a romance in the time of the XlXth Dynasty (upwards of a 
century later) to speak of Hebrews in connection with a siege of Joppa, 
forgetting that he was guilty of an anachronism in imagining that they were 
already settled in Canaan in the age of Thothmes III ! 

1 P.E.F.Q., 1899, pp. 194, 197. 'Ibid., p. 328. 3 Ibid., p. 330: 

1900, pp. 17-19. 4 Sellin in Mitthsil. u. Nachricht. d. deutschen Palast. I crcms, 

1907, PP. 65-71. "P.E.F.Q., 1911, p. 134- 6 Ib- P ; .142. '^-jP. I71 - 

8 W. Max Miiller in Orient. Litt. Zeit., xv. (1912), col. 252. 9 Goodwin, 1 .5.B.A., in. 
340 f., and Harris Papyrus, No. 500, Brit. Mus. : Maspero, Conies Populates, p. 
149 f. Bohl (Kananaer u. Hebraer, p. 74) thinks the romance belongs to the XXth 
Dynasty. 10 Otherwise Apri, Aperiu. xl Melanges Egyptologtques, 1862, 

pp. 42-54. 



150 Nile and Jordan 

Owing now to the revolt against the obsession of the Rameses II theory, 
the whole question has recently been re-opened as to whether we are to see 
in these " Apure " traces of the Hebrews. 1 The old objection against the 
identification of " Apure " and " Hebrews " on the ground of the linguistic 
impossibility of associating these names together has now definitely been 
set aside. Parallel cases of transliteration can be satisfactorily furnished, 
showing that the Canaanite b has sometimes been represented by the 
Egyptian p? Hommel, 3 Kellogg, 4 Burchardt, 5 and Bohl, 6 have all 
pointed this out, and they all admit that linguistically there is no reasonable 
objection to the identification. It is the historical and chronological 
difficulties which prevent many from adopting the equivalence of the 
" Apure " with the " Hebrews." 

Now, the " Apure " are mentioned also in two hieratic papyri in the 
Leyden Museum. One of these is a letter from a certain Kawiser to his 
master, in which he states that he has obeyed his orders to give provisions 
" to the ' Apure ' who carry stones for the building of the great temple 
Rameses-meri-Amen." The second letter tells the same, that provisions 
have been given " to the ' Apure ' who carry stones for the Sun, the Sun of 
Rameses-meri-Amen, the southern in Memphis." Both these papyri 
belong to the period of Rameses II in the XlXth Dynasty. Another 
reference to them occurs in a fragment of the Great Harris Papyrus of the 
time of Rameses III in the XXth Dynasty, wherein it is mentioned that 
certain " Apure " belonged to the " temple of Rameses the Ruler of 
Heliopolis." 7 And still a fourth mention of them is met with in the time 
of Rameses IV of the same dynasty, where a stele in the Wady Hammamat, 
speaking of a personal visit of Pharaoh to the stonequarriers, adds that he 
was accompanied by numerous soldiers and workmen, among whom were 
800 " Apure." 8 

What are we to make of these scattered references, and how can they 
be finked to the Hebrews ? Putting them all side by side, I think we may 
legitimately find in them a striking sidelight cast on the Exodus of Israel. 
When the time came for the hosts of the Lord to march forth, there must 
have been many in Israel who remained behind, either because they were 
attached to Egypt by the ties of intermarriage with natives of the Delta, 
or because, fearing the perils of the desert, they preferred the inglorious 
yet safe slavery of Goshen. In fact, just as when Zerubbabel led forth 
his band of returning exiles from Babylon centuries later, many of the 
Jews declined to leave the land of their captivity where they had attained 
to ease and comfort, so in the earlier Exodus a section of the Hebrew race 
seems to have stayed on in Egypt. But Nemesis fell on them. Worse 
and worse appears their condition to have become under each successive 
reign wherein they are mentioned. They were steadily reduced in numbers, 









1 See Heyes, Bibel und Azgypten, 1904, p. 152 f. : Eerdmans, Alttest. Studien, ii. 

(1908), p. 52 f. 2 e.g., The Canaanite 3™in hereb, " sword," is the same as 

the Egyptian hurp (Burchardt, Die altkanaandischen Fremdworte, ii. 686). 8 Anc. 
Heb. Trad., p. 259. * Abraham, Joseph and Moses in Egypt (New York), 1887, 

p. 152. 8 Op. cit. • Kanaander u. Hebrder, p. 76. ' Breasted, Anc. 

Roc, iv. 281. 8 Lepsius, Denkmalcr, iii. 219. The " Apure" always have 

attached to their name the determinative which means " foreign people." Under 
Rameses III they have, in addition, another determinative, a leg in a trap, 
meaning that they have been captured and made prisoners in war. Under Rameses IV 
the second determinative is that representing bowmen. From these signs it may, 
fore, be the case that the "Apure " of Rameses III and IV are not so much the 
remnants of the Hebrews left behind in Egypt after the Exodus, as captives from 
I anaan in the raids on Palestine made by these two monarchs after the settlement 
there of the Hebrews. 



Oppression of the Hebrews 151 

and the last we hear of them is that they are miserable slaves, toiling in the 
quarries, erecting heathen temples, and bearing heavy burdens. 

The great wealth acquired in Thothmes' Syrian campaigns was stored 
in the temple of Amen, which thus became the repository of untold millions. 
Year after year the rich plunder of neighbouring countries flowed into the 
national bank at Thebes, and the priests grew prouder as their vast stores 
of gold and silver increased. 1 Annual tribute from Nubia and the Upper 
Nile was rigorously exacted, and long trains of captives, who were landed 
on the quays at Thebes with ropes round their necks, were sent to toil as 
slaves in the erection of gigantic buildings. 

Along with the other prisoners, we must also reckon, as we have seen, 
the now enslaved Hebrews. The Pharaoh of the Oppression, as I have 
already pointed out, cannot have been Rameses II of the XlXth Dynasty, 
inasmuch as, among other reasons, the latter identification plays havoc 
with any reasonable scheme of chronology. But there are substantial 
grounds for accepting the ancient belief witnessed to by Theophilus of 
Antioch 2 (a.d. 180) that it was Thothmes III who was the oppressor of 
the Hebrews, and who forced them to build for him Pithom and Raamses. 
" The greatest oppressor of the Israelites was the greatest of Egyptian 
conquerors." 3 A series of wall paintings in a tomb at Abd-el-Gurnah, 
portraying the building of the temple of Amen at Thebes, shows us the 
miserable toilers at work. 4 The inscription runs, 5 " The taskmaster 6 
saith to the labourers ' The stick is in my hand, be not idle.' A man 
is shown emptying a bucket of mud wherewith to make bricks : the task- 
master is sitting alongside with his stick ready to beat the slave. Two 
men are seen carrying loads of bricks, slung trom yokes. In another picture, 
bricks are being turned out in great numbers, and as fast as they are removed 
from the mould, they are stacked in rows to harden. Even sunburned 
bricks, stamped with the cartouche of Thothmes III, have been discovered 
made without straw, whereas in ordinary circumstances, chopped straw 
was used. 7 

The condition of the Hebrews in Egypt seems to have been one of 
mingled severity and comfort. They certainly enjoyed abundance of food, 
especially of a vegetable nature, for the Delta, where most of the Israelites 
dwelt, was a veritable garden. Later on, in the desert of Sinai, they 
complained, Would that we had died by the hand of the Lord in the land of 
Egypt, when we sat by the Jleshpots, when we did eat bread to the fidl ; 8 and 
again, We remember the fish which we did eat in Egypt for nought ; the cucumbers 
and the melons, and the leeks, and the onions, and the garlic 9 . . .it was 
well with us in Egypt.™ Evidently they had had no stint of food in that fertile 
land, where thou sowedst thy seed, and water edst it with thy foot, as a garden of 
herbs. 11 Yet, with all this seeming luxury and abundance, there accompanied 
it the cruel oppression, the forced labour, the scattering up and down the 

1 The three towns of Anaugasa, Yenoam, and Hurenkaru in the Lebanon were 
gifted by Thothmes III to the god and his priests, besides countless lands and serts 
in Egypt itself (Hall, Near East, p. 284). 2 Theophilus, ad Autolycwn 111. 20. 

3 Conder, The Bible and the East, p. 43. * It is true that these pictures (see Lepsius, 

Denkmdler, iii. 40-41) representing the building of cities by Semite slave labour, are 
not pictures of Raamses and Pithom, but of Thebes. Still, the labour is the same 
the slaves who toil are Semites: the Egyptian taskmasters are the same. cau, 

Light from the East, p. ill : Brugsch, Hist, of Egypt, i. 375 : Egypt under the Pharaohs 
p. 172. • The word for " taskmasters " in the Exodus narrative is Save mtsstnt, 

D'PP 'Hfe? ; it is pure Egyptian, for the mas is the hateful Egyptian corvee. 
'Palmer, Egyptian Chronicles, i. 194-5, of. Ex. 5- 6 19 8 Ex - l6 - 3 ' Nu ' "' 

10 Nu. ii. 18 X1 Deut. 11. 10 



152 Nile and Jordan 

Nile as far as the Thebaid, the galling sense of wrong, the consciousness that 
they were retained against their will as slaves in a foreign land. This feeling 
is again and again referred to. A stranger shalt thou not wrong, neither shalt 
thou oppress him, for ye were strangers in the land of Egypt. 1 A stranger 
shalt thou not oppress, for ye know the heart of a stranger, seeing ye were 
strangers in the land of Egypt. 2 Love ye therefore the stranger, for ye were 
strangers in the land of Egypt. 3 It was a great national training school 
wherein they were taught the divine law of 'kindness and consideration for 
the feelings of others. And thus the Israelites were shown at the outset the 
ugliness of that jealous and exclusive spirit of race hatred which was 
characteristic of most other nations at that era and subsequently. In the 
eyes of most peoples, a "stranger" and a " foreigner" were fair game for 
every form of deception, and ill-treatment, and abuse. 

Nevertheless, so galling was the yoke of the Thothmidae, and so bitter 
the lot of their slaves, that it seems probable that from time to time abortive 
attempts were made by the Israelites to escape from their land of bondage. 
Whether under Thothmes III, or during the early years of his successor, 
Amenhotep II, it would appear that the tribe of Ephraim in particular 
made an endeavour to fight their way out of Egypt into the freedom of their 
ancestral home in Canaan. As descendants of Joseph, the Vizier of Egypt 
under the hated Hyksos regime, the Ephraimites may have been singled 
out for special oppression, or their circumstances, changed from a position 
of dignity and affluence to one of servitude, may have been more galling 
to them than to the other tribes. In any case, they would seem to have 
indulged in some premature attempt at an Exodus. The Psalmist evidently 
refers to this incident when in his narrative he places it before any mention 
of the actual Exodus and its accompanying wonders. He describes their 
fathers as a stubborn and rebellious generation, a generation that set not their 
heart aright, and whose spirit was not stedfast with God. The children of 
Ephraim, being armed and carrying bows, turned back in the day of battle. 
They kept not the covenant of God and refused to walk in his law.* How far 
they advanced across the desert into Canaan, we do not know. But it may 
be to this rash attempt the chronicler refers. 5 He mentions certain sons 
of Ephraim whom the men of Gath that were born in the land slew, because they 
came down to take away their cattle. And Ephraim their father mourned 
many days, and his brethren came to comfort him. 6 In this connection, 
the Jerusalem Targum 7 preserves a curious legend, based on Exodus 13, 17 
to the effect that when the Israelites quitted Egypt after the passage of the 
Red Sea, they were led along the direct coast road to Canaan only a little 
way. But there they saw a vast multitude of bones, the bleached corpses 
of those who had prematurely attempted to force their way out of captivitj'. 
For " 200,000 men of strength of the tribe of Ephraim, who took shields, 
and lances, and weapons of war, went down to Gath to carry off the flocks 
of the Philistines, and because they transgressed the statute of the word 
of God, and went forth from Egypt three years before the appointed end of 
their servitude, they were delivered into the hands of the Philistines, who 
slew them. These are the dry bones which the word of the Lord restored 

1 Ex. 22." 2 Ex. 23, • Lev. 19. 33 34 » Deut. 10. 19 * Psa. 78. 8 10 

■ So Sayce, Patriarchal Palestine, p. 202. 8 1 Chron. 7. 20 2S If " Ephraim " be 

ail individual, then this cattle raid must have taken place while the Israelites were 
still in Egypt. If " Ephraim " stands for the tribe (on the analogy of Jer. 31 15 = 
Matt. 2 17 1B ) then it is possible that the incident may have taken place subsequently 
to the settlement of the Hebrews in Canaan under Joshua. 'See Etheridgc, 

The Tarpums oj Onkelos and Jonathan ben Uzziel on the Pentateuch (1862), i. 484. 



Oppression of the Hebrews 153 

to life by the hand of Ezekiel the prophet * in the plain of Dura." Is this 
midrash utterly unhistorical, or does it not embody some ancient tradition, 
much distorted, based on a veritable abortive and premature attempt to 
escape from Egypt ? Certainly the fact is stated in Exodus that when 
Pharaoh had let the people go, God led them not by the way of the land of the 
Philistines, although that was near, for God said " Lest per adventure the people 
repent when they see war, and they return to Egypt." 2 

Possessed of such vast financial resources, Thothmes III embellished 
with temples over thirty cities throughout Egypt. 3 One of the cities 
to which he devoted special attention was Memphis. Although the ancient 
capital had sunk into a subordinate place relatively to the mighty and 
magnificent Thebes, such, nevertheless, was her venerable sanctity and 
prestige, that she retained undiminished her hold on the religious sentiment 
of the country. In the long centuries during which her southern rival 
enjoyed the glory of being the seat of royal authority, Memphis is again 
and again mentioned as a spot honoured by the devotion and piety of the 
Theban sovereigns. The works begun by Thothmes 1 4 were carried 
forward by Thothmes III, who erected a new temple for Ptah, 5 his architect 
being a certain Amen-em-ant, whose tomb at Abusir bears the title " Prince 
in Memphis," " Overseer of all the Royal Works." 6 

But the piece de resistance of Thothmes III was his rebuilding of the 
famous temple of Amen at Thebes. Before the southern pylon he erected 
colossal statues of his father and grandfather. Then he began to reconstruct 
the entire edifice. Little by little he transformed it from common stone 
to granite, always preserving the old design, and thus he rendered it so 
imperishable that it has endured to the present day. He next built behind it 
a magnificent colonnade, 150 feet long, 50 feet wide, with a roof of solid slabs 
of stone resting on 40 granite columns and 32 rectangular pillars. These 
pillars, nearly all 30 feet high, exquisitely beautiful in their downward 
tapering form, their capitals made of the inverted cups of flowers, were 
arranged so as to form five vistas or avenues. The numerous rooms were 
adorned with reliefs showing the plants and animals brought to Egypt from 
the Syrian campaigns. This majestic structure, which covers about twice 
the area occupied by St. Peter's at Rome, 7 is still standing, with two 
immense granite pillars at its entrance. The numerous obelisks set up by 
Thothmes III have had a strange destiny. The largest, 105 feet high, is 
now on the Lateran Hill at Rome ; part of a second is in Constantinople ; 8 
a third is in New York ; and a fourth, " Cleopatra's Needle," is on the 
Thames Embankment in London. 9 

The long reign of Thothmes III, however, drew to an end. 10 He had 
been co-regent for 21 years with Hatshepset, and for 53 sole monarch, in all 
74 years on the throne. 11 His scribes interested themselves so much in the 
ancient history of the country, while at the same time flattering the glory 
and vanity of their long-lived sovereign, that they drew up a list of 61 of his 

1 Ezek 3-. 1 10 2 Ex. 13. 7 3 A long list is given by Petrie, Hist, of Egypt, 

ii. 126-46. 4 Grebaut, Rec. de Trav., vi. 142. 6 Brugsch, Hist, of Egypt, p. 

403, according to an inscription at Sakkara. • Lepsius, Dcnkmaler, 111. 29. 

7 Lockyer, The Dawn of Astronomy, p. 102. 8 For the strange story of this fragment 

of a much larger obelisk, see Petrie, Hist., ii. 132 f. 9 Budge, Hist, oj Egypt, iv. & ■. 

10 Thothmes III had occupied such a prominent place in the eyes of his subjects 
for about three generations that an unknown poet composed a remarkable Hymn 
of Victory " in his honour, which is reproduced on a stele in the temple of Karnak. 
(Budge, Hist, of Egypt, iv. 49-56). » » This is Naville's reckoning (La Sut 

des Thontmes d'apres un me'moire ricent, p. 38), who believes that the 53 yeara 
are to be counted from the death of Hatshepset, and must not include the 
co-regency. 



154 Nile and Jordan 

royal predecessors, 1 and represented him on the celebrated " Tabiet of 
Karnak " as adoring their majesty. To history, Thothmes III is known 
as the greatest military conqueror which Egypt ever produced. 2 but to 
students of Scripture he is again being very generally recognized as the 
" Pharaoh of the Oppression," now that the obsession that that unenviable 
distinction belongs to Rameses II of the XlXth Dynasty is gradually 
being discarded. It came to pass in the course of these many days 3 that the 
King of Egypt died, and the children of Israel sighed by reason of their bondage, 
and they cried, and their cry came up unto God. i 

1 The proper dynastic sequence of these monarchs is not maintained on the 
Tablet, see p. 15. 2 From a study of the mummy of Thothmes III 

Maspero describes him as a " fellah of the old stock, squat, thickset, vulgar 
in character and expression, but not lacking in firmness and vigour " 
(Struggle of the Nations, p. 2S9). But a statue of him as a young man, dis- 
covered by Legrain at Karnak, shows him as possessed of a remarkably fine and 
intelligent face with a Roman nose (see Hall, Near East, pi. xvi.). In later years his 
face became that of an aged warrior, and his mummy shows coarseness and hardness. 
All this is quite in keeping with the circumstances of his life as the Pharaoh who 
oppressed the Hebrews. 3 A remarkable expression, and clearly with reference 

to the long reign of Thothmes III, identifying him as the " Pharaoh of the Oppression." 
4 Ex. 2. 23 



CHAPTER XIII 

AMENHOTEP II AND THE EXODUS FROM EGYPT 

Thothmes III was succeeded on the throne by Amenhotep II (b.c. 1461- 
1436) x who, with much probability, may be identified with the " Pharaoh 
of the Exodus." He would seem to have been comparatively young at 
the time of his father's decease. 2 His mother was Hatshepset II, daughter 
of the great queen of that name. 

Very soon after his accession he led an expedition along the old route 
to Canaan to subdue a revolt that had broken out among the Palestinian 
kinglets. On a stele in Karnak 3 he tells how he marched through Syria 
far to the north. According to the Court annalist, whose duty it 
was to flatter, Amenhotep by his terrible valour seemed to be as awful as 
the god Set in his fury and rage, and before him the peoples went down 
in abject submission. The King states that he personally captured 
18 prisoners and 16 chariot horses. He made himself master of Aleppo, 
and of neighbouring towns such as Takhisa. He advanced to Ni, passed 
the Euphrates, and penetrated to Mitanni. Here he seems to have deposed 
the Royal Family, and to have set up another dynasty devoted to Egyptian 
interests. He was hailed with joy, he says, and at his approach the people 
sang songs. When he turned to go home, he had reached a spot more 
distant from the Nile Valley than any King of Egypt had ever before 
attained to. 4 On arriving in the Delta, Amenhotep displayed a brutal 
ferocity more Assyrian-like in its revolting cruelty than Egyptian. The 
seven captured chiefs of Takhisa were hung over the bows of his royal ship, 
head downwards, and as the river was slowly ascended they were tortured 
all the way in this fashion till at last Thebes was reached. Here the blood- 
thirsty Pharaoh himself publicly sacrificed the seven wretched victims 
before his god Amen. Six of the bodies he nailed up on the walls of Thebes ; 
the seventh was sent up the Nile to Nubia to be hung on the walls of 
the city of Napata, as a warning of what rebellion against the son of 
Thothmes III involved. 5 

1 Griffith (P.S.B.A., xxxi. (1909) 42) argues that the total length of the reign of 
Amenhotep II was but three years, though he had been associated with his father 
for some years previouslv. The untenability of this theory is shown by Hall, 
P.S.B.A., xxxiv. (1912) 107, 143. 2 He is represented as seated on his nurse's 

knee (Lepsius, Denkmdler, iii. 62). 3 Erman, JEgypt. Zeit., 1889, p. 39 f- " There 

is reason to believe, however, that he met with little real opposition, and that his 
vainglorious exploits were much " edited." The Bedouin he attacked were not the 
formidable coalition of well-marshalled foes which his father had met at Megiddo and 
elsewhere. 5 See Wiedemann, Mg. Gesch., p. 373- These deeds are described 

stele in the temple at Amada : the inscriptions were published by Champolhon, 
Monuments, i. 105-107: Lepsius, Denhmaler, iii. 65: P.S.B.A., xi. 422. 

155 



156 Nile and Jordan 

In 1903, Legrain 1 discovered at Karnak a small chapel of Amenhotep II 
bearing the names of 24 Asiatic countries and cities which he claimed to 
have conquered. Crowds of Asiatic prisoners are represented as driven 
in fetters before the King. Amenhotep announces to his god Amen that 
he is bringing to him the princes of the Retennu (Syrians). Below we read 
' This is the list of those rebellious foreigners whom His Majesty slew 
through these valleys, so that they rolled in their blood." The names 
deciphered 2 contain those of Kadesh on the Orontes, Aleppo, Ni, 
Sinzar, Tunip, and Hazor in Galilee. At Lachish also, Bliss 3 discovered 
a stamped jar handle inscribed in hieroglyphic with " The Palace of 
Ra-aa-kheperu " (i.e., Amenhotep II), showing that the Egyptian over- 
lordship of Canaan was ruthlessly maintained. 4 The King himself was a man 
of great physical strength, one who could draw a bow which none of his 
soldiers, nor any of the subject Canaanite princes, could use. 5 This weapon 
about which he indulged in many grandiloquent vaunts was buried with him 
in his tomb. It has now been recovered, and is in the Cairo Museum. 

Amenhotep II's numerous building operations 6 were executed in the 
toil and blood of thousands of captives among whom must be included 
the children of Israel. His possession of Sinai was emphasized by his adding 
a chamber to the temple at Serabit-el-Khadem, 7 and in the fourth year of 
his reign he opened a new quarry at Turah near Memphis. 8 Here a lime- 
stone stele was cut out by the quarrymaster, and sent with a suitable 
inscription all the way to Naharaina to be set up beside those placed there by 
Thothmes I and Thothmes III. 

If the Biblical statement 9 that the Exodus took place 480 years before 
the founding of Solomon's temple in B.C. 965 be accepted, it follows that 
Amenhotep II is the Pharaoh who figures so largely in the Book of Exodus 
as the king against whose pride the ten plagues were directed, and during 
whose reign the Hebrews quitted Egypt in B.C. 1445. As Amenhotep II 
reigned from B.C. 1461 till B.C. 1436, 10 the appearance of Moses and Aaron 
at his Court would synchronize with the fifteenth or sixteenth year of his 
rule. The ferocity of his treatment of the Syrian princes he had captured 
is in entire correspondence with the harshness and arrogance of his 
character as sketched in Scripture. 11 

When Moses returned from his forty years' residence in Midian, where 
he had been since B.C. 1485 in hiding from Thothmes III, he spoke first to 
the elders of Israel, 12 and then approached the Pharaoh with the demand 
for a three days' feast for the Hebrews in the wilderness. 13 The request was 
refused : Amenhotep drove Moses and Aaron from his presence : the 
Hebrews were oppressed with new forms of cruel forced labour, and the people 

1 Ann. du Service, v. 34. 2 \Y. Max Miillcr, Egyptol. Res., i. 40. 3 A M< 

of Many Cities, p. 89 : Sayce, P.E.F.Q., 1893, p. 30. *At Gezer, Macalister 

discovered scarabs with the cartouche of Amenhotep II. See Excavation of Gezer, iii. 
pi. lxxx. 5 See Weigall, Akhnaton, p. 10. ° For details, see Petrie, Six Temples 

at Thebes (1897), p. 4 : Randall-Maciver and Woolley, Buhen, 191 1, for description 
of the temple he erected at Buhen near Wady Haifa. 7 Petrie, Res. in Sinai, 

V- io 7- 8 Vyse, Operations at the Pyramids, iii. 94. 9 i Ki. 6. 1 

The temple erected by Amenhotep II at Buhen in his 22nd year disproves 

Griffith's theory that he reigned merelv " between three and seven complete 

re and no more." "Ex. 3-14. i2 Ex. 4." 13 Ex. 5. 3 "This repeated 

" M ll! 9 Petrie (Res. in Sinai, p. 203), " is unmeaning to one who does not know 

.3 journey of three days to Wady Gharandel impresses itself 
on anyone who has to arrange lor travelling. It is so essentia] a feature of the road 
that ' well have been known :is the ' three days in the wilderness' in ContJ 

to the road to Akaba, winch is six or seven days in the wilderness. To desire to go 

the three days' journey in the wilderness ' was probably really an expression for 
K"inj.; down to Sinai." 



The Exodus from Egypt 157 

were scattered abroad throughout all the land of Egypt. 1 Then followed the 
famous ten plagues, preceded by the sign which was intended to be a 
credential of Moses' right to speak with authority as Jehovah's messenger. 
These plagues have been the subject of much careful research in the light 
of modern science, and in connection with our vastly increased acquaintance 
with the past and present social and economic conditions of the Nile Valley. 
Two facts regarding them have been more and more clearly recognized. 
First, they are capable of being explained as the supernatural 
accentuation of otherwise natural phenomena ; 2 and secondly, they were 
individually directed against the worship of particular Egyptian divinities. 
These two main features of the plagues are worth examining in detail. 3 

It is possible that the " lepers," of whom Manetho 4 speaks as having 
been driven out of Egypt, may be a reminiscence, confused and inaccurate, 
of the story of Moses' sign of his divine commission, whereby his hand 
was rendered leprous and was again restored. 5 

The sign of changing a rod into a serpent was one imitated with ease 
by the Egyptian magicians. 6 Serpent-charming of the most extraordinary 
and elaborate character has ever found a congenial home in Egypt. 7 
Professor Macalister vouches for a personal experience of seeing " both a 
snake and a crocodile thrown by hypnotism into the condition of rigidity 
in which they could be held as rods by the tip of the tail." 8 The wise 
men, the sorcerers, and the magicians of Egypt were past masters in all affairs 
of this sort. 9 They did in like manner with their enchantments.™ The 
Khartummim, or " sacred scribes " of whom the narrative speaks, are 
the same guild which we find existing in Joseph's day four centuries 
earlier. 11 

The First Plague, that of the pollution of the Nile, may have been due 
to the intensifying of a feature not uncommon still on a small scale. In 
the third week of June, under normal circumstances, the river becomes 
discoloured as the waters rise for the annual inundation. Sometimes it 
turns green, or later red, and the water becomes unwholesome and 
unsavoury. The pollution is due to the multiplication of minute organisms, 
both vegetable and animal, through the bursting of the Sudd above 
Khartoum. 12 If therefore the plague was a miraculous intensifying of this 
natural discoloration until all the waters that were in the river were turned 
to " blood," 13 it must have taken place in the height of summer, and have 
caused intense suffering to the people who for seven days could not drink 
of it. The blood-like water was found not only in their rivers, but in their 
canals, their pools, 1 * and all their ponds, 15 in their tanks of wood and 
tanks of stone. 16 The destruction of the fish 17 was a very serious blow, 
for the fisheries of Egypt constituted a large part of the food of the 
population. 

iEx. 5. 12 2 This has been worked out by Bryant, On the Plagues of 

Egypt. 3 For many of the following facts, I am indebted to Prof. Macalister's 

admirable article on The Plagues of Egypt in Hastings' D.B., iii. 883 f. 
4 In Cory's Anc. Fragments. 5 Ex. 4.° 6 Their traditional names were 

Jannes and Jambres (2 Tim. 3 8 ). Paul may have quoted from Hebrew tradition, 
or from the still lost Book of Jannes and Jambres, of which Origen twice makes mention. 
See Marshall in Hastings' D.B., ii. 548, for the strange mass of legendary accretions 
which grew up round their names. 7 Cf. Lane, Modem Egyptians, ch xx., and 

Thompson, Semitic Magic, p. xviii. 8 Op. cit., p. 889. 9 Cf. Chabas, l.e 

Papyrus Magique Harris (Chalons-sur-Saone), i860, and A. H. Gardiner, Professional 
Magicians in Ancient Egypt," P.S.B.A., xxxix. (1917). 3'- " Ex - 7; . ~* n \£- 

12 Ehrenberg ascribes the red tincture to the presence of myriads of microscopic bacteria 
known as Sphceroplea annulina, Agardh. 13 Ex. 7 - 20 . "The sheets of 

stagnant waters left by the inundation of the Nile. 15 Reservoirs for the storage 

of water as contrasted with the stagnant waters. ia Ex. 7. tx. /• 



158 Nile and Jordan 

I have mentioned that in the case of each of the Ten Plagues, the 
second main feature noticeable was the direct challenge involved in them 
on the part of Jehovah to abase and humiliate the gods of Egypt to 
whom the Nilotes were fanatically attached. The Plagues thus form a series 
of victories on the part of the God of the Hebrews over all the vaunted 
divinities of Egypt. Through the incidence of each plague, some particular 
deity worshipped by the Egyptian populace was attacked, or some portion 
of their complex religious ritual was assailed, or some superstitious notion 
trampled upon. We see this conspicuously in the case of the First Plague. 
It was not an ordinary river that was turned to " blood." It was the sacred 
beneficent Nile, whose waters were deified and worshipped as divine. 
Numerous hymns in praise of the god Nilus are extant engraved on rocks 
on the banks, and detailing lists of offerings to him. 1 In his honour, temples 
were erected, such as those at Nilopolis near Memphis and at Heliopolis. 
He is hailed as the " giver of life to all men, bringer of joy, creator, 
nourisher of the whole land." 2 In the first Plague, Jehovah made 
this god Hapi 3 disgusting : the deified stream stank, its " life-giving " 
waters were made putrid and undrinkable. 

The Second Plague, that of the Frogs, was, once again, a miraculous 
intensifying of a well-known feature in Egyptian natural history. Every 
canal and every pond, besides the great river itself, swarmed with frogs, 
and the Plague here consisted in their extraordinary multiplication through 
the favourable antecedent conditions created by the first Plague, until 
they penetrated into every house, bed-chamber, bed, oven, and kneading- 
trough, and covered the land of Egypt* Their loathsome appearance, their 
incessant croaking at night, their destructive properties — He sent among 
them frogs which destroyed them 5 — made their presence everywhere abomin- 
able ; and when the Plague passed, their carcases constituted a menace to 
health, for the frogs died out of the houses, out of the courts, and out of the 
fields, and they gathered them together in heaps, and the land stank* Plagues 
of frogs have not been unknown in other parts of the world, as Pliny, 7 
Orosius, 8 Aelian, 9 Diodorus, 10 Athenseus, 11 Justin 12 and Appius 13 have 
testified. But this Plague made Hekt, the frog-headed goddess, an object 
of loathing. The " Queen of the Two Worlds " sitting on the sacred lotus 
leaf became to the Egyptians a hideous nightmare, when the frogs penetrated 
everywhere with their loathsome touch, and the stench of the heaps of the 
carcases of their divinities, piled at the roadside, must have been a striking 
blow at their grovelling superstition. 14 

The Third Plague consisted of swarms of lice, or rather Mosquitos 15 
which had been bred in myriads from the putrid carcases of the frogs. 
As the inundation waters begin to subside in August, the frogs may have 
appeared in September, and now the pestilential clouds of mosquitos filled 
the air in October. The word kinnim, which the A.V. and the R.V. translate 
" lice," and the R.V.m as " sandflies " or " fleas," may equally well signify 
mosquitos, 16 whose larvae lived in the pools of the receding waters until 

1 Stern, /Egypt. Zeit., 1873, p. 129 : Maspero, Hymne ait Nil (iS68), also new edition 
in Chassinat, Bibliothique d' Etude, v. (1912), pp. 1-112. - Wiedemann in art. 

Religion of Egypt in Hastings' D.B., v. 189. s For details of the worship of Hapi, 

-udge, Gods of the Egyptians, ii. 42 f. *Ex. 8. 38 5 Psa. 78« 6 Ex. 8. 1314 

7 Hist. Nat., viii. 43. * Hist., hi. 23. » De Nat. Anitn., ii. 36, 56: 

*vii. 41. 10 Diod. iii. 29. 1X Deiptwsoph. li Justin xv. 2. 13 De 

Is 4. u " The cult of the frog is one of the oldest in Egypt, and the 

Frog-god and the Frog-goddess were believed to have played very prominent parts 
in tl oa of the world " (Budge, Gods 0/ the Egyptians, ii. 378). 1S Ex. 8 16 18 

14 So Macalibtcr in Hastings' D.B., iii. 330, art. Medicine. 



The Exodus from Egypt 159 

the fully hatched insects came forth when the floods were dried up. They 

brought fever and misery by their ceaseless attacks, for there were mosquitos 

upon man and upon beast. 1 The plague of mosquitos has been in all ages 

endemic in Egypt, and only now is modern science seeking to extirpate 

I the malaria by deodorizing, or by filling up the shallow breeding pools. 

I In Moses' day it was an abnormal multiplication of these pests, with all 

I the fever resulting from their virulent attacks, which constituted the Third 

\ Plague. The magicians confessed themselves beaten, and said to Pharaoh, 

1 This is the Finger of God. 2 The mosquitos rendered their pedantic rules 

of cleanliness and purification a dead letter, and thus they, the inventors 

of these punctilious regulations on which they laid great stress, had to 

admit the superiority of the Hebrews' God. 

The Fourth Plague was that of swarms of Flies 3 (so A.V. and R.V.). 
J But the Hebrew text reads simply " swarms " or a " mixture." In these 
1 circumstances it is best to regard the Plague either as consisting of " dog- 
1 flies," 4 or better still, " beetles." There is a beetle which gnaws both 
j man and beast, destroys clothes, furniture, and plants, and even now they 
are "often seen in millions." 5 Pratte 6 in describing their ravages, 
I says "In a few minutes they filled the whole house . . . only after the 
; most laborious exertions, and covering the floor of the house with hot 
j coals, they succeeded in mastering them. If they make such attacks during 
I the night, the inmates are compelled to give up the house, and little children, 
I or sick persons who are unable to rise alone, are then exposed to the greatest 
I danger of life." We may well understand, then, the consternation when 
j in all the land of Egypt the land was corrupted by reason of the swarms of 
i beetles, 1 which, appearing in November, were still the horrid fruit of the 
I masses of decomposing animals with which the ground was encumbered. 

Through this Plague, moreover, an even more remarkable blow was 
! struck by Jehovah at Egyptian pride. If there is one thing by which 
' Egyptian relics can be everywhere identified it is the scarab or sacred beetle. 
! The beetle was regarded as an emblem of royalty and adored as a god. 
: It adorns the head of Ptah-Osiris, and Khepera was a scarab-headed god. 
! More than that. From the time of the Xllth Dynasty, or even earlier, 
j the place of the material heart in all mummies had been taken by an amulet 
! through the influence of which, it was supposed, the dead man would be 
I secured against all the dangers and inconveniences attending the loss of his 
j heart until the day of resurrection. 8 This amulet was in the form of a beetle 
I or scarab, the emblem of " becoming " or of transformation. Here, then, 
I was a blow struck at one of the most cherished superstitions of the priest- 
I hood. The beetles, revered as a sign of royalty and as a charm of singular 
j sanctity, 9 became a curse, and a source of pestilence to their devotees. 

In December came the Fifth Plague, that of the Murrain of beasts. 10 
I Modern bacteriological research has revealed how great as factors in the 
spread of disease are insects such as those which had swarmed in every 
I corner of the land. Cattle plagues have not infrequently swept over Egypt, 
I but this murrain attacked not only cattle, but also horses, asses, camels, 
I herds, and flocks. 11 It was a very sweeping and grievous rinderpest. 

1 Ex. 8. 18 * Ex. 8. 19 3 Ex. 8. 20 32 4 LXX. and Symmachus, KwSuvia. 

s Munk, Palestine, p. 120, quoted in Chadwick, The Book of Exodus p. 138. 
* Abyssinia, p. 143 in Kalisch. 7 Ex. 8. 2 * 8 Sayce, The Religions of Ancient 

Egypt and Babylonia, p. 65. 9 Budge, Gods of the Egyptians, 1. 334(1904). lias a 

coloured picture of the beetle-god, Khepera, sailing in his sacred boat : for his 
worship, see p. 355 f. In the Egyptian texts Khepera is called the father ol the 
gods " : he also represents the resurrection of the body : see also 11. 379- ' Ex. 9. 
11 Ex. g. 3 



160 Nile and Jordan 

But it was more. Through it, polytheism and idolatry received a 
still deadlier thrust. The murrain attacked not only ordinary domestic 
cattle, but those sacred animals to the worship of which the Egyptians were 
abnormally addicted. The calf of Ur-mer, or Mnevis, was adored at 
Heliopolis as an incarnation of Ra. At Erment, or Hermonthis, near 
Thebes, Mentu, the god of the nome, was worshipped in the form of the bull, 
Bakis. At the Serapeum of Memphis one can still see the catacombs 
where the sarcophagi of the numerous Apis bulls, the embodiment of Ptah, 
exhibit the lengths to which an aberrant fanaticism will carry an intellectual 
people. 1 There was a representation of the Sun-god as " Horus the Bull " : 
the heavens and the sky were worshipped under the semblance of the great 
Cow-goddess Nut : 2 the Libyan goddess Sati was depicted with cow's 
horns, and was regarded as " queen of heaven, of Egypt, and of all the gods" ; 
while Hathor, the goddess of joy, the patroness of mirthful gatherings, 
was venerated under the form of a cow, or in human form with a cow's head. 3 
At Mendes it was not a bull but a ram that was the object of worship, the 
priestly doctrine being that he was an embodiment of Ra ; while similarly, 
at the temple of Jupiter Ammon, it was a ram under whose aspect the chief 
of the gods was figured. Criophorous sphinxes lined the avenues of Thebes 
and other cities, and still further emphasized the excessive devotion paid 
by the Egyptians to the worship of animal forms. 

But perhaps the most striking feature of Egyptian religion relative to 
this Fifth Plague is seen in the fact that it was Amenhotep II who, above 
all his predecessors, showed a fanatical attachment to the worship of animal, 
and particularly of bovine, forms. In 1906, Naville discovered at Deir-el- 
Bahari a gigantic Hathor-cow in a large vault constructed of slabs of 
sculptured and painted sandstone. 4 The cow was hewn out of yellow 
sandstone, with a small head, narrow chest, thin shoulders, long thin legs, 
and red-brown coat speckled with black spots. A solar disc, flanked by 
two ostrich plumes, shone between its horns. Two figures stood beside the 
divine cow, and by the cartouche, engraved among lotuses on her forepart, 
it is seen that both of them represent Amenhotep II, the Pharaoh of the 
Plagues. The chapel was built by his father, Thothmes III, as a wall- 
inscription testifies, but the monarch adoring the cow is the king who 
declared Who is Jehovah that I should hearken unto His voice ? I know not 
Jehovah. 5 The first figure shows the king clothed in royal garments leaning 
with his back against the cow's chest, and his head under hers. The 
second figure depicts the king kneeling naked under the cow's belly, pressing 
the teat, imbibing the divine milk, and thereby becoming adopted as her 
child. It is a striking revelation of the abject and grovelling superstition 
of the Pharaoh in which he glories in showing himself to all time as the 
whole-hearted slave of the Cow-goddess. Tremendous, therefore, must have 
been the blow inflicted on the king and his favourite divinity, when those 
sacred cows, typified in this splendid statue adored by Amenhotep II 
himself, fell victims to the ravages of the murrain of beasts. 

The Sixth Plague was probably a direct result of the fifth, and became 
prevalent in the end of the same month. It was that of Boils breaking Jorth 

1 For the devotion of the populace to Apis, see N. W. Thomas in Hastings' E.R.E., 
i. 507 (1908), art. Animals. * See striking pictures of this cow-divinity in Budge, 

Gods of the Egyptians, i. 369, 424, and of the Cow-goddess, Meh-Urit, i. 4.;-:. s See 
a picture in Budge, ib., i. 426. * Arch. Rep. Egypt. Explor. Fund, 1905-6, p. 

4 f. : Maspero, Kew Light on Anc. Egypt, p. 272 f. Visitors to Egypt may now 
have an opportunity of studying this unique statue for themselves, for the entire 
chapel with its extraordinary bovine divinity baa been removed from Thebes and 
rebuilt in the Cairo Museum. s Ex. 5*. 






The Exodus from Egypt 161 

with Mains upon man and upon beast. 1 As the cattle died, their putrid bodies 
became centres of horrible pestilence infecting both persons and creatures, 
and producing a form of plague which attacked all classes without distinction'. 
Egypt has ever been the home of some of the most loathsome skin diseases 
which can afflict mankind, and in many cases these evils have been the 
direct result of the carelessness wherewith infection has been allowed to 
spread from decaying vegetable and animal matter, from lack of sanitary 
precautions, and from disregard of the pestilential effects of permitting 
carcases to pollute the air and streams. 2 After the Exodus, it was part of 
Jehovah's gracious promise to his redeemed people that If thou wilt diligently 
hearken to the voice of the Lord thy God . . . I will put none of the diseases 
upon thee, which I have put upon the Egyptians, for I am the Lord that healeth 
thee. 3 And later, it was part of the threatened punishment for apostasy 
that was held forth as regards Israel, The Lord shall smite thee with the boil 
of Egypt, and with the emerods, and with the scurvy, and with the itch, whereof 
thou canst not be healed . . . the Lord shall smite thee in the knees, and 
in the legs, with a sore boil, whereof thou canst not be healed, from the sole of 
the foot unto the crown of the head 4 . . and he will bring upon 

thee again all the diseases of Egypt, which thou wast afraid of, and they 
shall cleave unto thee. 5 Meanwhile, however, this Plague of boils and 
blains was another grave assault on the elaborate ceremonial of the 
priestly caste. The magicians could not stand before Moses because cf 
the boils, for the boils were upon the magicians and upon all the 
Egyptians* The very ministrants of the gross polytheism of the land 
were incapacitated from fulfilling the minutiae of their sacerdotal 
functions, being handicapped by the torture of the boils on their own 
skins. 

The Seventh Plague was that of the Hail 7 and fire mingled with the hail, 
such as had not been in all the land of Egypt since it became a nation* 
Thunderstorms of this severity, with lightning and hail, are exceedingly rare 
in the Nile Valley. But such as have been witnessed are as remarkable for 
their terribleness as for their infrequency. 9 That the visitation took place 
towards the end of January is evidenced by the note, evidently by one who 
knew the details of Egyptian agriculture with great minuteness and accuracy, 
that the flax and the barley were smitten, for the barley was in the ear, and the 
flax was boiled : but the wheat and the spelt were not smitten, for they were not 
grown up. 10 This meant the ruin of the first portion of the Egyptian 
harvest. 

The destruction of the second portion was accomplished by the Eighth 
Plague, that of the Locusts. 11 It came through Amenhotep's obstinacy in 
the face of the indignant and despairing cry of his servants, Knowest thou 
not yet that Egypt is destroyed ? 12 The arrival of the locusts was caused by 
an east wind which blew all day and all night, and when it was morning, 
the east wind brought the locusts. 13 There had before this been devastations 
of Egypt caused by these creatures, but the special characteristics of this 
eighth Plague were the size, the voracity, and the incredible numbers of 
the swarms which now invaded the land. They covered the face of the -whole 
earth so that the land was darkened ; and they did eat every herb of the land, 
and all the fruit of the trees which the hail had left, and there remained not any 
green thing, either tree or herb of the field, through all the land of Egypt. M This 

'Ex. 9.» "SeeFoucart in Hastings' E.R.E., iv. 749 ^ ll \ * vi \ 5fJ» 

and Medicine (Egyptian). 3 Ex. i^ * Deut. 28." S5 v. *-*• g „ 

7 Ex. 9. 13 as s e x Q u »See Macalister, I.e., p. 091. l J-x. y 

11 Ex. io. 1 20 "v. 7 "v." " V . 1S 

L 



162 Nile and Jordan 

fixes the month wherein the locusts arrived as February. On the temporary 
repentance of Amenhotep they were removed : an exceeding strong west 
wind took up the locusts, and drove them into the Red Sea. 1 

The special significance of the seventh and eighth Plagues lies in the 
character of the land which was devastated by them. Egypt was a country 
regarded by its inhabitants as sacred. It was the garden of the East, 
the granary of the world, and its long line of green meadows and corn- 
fields, of palm, sycamore, and fig trees, from the Cataracts to the Delta, 
formed an ideal of earthly felicity all the more striking because of the death- 
dealing desert which hemmed it in on either side. Yet, here was Jehovah 
of Israel declaring his sovereignty over this sacred land, smiting its products, 
and displaying his power to destroy this territory which its inhabitants 
revered as holy soil. 

The Ninth Plague, that of Darkness, 2 lasted three days in the month 
of March. The description in the Bible suits admirably that of the well- 
known phenomenon known as the Khamsin. 3 The Khamsin wind is like 
a blast from an open furnace door, charged with so much fine sand and dust 
as to turn day into night. The air is filled with an intensely black and 
impenetrable fog wherein respiration is difficult, even darkness which may be 
felt} It has been known to travel over certain portions of the land 
enshrouding them in utter gloom while leaving other parts in bright sun- 
shine. 5 Thus it happened that while there was a thick darkness in all the land 
of Egypt three days : they saw not one another, neither rose any from his place 
for three days : but all the children of Israel had light in their dwellings. 6 
In this ninth Plague, however, we observe Jehovah's direct attack on the 
King of the Egyptian pantheon. The mighty Sun-god, Amen-Ra, whom 
every i haraoh worshipped as his divine father, while he styled himself in 
his royal cartouche as " Son of the Sun," had his light extinguished for 
three days by a darkness which might be felt. It was a colossal blow to 
the prestige of the principal divinity of the Theban cult. 

The culminating 1 lague was the Tenth, the Slaying of the First-born. 7 
While the fever and death-producing effects of the Khamsin are well known, 
the miraculous element in the last Plague consisted in the particularity 
with which the disease singled out merely the first-born, from the first-born 
of Pharaoh that sat on the throne unto the first-born of the captive that was in 
the dungeon, and all the first-born of cattle. 9. It occurred at the end of March 
or the beginning of April. From the mention of the death of the first-born 
of the King, one naturally enquires if Egyptian records afford any con- 
firmation of this extraoidinary and tremendous tragedy. It would appear 
that the evidence is not altogether awanting. The distinguishing feature 
of the reign of Thothmes IV, the son and successor of Amenhotep II, was 
his clearing away of the encroaching sands of the desert from the Sphinx 
at Gizeh. On an immense red granite slab, 14 feet in height, Thothmes IV 

ribes 9 how, long before his father died, he was one day hunting gazelle 
in the desert. Tired and worn out with the heat, he took a siesta under 
the shadow of the Sphinx, and the Sun-god (with whom the Sphinx was 

1 Ex. 10." s 10. 21 n 3 This explanation of the darkness as being the result of 
a Khamsin, is much more tenable than that of Mahler, who believes it to have been due 
to a solar eel I be date he fixed for it is 27th March, b.c. 1335, which would fall 

I 11 tl oi Rameses 11 (b.c. 1347-12S0). The premiss is not only at the 01 

inadmissible, but the di l lands us in this hopeli sion, that even granting 

for the muni, in thai the I xodus took place during the XlXth Dynasty, it was under 
Merenptah and nut under Rameses 11 that the Plagues occurred I ■ 1 M 

1 Denon, Voyage duns I'Egypte (1802), p. 286. 6 Ex. 10." 2 * 'Ex. II, «- 10 

12." •• 13. u » b Ejc< I2 m *R.P., xii. 43: 11. (N.S.) -15 I 



The Exodus from Egypt 163 

identified) spoke to him in his sleep. 1 He promised that one day Thothmes 
would be king, and when that day arrived, he must remove the sand from 
the feet of the god who had foretold to him his succession to the throne. 
It is evident from Thothmes IV's own narrative that his right of succession 
was remote. He was the son of Amenhotep II, but not by a mother of royal 
rank. His elder brother, the offspring of a union with a royal princess, 
was the legal and destined heir to the throne. Why then did that legitimate 
Crown Prince not actually succeed his father ? Is it not another link in 
the chain of evidence identifying Amenhotep II as the Pharaoh of the 
Plagues and of the Exodus, that here we have indisputable evidence that his 
eldest son did not succeed him, but that it was a son by an obscure woman 
who actually stepped on to the throne ? That eldest son by the queen was 
the first-bom of Pharaoh that sat on his throne, 2 whose violent death in the 
tenth Plague forced at last from the proud lips of Amenhotep II the words, 
Rise tip, get you forth from among my people ! 3 

The tenth Plague was more than a punishment inflicted on Pharaoh. 
It was a direct attack by Jehovah on the alleged sovereignty of Ptah, to 
whom the Egyptians looked as the giver and sustainer of life, and from 
whose very name their land received its title of Egypt (Ha(t)-ka-Ptah). 
The wholesale destruction of the first-born was a proclamation to all that 
Ptah was powerless to protect those who invoked or trusted in his name. 
Thus, from the first Plague to the last we can recognize that they were 
all designed to be a signal demonstration to Amenhotep and "to the 
Egyptians of the absolute superiority of Jehovah over all the so-called 
divinities before whom the people grovelled in abject fear. Against all 
the gods of Egypt I will execute judgments : I am the Lord* Naturally, no 
mention of these disasters is to be found on the Egyptian monuments. 
It was not diplomatic to record such terrible visitations. But it is 
ominous that no monuments of Amenhotep II are dated above 
his fifth year ; 5 and though he reigned for other twenty years, the 
later portion of his rule may have been darkened by the calamities 
that crowded on him during the period preceding the departure of the 
Israelites. 

The tenth Plague was followed immediately by the Exodus of the 
Hebrews from Egypt. 6 The route 7 was from Rameses (probably Tell-er- 
Retabeh 8 ) to Succoth, otherwise known as Pithom, and now recognized 
in the mounds of Tell-el-Mashkhuta in the Wady Tumilat. 9 The children 
of Israel went out with an high hand in the sight of all the Egyptians, while 
the Egyptians were burying all their first-born. 10 Their next camping-place, 
Etham in the edge of the wilderness, 11 is identifiable with the Egyptian Khetam 
or fortification, the Shur 12 which is so frequently referred to in the Bible, 
and which we have seen mentioned in the story of Sinuhit. 13 Then came 

1 Erman (Berlin Akad. Sitzb., 1904, p. 428) argues that this dream story is 
fabulous, and that the stele was really erected after the time of Rameses II. 
Spiegelberg, however (Orient. Litt. Zeit., vii. 288), defends its authenticity, pointing out 
that the stele bears marks of mutilation under the Akhnaton heresy, and must, 
therefore, belong to the XVIIIth Dynasty. 2 Ex. 12. 29 3 Ex. 12. 31 4 Ex. 12. u 
5 Petrie, Hist, of Egypt, ii. 153. 6 Lagarde (Orientalia, ii. 20 : Miltheilungen, 

i. 54) suggests that the mixed multitude which went up with the Israelites 
were the Levites, who attached themselves to (Heb. lavah) the Hebrews, 
and therefore, like Moses, that they were all Egyptians ! Surely a remarkable straining, 
of history ! 7 For discussions on the route, see Daressy, Bull, de I'Institut Egyptten, 

Vth Ser., v. 1 (1911): Driver, Exodus, pp. 123-128, 186-191 : Conder, P.E.F.Q. 
1883, p. 86 : Clarke, ibid., pp. 94, 225 f. 8 See p. 137- B See Rendcl Harris and 

Chapman in Hastings' D.B., i. 803, art. Exodus to Canaan. This is controverted 
by Daressy in Bull, de Vlnst. Egypt., 1911. 10 Num. 33." 4 n Ex. 13. 

18 See Clay Trumbull, Kadesh-Barriea, pp. 44-58. 13 See p. 77. 



164 Nile and Jordan 

the turning back to Pi-hahiroth, 1 a name signifying " a place of reeds," 2 
which was probably near the embouchure of the Sweet-Water Canal. It 
is recognizable in the Egyptian name, ' Paqaheret," of which Osiris 
was god, 3 and it lay between Migdol 4 and Baal-Zephon. 5 The latter 
seems to have been a Semitic sanctuary on an eminence on the eastern 
side of the Bitter Lakes, an isolated place of worship where the Semitic 
Baal was adored. 6 

The exact locality of the crossing of the Red Sea will doubtless always 
remain undecided. But there is more or less of a general consensus of 
opinion that the passage did not take place at the modern town of Suez, 
but rather over what are now the Bitter Lakes which at that era were 
connected with the sea. 7 Sir J. W. Dawson has shown that within historic 
times there has been a kind of " see-saw " movement of the isthmus of Suez. 
The pivot is the central elevation of the isthmus, known as El Gisr, the 
" bridge," immediately north of Lake Timsah (the " lake of crocodiles "), 
an elevation which in some places attains a height of 90 feet. This has 
been a link connecting Africa with Asia since Pleistocene times. But to 
the north of this pivot Egypt has been sinking down, while to the south the 
coast line has been rising. The proofs are evident and abundant. Lake 
Menzaleh to the north has already submerged many ancient sites : Tanis 
is periodically an island, and the Mediterranean now flows over several 
spots where once stood proud cities. On the other hand, at the 
Suez end of the isthmus the land is made up of recent deposits 
holding modern Red Sea shells which have been gradually raised 
up from sea-levels by the slow secular movements of the earth's 
crust. The fact that the Red Sea must have penetrated in Moses' 
time as far north as the Bitter Lakes explains how Pithom or 
Heroopolis, now far inland, was able to give its name to the Heroopolitan 
Gulf. The channel at that period was navigable as far as the 
latter city. It also explains why, when Pharaoh heard that the 
Israelites had turned southward from Etham, he exclaimed They are 

1 See Selbie in Hastings' D.B., iii. 875. 2 The Spiegelberg Papyrus as 

interpreted by Daressy would make it out to be "the lake of Kharta " (P.E.F.Q., 1912, 
p. 204). The Papyrus mentions Pi-ha-hiroth, Migdol, and Baal-zephon in the same 
order as we find them occurring in Exodus. 3 Naville, Pithom, PI. 8. * Migdol 

means " watch-tower," and in the Egyptian form, Mahtl occurs frequently in the 
inscriptions : but which of the many " Migdols " is meant, we cannot decide : see 
Trumbull, op. cit., pp. 364-379. l See Chapman in Hastings' D.B., i. 211. 

• So Linant, M6moire sur les principaux travaux d'utilitd publique executes en Egyple, 
p. 137, and Lieblein, Handel u. Schiffahrt auf dem Rothen Meere. Dawson identifies 
Baal-zephon with Jebel er Rabah — Jebel Muksheih (Egypt and Syria, their physical 
features in relation to Bible History, p. 65). Trumper (P.E.F.Q., 1915, p. 22) with 
Jebel Ghebrewet to the W. of Migdol and the Bitter Lake. 7 Dawson, op. cit., 
PP- 5 I_ 74 : Hull, P.E.F.Q., 1884, p. 140, believes that the channel was 20-30 feet deep, 
and perhaps a mile wide. Petrie (Res. in Sinai, p. 204) firmly maintains the same view. 
If Osiris was specially worshipped at Paqaheret (Pi-ha-hiroth), the only shrine of that 
divinity (or a Serapeum) in that region is the one about 10 miles S. of Ismailia, 
described in the Antonine Itinerary as 18 miles from Pithom-Ero. The ruins of this 
Serapeum, on the hill known as Gebel Mariam, may be the " Migdol " of the passage. 
Graetz (Gesch. d. Juden, i. 378-390) places the crossing N. of Lake Timsah, at the 
highest point of the Isthmus. De Lesseps (see Bartlett, Egypt to Palestine, p. 146 f.) 
suggests a spot a little S. of Lake Timsah. Brugsch's theory (Hist, of Egypt, ii. 363 f.) 
making the Israelites go along the borders of the Serbonian Bog on the narrow strip 
of land between the lake and the Mediterranean has been thoroughly exploded and 
discarded (see Ebers, Durch Cosen gum Sinai, pp. 111, 526: Renouf, P.S.B.A., 1882, 
p. 13 : Greville Chester, P.E.F.Q., 1880, p. 150 : 1881, p. 104 : Conder. ib., 1880, 
p. 231 : 1883, p. 79). Canon Scarth's theory making the camp of the Hebrews to 
have been near Port-Said, and the " Red Soa " to be the Mediterranean (P.E.F.Q., 
1882, p. 235) is equally fantastic and untenable (see Conder, P.E.F.Q., 1883, p. 86). 
Against the view that the crossing took place near the present Bitter Lakes, see 
Kflthmantl, Die Ostgreme /Egyptens, 191 1. 






The Exodus from Egypt 165 

entangled in the land, the wilderness hath shut them in. 1 Behind them lay 
the desert hills which formed the eastern flank of Goshen and Egypt, before 
them lay the broad arm of the Heroopolitan Gulf. 

The deliverance, which was effected through the strong east wind 2 
blowing back the shallow waters, thus making the sea dry land, was reckoned 
by every Jewish writer as the most signal and outstanding event in the 
national history of Israel. 3 In all the Scriptures, no incident is more 
frequently referred to : 4 the cadence of the song of rejoicing rings from 
Exodus to Revelation ; and the overthrow of the Egyptians in the Red 
Sea is taken in the Apocalypse as a symbol of the final conquest of Christ 
and his people over all their foes. I saiv them that had gotten the victory 
over the beast .... and they sing the song of Moses the servant of God} 
The Exodus became the starting-point of the Hebrew calendar. Remember 
this day in which ye came out of Egypt, out of the house of bondage, for by 
strength of hand the Lord brought you out from this place* It is anight to 
be much observed unto the Lord for bringing them out from the land of Egypt : 
this is that night of the Lord to be much observed by all the children of Israel 
throughout their generations : 7 This month shall be unto you the beginning of 
months, it shall be the first month of the year to you. 8 The sense of exultation 
on the part of the Israelites was so great when, after their own triumphant 
passage and the destruction of Amenhotep's army, they saw the Egyptians 
dead upon the sea-shore, 9 that from that moment they felt themselves a 
redeemed people ; and in future ages when the Israelites were tempted 
to forsake Jehovah, nothing had a more powerful influence in rallying their 
hearts to Him than the plea so often repeated by the prophets to remember 
that they were the nation whom the Lord brought up out of Egypt. It was 
indeed the foundation on which the Ten Commandments were based, 
I am the Lord thy God which brought thee out of the land of Egypt, out of the 
house of bondage. Thou shalt have none other gods before me. 10 A redeemed 
people must be a grateful and a holy people. 

1 Ex. 14. 3 2 Fx. 14. 21 3 See Hutchinson, P.E.F.Q., 1887, p. 239 f. 

4 The prominence of this deliverance from the slavery of the XVITIth Dynasty is 
attested bv the extraordinarv number of leferences to it in the Bible. Thus Ex. 
13 8 » " » 16 18 , 16 1 6 32 , 17 3 , 18 1 , 19 x , 20 2 , 23 15 , 29 4C , 

32 1 4 7 8 11 23 ] 33 l f 34 18 . L ev „ « lg 36 ( 22 SS > 2 ^ 4 3> 2 ~ 38 42 65 j a6 J 3 45 . 

Num.i 1 , 3 13 , S 17 , V, 14 J9 2a , 15 41 , 20 1S , 21 5 , 22 6 » 23 22 , 24 «, 

26 4 , 7,2 11 , 33 J 38 • Deut. 1 27 30 4 20 84 37 45 46 , 5« 1S , 6 12 21 23 , 7 8 18 , 

8"' 9 ' 12 2 ", 11 3 4 10 ~ 13 5 , 15 15 , 16 * 3 «, 20 1 , 23'*, 24' 18 8 ' 2 , 25 17 ,' 

26 s , 2Q 225 ; Jo?. 2 10 , y' 9 , 24 6 7 17 ; Tudg. 2 1 12 , 6' 13 ( 10 n , 19 30 ; 

1 Sam. 8 «, 10 18 , 12 6 8 ; 2 Sam. 7 6 23 ; 1 Ki. 6 \ 8 9 16 21 51 53 , 9 ' ; 2 Ki. 

17 7 36 , 21 15 ; 1 Chr. 17 21 ; 2 Chr. 5 10 , 6 5 , 7 22 ; Neh. 9 9 18 ; Psa. 78 61 , 80 8 , 
8i sw , 105 3S , 106", 114 1, 13s 8 , 136 10 , Isa. io 21 26 , ii 16 , 43 3 : Jer. 2 «, 

7 22 25 ; 1X 4 i t j5 i4 < 23 ? ; 3 j 32 > ' ^ 2 20 £i ( 34 13 ; Ezek. 20 B 9 10 ; Dan. 9 15 ; 

Hos. i K , ii 1 , i2 9 ' 13 , 13 4 '; Amos ?. 10 ,' 3 ' 1 , 9 7 ; Mic. 6 4 , 7 15 ; Hag. 2 s ; 
Matt. 2 15 ; Acts 7 40 ; Heb. 3 ie , 8 9 , ii. 29 All this array of passages makes 
Winckler's theory that the Israelites never were in Egypt, but in a hypothetical Musri, 
look very dubious. Kittel's verdict (Hist, of the Hebrews, i. 185) will commend itself 
much more readily to the vast majority of Bible students, " There is no event in the 
entire history of tsrael that has more deeply imprinted itself in the memory of later 
generations of this people than the abode in Egypt and tie Exodus from the land of 
the Nile. Samuel, Saul, Solomon, almost David himself, stand in the background 
compared with the Egyptian house of bondage, and the glorious deliverance thence. 
Evidently we have here no mere product of the legends of the patriarchs, but a fact 
which lived deep down in the consciousness of the people in quite early times, from 
Hosea and the Book of Samuel onwards, a fact graven deep in their memory. It 
would betoken a high, a more than normal degree of deficiency of historical sense 
in the Israelite national character, if a purely mythical occurrence gave the 
key-note of the whole national life, and formed the starting point of the entire 
circle of ieligious thought as early as the days of the first literary prophets. 
8 Rev. 15. 2 3 «Ex. 13. 3 'Ex. 12. 42 8 Ex. 12. 2 "Ex. 14. 

10 Ex. 20. 2 3 



166 Nile and Jordan 

As the mummy of Amenhotep II was discovered in 1898 in the Valley 
of the Tombs of the Kings at Thebes, 1 it is certain that he himself did not 
fall a victim to the fate which overtook his troops. 2 Indeed it is never 
stated in the Bible that he was drowned : 3 rather Pharaoh's chariots and 
his host hath He cast into the sea, and his chosen captains are sunk in the Red 
Sea* There is, however, still another link in the chain of evidence 
connecting Amenhotep II with the Exodus, in that Manetho 5 associates 
the expulsion of the " lepers " 6 from Egypt with a King Amenophis or 
Amenhotep, who had at his Court an adviser bearing the same name. 
Now, this adviser can be none other than the celebrated Amenhotep, son 
of Hap or Paapis, one of the most distinguished ornaments of the middle 
of the XVIIIth Dynasty. He must have been in his prime during the reign 
of Amenhotep II, for he was an old man in the time of Amenhotep III. 7 
From a mutilated statue we learn that he was renowned as an orator, an 
administrator of justice, a supervisor of taxes, and a master magician, to 
such a degree that later ages revered him as a god. 8 If the "lepers" were 
the Hebrews, as seems probable, we have another proof that the Exodus 
took place during the lifetime of Amenhotep II. It is noteworthy also 
that Chceremon 9 associates a certain King Amenhotep with the Exodus, 
so that ancient tradition, with almost unanimous consent, linked the 
Exodus with the XVIIIth Dynasty. 

It is unnecessary to follow the Israelites through their tragic forty 
years' sojourn in the region of Sinai. 10 Their route has more or less 
thoroughly been explored by many travellers, in particular by Palmer, 11 
Trumbull, 12 Harper, 13 and Flinders Petrie. 14 The last named, during his 
investigation of the region of Serabit-el-Khadem, made certain remarkable 
discoveries. 15 He found a number of rocks carved roughly to simulate 
eight Egyptian stelae, which were, nevertheless, covered with a script that 
was neither hieroglyphic nor hieratic Egyptian. A figure of the god Ptah 
was evident, but not a word of ordinary Egyptian. The marks were not 
mere scribbles, but showed some organized attempt at orthography, for 
they were found at mines a mile and a half distant from the Sphinx near 
the temple of Serabit, where similar markings are to be seen. The direction 
of the writing is from left to right, contrary to the later Semitic, and most 
Egyptian, script. Judging by the fragments of pottery found near, the 

1 For an account of this tomb, see Maspero, Ancient Sites and Modern Scenes 
(1910), pp. tn-117. 2 The Arab tradition is otherwise. The grumblings and 

mutterings heard at the mouth of the cavern at the hot springs of Hammam Far'un 
( = Pharaoh's Hot Eath) are reckoned to be the groans uttered by Pharaoh and his 
dead host writhing in the place of the damned. The sea at this point is called Birket 
Farun ( = Pharaoh's Pool). See Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, i. 39: Thompson, 
Semitic Magic (1908), p. 59- 3 This important point is enforced with much 

learning by Palmer {Egyptian Chronicles, 1861, p 19^). * Fx. 15. 4 s Quoted by 

Tosephus, c. Apion, i. 26. 'See p. 157. 7 Brugsch. Hist, of Epypt.i. 423: Petrie, 

Hist., ii. 196 : Budge, Hist , iv. 106, no. s Maspero, " How an Egyptian statesman 
became a god," New Light on Ancient Egypt, p. 189 f. See also Sir Herbert 
Thompson, P.S.B.A., xxxv. (1913) 05, for a demotic ostrakon containing the answer 
given by the priest of the god Amenhotep to the supplication of a sick man. The 
sick person was to be treated with two Syrian figs. » Josephus, c. A bion, i. 32. 

10 1 have no space in which to discuss Sayce's view that the route taken bv the 
Israelites was across the desert straight to Akaba. In mv judgment, it involves 
improbabilities and di r ficulties that are insuperable (Sayec, Early Hist, of the Hebrews, 
p. 186 f.). Nor can I stay to investigate the recent theory (a resuscitation of Eeke's 
old one in Mount Sinai a Volcano, 1873) of Prof. E. Oberhummer ("Die Smaifrage " 
in Mittheil. d.k. k. Geograph. Gesell. in Wien (1911), vol. 54, pp. 628-6-11I in virtue 
of which he would locate Mount Sinai among the now extincl volcanoes of I lariat al- 
Awerez in Midian to the S.E. of Akaba. » The Desert oj the Exodus, 2 v. 1871. 

u Kadesh-Barnea, 1884. 13 The Bible and Modern Discoveries, 1895. u Researches 
in Sinai, 1906. » Op. cit., pp. 130-132. 






The Exodus from Egypt 167 

date of the inscription must be ascribed to the XVIIIth Dynasty, and 
probably to the reign of Thothmes III. Petrie considered the writing to 
be one of the many alphabets in use in the Mediterranean lands long before 
the fixed alphabet selected by the Phoenicians. Some of the workmen 
employed by the Egyptians, probably the Aamu or Retennu (Syrians), 
had this system of linear signs mixed with hieroglyphs borrowed from their 
masters. 1 He sums up his discovery in these striking words : — " Here we 
have the result, at a date some five centuries before the oldest Phoenician 
writing that is known. The ulterior conclusion is very important, namely, 
that common Syrian workmen, who could not command the skill of an 
Egyptian sculptor, were familiar with writing at B.C. 1500, and this a writing 
independent of hieroglyphics and cuneiform. It finally disproves the 
hypothesis that the Israelites, who came through this region into Egypt, 
and passed back again, could not have used writing. Here we have common 
Syrian labourers possessing a script which other Semitic peoples of this 
region must be credited with knowing." 2 

1 See Cnyp. Inscrifit. Semit. (1906), tome ii., part ii. 2 A very important use 

is made of these Sinaitic scripts by A. H. Gardiner (Jouvn. of Egypt. Aych., iii. (1916) 
12) in an article on "The Egyptian Origin of the Semitic Alphabet." He regards 
these Sinaitic characters as "the long-sought proto-Semitic script." See also 
S. A. Cook in P.E.F.Q., 1917, pp. 190-192. 



The Geography of the World as Known During the 

XVIIIth Dynasty 

In the tenth chapter of Genesis we have an extremely interesting chart of the 
world as it was known at the period of its composition. It is a document, 
written by some unknown scribe, which stands by itself, and which was after- 
wards incorporated into the Pentateuch. The antiquity of certain portions of it, 
and their relative date, are evidenced by the position assigned to Canaan 
Canaan is described as a " son " of Ham, and therefore a " brother " 1 of 
Mizraim or Egypt. 

Now, there was but one period in history when this description could have 
been possible or appropriate. It was when Canaan was part of the Egyptian 
Empire, and was reckoned as belonging absolutely to the Pharaohs of the Nile 
Valley. The only time when this was the case was during the XVIIIth Dynasty. 
Under the XlXth Dynasty, Israel was already in possession of Canaan, and we 
have to pass on to the time of the Ptolemies before we again see the conditions 
realized. Neither before the XVIIIth Dynasty, nor after it (till the Ptolemaic 
period) do we come across an historical epoch during which Canaan, strictly 
speaking, was a province of Egvpt : but during the XVIIIth Dynasty, when the 
great raids of Palestine by Thothmes I, Thothmes III, and Amenhotep II, took 
place, and when in the reign of Amenhotep III the tribute from Syria flowed in 
peacefully and unceasingly as from a thoroughly subjugated region, we find 
realized the exact state of affairs which is revealed in this chart m Genesis. 
It is true that the mention of Gomer, Magog, and Madai 2 indicates an editing 
process bv a later hand, for these peoples emerged into the light of history 
many centuries subsequent to the Exodus : but the position assigned to Canaan 
is so emphatically that of a fief of the Egyptian Crown that we are forced to 
ascribe the Egyptian details of the chapter to the time of the X\ II Ith Dynasty 

This is a theory much more tenable than that of Jastrow, 3 who submits that 
the grouping of the Canaanites with the Hamites is "not to be taken as an indication 
that in the mind of the writer the Canaanites came from the South, but is due 
to the hostility which existed between the Hebrews and Canaanites, and winch 
prompted the writer, in obedience to popular prejudices, to place the Canaanites 
with the ' accursed ' race." The objection to this view is the historical fact 

iGen. io.« 2 Gcn. io. 2 3 In Hastings' D.D., v. 81. 



i68 Nile and Jordan 

that the Jewish race never maintained a bitter feeling against the Egyptians. 
Their law forbade it : Thou shalt not abhor an Egyptian, because thou wast a 
stranger in his land. 1 Nor do we ever find the Jews regarding Egypt with that 
aversion which the theory demands. On the contrary we have numerous tokens 
of the kindly feeling which subsisted between the two races. Egypt was for 
centuries the asylum of all who required protection from oppression in Canaan.* 
Indeed the fondness for Egypt displayed by the Jews was again and again the 
subject of earnest expostulation and rebuke by the more religious of the Hebrew 
prophets. The lists in this chapter are not ethnological but geographical. 
There was no ethnological affinity between Javan (the Ionian Greeks) and the 
peoples of Tubal and Meshech : * nor can we trace any family association 
between Elam with its agglutinative language and Asshur, which was purely 
Semitic." But all is clear if we read the chapter as the expression of the views 
of a writer surveying the ancient world geographically, as it was parcelled out 
amongst various races, and dealing with them according to their mutual 
propinquity in the time of the XVIIIth Egyptian Dynast)'. 

It would seem that the author of this primitive document had access to 
sources of information that were thoroughly Egyptian in origin. In 189,1, 
Sayce 8 and de Morgan discovered at Kom Ombo near Assuan a small temple 
choked up with sand. On clearing away the debris, the wall of the south 
external corridor revealed cartouches containing the names of countries supposed 
to have been conquered by Ptolemy Auletes. In reality the list was a com- 
pilation based on an ancient catalogue of lands and peoples surrounding Egypt 
in the time of the XVIIIth and XlXth Dynasties. 7 The list contains the names 
" Kaptar " and " Kasluhet " which at onoe suggest the Biblical " Caphtor " 
and " Casluhim." 8 It would seem, therefore, that the writer of the tenth 
chapter of Genesis used some similar list, and that his outlook is that of one 
writing in the Nile Valley, and surveying one by one the nations by which he 
is surrounded. 

After disposing of the descendants of Japheth 9 who were Aryans, this 
geographer turns next to the countries occupied by the Hamites. And the sons 
of Ham ; Cush, and Mizraim, and Put, and Canaan. 10 

Ham, in all probability, is the Egyptian name for Egypt, equivalent to 
Kent or Kemi, " black," 1X with reference to the blackness of the alluvial soil 
of the Delta, 18 rather than the swarthiness of the inhabitants of the Nile Valley. 
It is possible, however, that the name may be derived from the god Khem, 
or Chnum, or Min, the principal priapic divinity of the Egyptians, whose image 
is found amongst the oldest sculptures. The people who worshipped this god 
would to incomers and foreigners be known as the Khemites or Hamites. 18 In 
later days. Ham became a synonym for Egypt as a whole. 1 * Israel came into 
Egypt, and Jacob sojourned in the land of Ham. 1 * They set among them his signs 
and wonders in the land of Ham. 19 He smote all the first-born of Egypt, the chief 
of their strength in the tents of Ham. 1 '' They forgat God their Saviour which had 
done great things in E^ypt, wondrous works in the land of Ham. 1 * 

Cush 19 is the " Kesh " of the Egyptian monuments, meaning Ethiopia* 
or Nubia, which was placed by Thothmes I under a governor with the title of 
Prince of Kesh " {se ten-si-en- Kesh). There was another "Cush " in 
Mesopotamia, 21 represented as the " father " of Nimrod, the name being derived 
from the Kashshu or Coss&ans, a tribe of warriors who held the mastery of 
Babylonia between the 16th and the 13th centuries B.C." The similarity of 
the names may perhaps be looked on as another piece of evidence testilying to 

1 Dent. 23.' *e.g., I Ki. II. 40 Jer. 26.* 1 Jer. 42." Matt. 2* * Cj. Isa. 19, 

7 . 31 1 " 3 .' Ter. 37 7 , 43 s " 13 ,' 44 1 - 30 4 r>i-" ; Ezek. ig 1 " 14 . 23 1 - 18 . 

31 1 -", 3? 1 - 82 . * Gen. io. 2 s Gen. io. 22 6 Savce in Arademv (1S94), 1. 314. 

' This is criticized bv King and Hall, Egvpl and Western Asia, p. 438. 

'Gen. io." 9 Gen. io. 1 " 5 10 Gen. 10. 6 "Sec Margoliouth in 

' D.B., ii. 288. 12 Plutarch, de Isid. et Osir. 33. 1S This is Griffith's 

7, in Hastings' D.B., ii. 289. "It must be distinguished from "Ham " in 

1 Ch. 4,«° where for DH \!2 of the text we should probably read Cft!^ or 

■■■fill," " easygoing " (so Margoliouth in Hastings' D.B., ii. 289) : and also from 

Ham in Gen. 14,' where " Hum " is some unknown place, perhaps Rabbath Ammon 

(Dillrnann, Comm. in loco). u Psa. 105. "- 3 "v." 17 Psa. 78. 111 

1122 "Gen. 10. • 20 For full particulars, see Chabas, Etudes 

swl'AntiquitiHistorique* (1873)^.130. 21 Gen. 10. 7 8 " See Margoliouth 

in Hastings' D.B., i. 536. 



Geography of the World 169 

the close connection which subsisted between Egypt and Babylonia during the 
Teliel-Amarna period. 

Mizraim, 1 the Semitic name for Egypt, is perhaps a dual— the "two 
Mazors " — although Crnm thinks the termination is merely locative, and not a 
dual. 2 In the Old Testament, Mazor is the name for the Delta. The canals of 
Manor shall be mini shed and dried up : 3 with the sole of my feet will J dry up all 
the rivers of Mazor. * The eastern fortification, the " Mazor," which confronted 
the Semitic invaders of the Delta, gave the name to the whole country which 
they defended. 

Put 5 is the " Punt " of the Egyptian inscriptions, answering to the modern 
Somaliland, 6 and including the whole African coast of the Red Sea from the 
desert east of the Thebaid as far as the modern Somali country. 7 It is frequently 
mentioned by Jeremiah and Ezekiel. 

Canaan 8 is, of course, the lowlands of Palestine, especially the Shephelah, 
but including also the Ghor or Jordan Valley. 9 As already pointed out, it is 
because the list here is geographical and not ethnological that we find it linked 
with Cush, Mizraim, and Put. These were all situated in Africa and legitimately 
therefore might be styled " sons oi Ham." But Canaan, being situated in Asia, 
was regarded as another " son of Ham " only when it became an integral part 
of the Egyptian Empire during the XVIIIth Dynasty. In the Tell-el-Amarna 
tablets, " Canaan " stands for the whole of Palestine. 10 

After a digression 11 relating to the Chaldaean Cush, the writer resumes 
the geographical distribution of the Hamitic group of nations. And Mizraim 
begat Ludim, and Anamim, and Lehabim, and Naphtuhim, and Pathrusim, and 
Casluhim (whence went forth the Philistines) and Caphtorim. 12 The identity of 
these nations may be recorded as follows : — 13 

The Ludim are an Egyptian race quite distinct from Lud, xx the fourth 
" son " of Shem. They have as yet not been satisfactorily identified. 15 Sayce 
believes the name is an equivalent of the Egyptian lodn, " men," more especially 
the " members of an Egyptian family." \* 

The Anamim have been identified by Ebers with Aamu, " or cowherds, 
who are frequently represented as reddish men with a Semitic cast of 
countenance. This, however, is uncertain. 

The Lehabim may with probability be identified with the Lubim or Libyans. 18 

The Naphtuhim have been linked etymologically with the god Ptah, and 
have been allocated to the region round Memphis which was the centre of the 
Ptah cult. Ebers sees in the name an Egyptian Na-Ptahu, " the (people) of 
Ptah," or Nu-Ptah, " the city of Ptah," i.e., Memphis. 19 Napata, the capital 
of Nubia, has also been proposed. Spiegelberg suggests that the name is 
Na-p-Atoh = " people of the Delta marshes." 20 

The Pathrusim are the inhabitants of Pathros, the Thebaid, or Upper Egypt. 21 
They represent the old Kingdom of the South which was amalgamated with the 
Kingdom of the North to form the 1st Dynasty. The name " Pathros " is 
common in the writings of the later Hebrew prophets. 22 

The Casluhim seem to have been a race well known in Egypt, as is evidenced 
by the Kom Ombo inscription referred to above, where the equivalent of the 
name as " Kasluhet " has been discovered. 

The Caphtorim are the peoples of Crete, and possibly of Cyprus as well. 

1 Gen. 10. 6 2 Crum in Hastings' D.B., i. 653. For various conjectures 

regarding the origin and meaning of the name, see Reinisch, liber die Namen sEgyptens^ 
in der Pharaonenzeit (Vienna), 1861, p. 33. 3 Tsa. 19 6 (Heb.). 4 Isa. 37. 23 

(Heb.). 5 Gen. io. 6 6 Jastrow (in Hastings' D.B., v. 81) identifies it rather 

with Libya, following Josephus. Sayce (Expos. Times, xxviii. (1917). P- 2 Hl agrees 
with Jastrow on this point, and equates Put with Cyrene. 7 W. Max Miiller in 

Hastings' D.B., iv. T77, and Asien u. Europa, p. in. 8 On. ro. 6 ^ 9 Cf . The 

Canaanite dwelleth by the sea, and along by the side of Jordan, Num. n. :9 
10 Egyptian names for Canaan were Khal, which embraced the whole country from 
Pelusium to N. Syria: and " Rutennu " or " Lutennu." "Gen. 10. 7 " 12 

"Gen. 10. 13 14 13 See Jeremias, The Old Testament in the Light of the Ancient 

East, i. 299 f. 14 Gen. io. 22 1S See Johns in Hastings' D.B., iii. 160. 

16 Expos. Times, xxix. (1917), p. 7T. 17 Or Naamu = Anamaima represented as 

tribes ruled by Pharaohs of 15th and 14th centuries B.C. They preceded the 
Hyksos in settling in the Delta on the Bucolic arm of the Nile. 18 So Jastrow, 

I.e., v. 81 : Miiller, I.e., iii. 94, 158. 19 Johns in Hastings' D.B., m. 487 : Sayce, 

Expos. Times, viii. 181. 20 Orient. Litt. Zeit., ix. 276. " W. Max Miiller in 

Hastings' D.B., iii. 693. 22 Jer. 44 1 ; Ezek. 29", 3° u ; Isa. II." 



170 Nile and Jordan 

The Philistines l may be regarded as of Cretan origin, and their identity 
with the Cherethites may be assumed. 2 Curiously enough, Tacitus 3 avers 
that the Jews were fugitives from Crete, and he connects their name (lw5a?o() 
with the Cretan Mount Ida. It is strange that in Crete there is also a Jordan, 
for Homer 4 mentions the river Jardanus. 5 

1 The clause in Gen. io M regarding the Philistines seems misplaced : it should 
come after the mention of Caphtorim, as is seen from Deut. 2 23 , Jer. 47*, Amos 9', 
which show that the motherland of the Philistines was Caphtor : see Sayce, I.e., 
viii. 182. - Sayce in Hastings' D.B., i. 352. 3 Hist., v. 2. * Horn. 

Odvs., iii. 292. 5 See Prof. Rendel Harris, " Crete, the Jordan, and the Rhone," 

in Expos. Times, xxi. 303. 



CHAPTER XIV 

Traces of Egyptian Influence in the Wilderness 

Narrative 

Ere I proceed to discuss the fortunes of the liberated Israelites when they 
re-emerge to view as the invaders of Canaan, it is of interest to note how 
strongly marked the narrative of their sojourn in the wilderness is with 
traces of their long residence in Egypt. Whatever be the literary dates of 
Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy, it is evident to every 
careful student that the local colouring of these Books is Egyptian rather 
than Babylonian, and in any discussion as to their place of origin and 
the time in which they were composed, this fact must not be overlooked. 
Not only does the influence of the Nile Valley appear in the likenesses and 
similarities between the rites and customs of the Egyptians and the Hebrews 
respectively, but even the strange and emphatic dissimilarities and 
unlikenesses in the usages of both nations are equally eloquent of the ancient 
contact of the two peoples. The fact that Israel was forbidden to copy 
certain institutions fashionable in Egypt speaks forcibly in favour of some 
former association of the two races ; and in almost every case the reason 
for the prohibition is due to the necessity of avoiding idolatry on the 
part of the Chosen People. It will, therefore, be instructive to go over 
in some detail (approximately in the order of their occurrence in the Bible) 
these watermarks of Egyptian influence which are scattered throughout 
the last four books of the Pentateuch. 

The discrepancy between the fact that the Passover was ordered to 
be kept in the month Abib, 1 while the feast was in reality ever after observed 
in the month Nisan, is explained when we remember that " Abib is the 
Egyptian name of the month corresponding at the time of the Exodus 
to Nisan, and the same month is called Abib among the Egyptians to this 
day, although the two months no longer correspond. Abib is still in the 
summer, but Nisan has shifted about three months in 3,000 years." 2 

It is, perhaps, too much to say that the institution of the eldership 
was derived by the Hebrews from Egypt, for the custom of aged men 
assuming control and leadership of a tribe, or clan, or family, goes back 
to the roots of human society. Nevertheless, it is of interest to note 
that though we only once hear of an " elder " in the time of Abraham— 
Abraham said unto his servant, the elder of his house, that ruled over all lli.it 
he had 3 — in the time of the Exodus the office was well recognized, and 
much importance and prominence were accorded it. It was to the elders of 
Israel 4 that Moses was sent by Jehovah with his message of approaching 

'Ex. 13. 4 2 Butcher in Expos. Times, xii. 191. 3 Gen. 24.* 4 Ex. 3." 

171 



172 Nile and Jordan 

deliverance, and all through the wilderness journeys it was through the 
elders that Moses gave his commands x to the people. The new prominence 
given to the ancient office suggests that the Hebrews had developed this 
domestic institution in line with what they found obtaining in Egypt. 
There the eldership was a well-established body entrusted with important 
duties. It had been the elders of the land of Egypt 2 who accompanied 
Joseph to Canaan on the occasion of his father's funeral. 

Many of the musical instruments used by the Hebrews were borrowed 
from Egypt. The Hebrew kinnor, or harp (equivalent to the Greek Kidapa) 
may be seen in an Egyptian tomb of the Xllth Dynasty, where a Semitic 
immigrant is depicted playing on one of eight strings. Yet, Egypt was 
not the homeland of the harp. The oldest known representation of a 
stringed instrument is from Telloh in Southern Babylonia. 3 It seems to 
have been introduced into Egypt at a very remote era, perhaps at the time 
when the Nile Valley received her earliest culture from Chaldrea. After 
being domesticated in Egypt, it was carried off to Canaan by another 
branch of the same Semitic race. 4 The timbrels, 5 or tambourines, with 
which Miriam and the Hebrew women led the praises of Israel, are frequently 
represented on the Egyptian monuments. 6 They were of three kinds — 
circular, square or oblong, and two squares separated by a bar. They were 
all beaten by the hand, and used as an accompaniment to the harp and 
other instruments. The fact that the men and the women danced 
apart, in separate companies, points to Egyptian custom, and even the 
mention that it was the women, and not the men, who used the tambourine, 
indicates that the Hebrews here were following Egyptian fashions in 
music. 

The quails that came up and covered the camp at even 7 are well known 
migratory visitants to the shores of the Red Sea. 8 Thousands of them 
annually attempt flight across the sea, and those which survive the journey 
are, like those in the narrative, excessively fatigued. 9 When migrating, 
they arrive at night, and in the morning are discovered in large swarms. 
The enormous numbers — about two cubits above the face of the earth 10 — can 
be paralleled by corresponding figures of recent years. 11 

As regards the manna, its comparison to coriander seed, white, 12 implies 
a knowledge of the latter on the part of the Hebrews. Coriander was 
cultivated in Egypt for medicinal purposes, 13 and therefore the appearance 
of its seeds would be familiar to the Israelites. That the taste of the manna 
was like wafers made with honey betrays a similar Egyptian connection, for 
a favourite Nilotic mode of offering to the gods was to present cakes made 
of meal, oil, and honey. Hence, the further description is strictly P^gyptian 
in character — the taste of it zvas as the taste of cakes baked with oil. 1 * Even 
the word " manna " has Egyptian affinities. 15 

It is remarkable, further, that the amount to be gathered by each 
Israelite was regulated by Egyptian measurement — an outer a head according 
to the number of your persons : 16 now an omer is the tenth part of an cpliah. 1 " 

1 Ex. 4 », I2« i 7 5, i8« 19 7 , 21 1 », etc. a Gcn. 50. 7 'Millar 

in Hastings' D.fl., hi. 459. «A list of the stringed instruments in use amoiiL,' 

the Egyptians, from one-stringed to twenty-one-Ptringed will be found in Textor 
de Ravisi, " Rccherchcs et conjectures sur la Poi's" Pharaonique " in < 
Provinnil des Orientalists Francuis a St. Etienne, 1875, p. 506 f. * Ex. 15 •• 

8 Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt (1878), i. 491. 1 i<. 1J « They were common in 

pt where they were salted and eaten raw (Herod, ii. 77). • G. E. Post in 

Hastings' D.B., iii. 1 "Numb. n." M « Chambers' Encycl., viii. 517, 

Quail. '»Ex.i6." »» Plinv. H.N., xx. 20 "Numb. 11. 8 15 See 

igsch, lleb. Wort. Bitch., vi. 606: Ebers, Durch Gosen, p. 236. 16 Ex. 16." 

1 ' I x. 16. '• 



Egyptian Influence 173 

Both the " omer " * and the " ephah " were measures of capacity 
01 Egyptian origin, as Professor Kennedy has shown : 2 and indeed, 
the weights and measures employed by the Hebrews all through 
their subsequent career 3 seem to owe their origin not to Babylon 
but to Egypt. 4 

It is of deep interest to note that recent exploration has emphasized 
the antiquity of this metrological dependence of Canaan on Egypt. It 
has been ascertained that the cities of Palestine harried by Thothmes III 
and his successors used a shekel weighing an abnormal number of grains, 
a measure unknown elsewhere till Petrie discovered in Naukratis and 
neighbourhood a shekel weight of similar scale. 5 A curious connection 
is thus established between the Delta and Canaan. From the 16th to 
the 6th centuries B.C. an identical " light " shekel of the value of 160 grains 
(the half of a corresponding " heavy " shekel of 320 grains) was in use 
both in Egypt and Syria. 6 Similarly, Prof. Kennedy has shown that the 
Hebrews, in their history subsequent to their settlement in Canaan, used the 
Egyptian, and not the Babylonian, cubit in their linear measurements. 
He adduces overwhelming proofs of this. The very name in Hebrew for 
the " digit " ('ezba) is homologous to the Egyptian t'ba, while that for the 
" span " (zereth) is akin to the Egyptian drt. 1 Further, it is of importance 
to observe that the Hebrew hin 8 is just the Egyptian measure henu, the 
sixth part of the ephah-bath, another Egyptian measure of liquid capacity. 
From every point of view, therefore, we are led to the conclusion that the 
influence of Egypt on the dwellers in Canaan, both before and after the 
Exodus, was paramount, that Babylonian measures were practically non- 
recognized, and that the Hebrews reckoned according to the metrological 
system to which they had been accustomed in the land of their servitude, 8 
These facts are strongly in favour of the authenticity of the narrative, and 
tend cogently to uphold the historicity of the sojourn in Egypt and the 
subsequent Exodus. 

The injunction to the people at Sinai to sanctify themselves, and let them 
wash their garments 9 suggests the parallel Egyptian custom. The Egyptian 
priests washed themselves in cold water twice every day, and twice every 
night. 10 The additional command against sexual intercourse 11 reminds 
us of a similar prohibition laid on the Egyptian priests, 12 and on the Egyptian 
public, before entering a temple. 13 

When we come to the various items in the Law} 1 we note at once 
contrasts and likenesses. No nation of antiquity was more addicted to 
polytheism than the Egyptians. From the remotest ages their gods were 
many. During their long history, multitudes of divinities reveal themselves 
as the object of most fanatical reverence, and down to Roman times, when 
Christianity made its conquests, it was the same. Juvenal sneers that it 

1 ")£# is to be distinguished from homer, "IDh ■ In Hastings' D.B., iv. 

912, art. Weights and Measures. 3 See E. J. Pilcher, "Weight Standards 

in Palestine," in P.S.B.A., xxxiv. (1912), p. 114. 4 Hommel, however, maintains 

(in Hastings' D.B., i. 219) that the hxn and the ephah (though truly Egyptian) 
came originally into Egypt from Babylonia, and only by this route reached Israel. 
He says that the Egyptian word, ephah ('ipt) is itself originally derived from the 
Babylonian pitu. On the dependence of the Babylono-Phcemcian weight system on 
the Egyptian, see Prof. Kennedy in Hastings' D.B., hi. 419, art. Money. _ Petne, 

Naukratis, pt. i. 78, 85 f. : Tanis, pt. ii. 84, 91 £. « Kennedy in Hastings D^B., iv. 905. 
Ub., p. 009. See further coincidences with Egypt in Watson, P.E.F.Q., 1897, p. 201 , 
Warren, ib., 1900, p. 149: 1906, pp. 182,259. "SeeConder, P.E.F.Q., 1902 pp. i7& : 195- 
• Ex. 19." " Herod., ii. 37 1X Ex. 19. 16 " Porphyr, De Abstxn :. iv. 7. 

13 Herod., ii. 64. * Spencer, De Legibus Hebraeorum, has gone into the indebtedness 

of the Mosaic Code to that of the Egyptians, and with great minuteness has brought 
out their mutual close connection. 



174 Nile and Jordan 

was easier to find a god than a man in Egypt. Against this rank polytheism 
the clear calm injunction of the Decalogue stands out — Thou shalt have 
none other gods be/ore me. 1 

Again , no ancient nation was more given to representing the human and the 
animal form in stone and in painting than the Egyptians. For a thousand 
miles up the Nile innumerable carvings, wall frescoes, and statues evidence 
the love of the people for this style of art. But the law given at Sinai to 
the Hebrews was a direct prohibition of this, Thou shall not make unto thee 
a graven image, nor the likeness of any form that is in the heaven above, or that 
is in the earth beneath, or that is in the water under the earth. 2 Lest ye corrupt 
yourselves, and make you a graven image in the form of any figure, the likeness 
of male or female, the likeness of any beast that is in the earth, the likeness of 
any winged fowl that flieth in the heaven, the likeness of anything that creepeth 
on the ground, the likeness of any fish that is in the water under the earth. 3 
It is Jehovah's great warning to Israel against the idolatry of all these 
animal forms to which they had been so accustomed in Egypt. 

The fifth commandment, Honour thy father and thy mother* is one 
that finds many a parallel in Egypt. In the Instruction of Ptah-hotep, 
we come across such maxims as these : " A splendid thing is the obedience 
of an obedient son," " the obedience of one who obeys is a noble thing." 5 
Even the Mosaic reward that thy days may be long upon the land finds its 
counterpart in the saying of Ptah-hotep, "The son who accepts the words 
of his father will grow old on account of it " : "as obedience is of God, 
disobedience is hateful to God." 6 

In Egypt, again, the violation of the ninth commandment, Thou shalt 
not bear false witness against thy neighbour, 1 was punished by amputation 
of the nose and ears. 8 

The prohibition against building an altar of hewn stones, 9 with 
the added command, Neither shalt thou go up by steps unto mine altar, 
suggests by contrast the Egyptian practice of erecting a raised rectangular 
platform reached by a flight of steps. Such may be seen at Hatshepset's 
temple at Deir-al-Bahari, 10 and another at Karnak dedicated by 
Thothmes III. 11 The Israelites were commanded to depart from the 
Egyptian model. 

The strict law against murder, He that smiteth a man so that he die shall 
surely be put to death, 12 finds its counterpart in the Egyptian legislation 
that the wilful murder of a free man, or of even a slave, was punished with 
death. 13 The law against parricide, He that smiteth his father or his mother 
shall be surely put to death, 11 is paralleled by the Egyptian horror of this 
crime, and the special Nilotic punishment that the perpetrator was sentenced 
to be lacerated with sharpened reeds, thrown on thorns, and burned 
to death. 15 The reference to a man smiting his servant or his maid with a 
rod, 16 reminds us that the bastinado was the favourite method in Egypt 
of inllicting chastisement. The rod was called batana. It was in use for 
thefts, petty frauds, breach of trust, and to extort confession. The long 
canes used in beating slaves appear frequently on Egyptian wall paintings. 17 
The law of retaliation, Eye for eye, tooth for tooth, hand for hand, foot for foot, 
burning for burning, wound for wound, stripe for stripe 1 * was specially 

1 Ex. 2o.» » Ex.20. 4 3 Dcut. 4. 18 " 18 4 Ex. 20." * Instruction of Ptah- 

hotep, § 38. 6 Birch, E^ypt from the Earliest Times, p. 49. ' Ex. 20. 14 8 P.P., 

viii. 65. 'Ex j 1--" "Naville, Deirt'l H,t/u>i,i.P\.8. » Griffith in Hastings' 

Relig. Ethics, i. 342. "Ex. 21. 12 ll Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt, i. 30a. 

" Ex. 2i. u ' "Wilkinson, op. cit., i. 303. 1C Ex. 21'°; Deut. 25* 17 Wilkinson 
op. cit., i. 305 for illustration, " Ex. 21." " 



Egyptian Influence 175 

characteristic of Egyptian jurisprudence. 1 The rule that a convicted thief 
in Israel if he had nothing, shall be sold for his theft? finds a correspondence 
in the case of Joseph, who, following the establishment of Egyptian 
procedure, proposed to make a slave of the detected pilferer of his cup. 3 

The law given to Israel against bestiality 4 seems to have been necessary 
as a deterrent against a practice said to have prevailed in Egypt, 5 and even 
to have been included as an element in the darker side of Egyptian religion. 6 

The law against usury, If thou lend money to any of my people with thee 
that is poor, thou shalt not be to him as a creditor : neither shall ye lay upon 
him usury, 1 was paralleled by a like condemnation in Egypt. Usury was 
in all cases condemned by the Egyptian legislation, and when money was 
borrowed, even with a written agreement, it was forbidden to allow the 
interest to increase to more than double the original sum. 8 

The details of the structure of the Tabernacle evidence considerable 
Egyptian influence. The profusion of gold 9 employed in its construction 
need not surprise us when we consider the enormous wealth which had 
poured into Egypt through the conquests of Thothmes III. In addition, 
Egypt had her own gold mines in Nubia 10 and on the Red Sea littoral. 
From earliest times Egypt could furnish elaborate gold work, and the 
exquisite delicacy and finish of the jewellery found at Dahshur shows that 
nothing of modern workmanship can surpass the technical skill displayed 
at this early date. 11 Petrie 12 has shown that the gilding of the tabernacle 
boards must have been accomplished by the usual Egyptian method of 
sticking thick gold-foil firmly on to the wooden basis. All the knowledge 
requisite for the various processes of manipulating gold was fully possessed 
by the Egyptians, and carried by the Israelites into the desert. Gold wire 
is found attached to rings of Senusert I. 13 Gold thread was beaten out 
with the hammer, and afterwards rounded. 14 So the Israelites beat the gold 
into thin plates, and cut it into wires. 15 

The use of silver reveals also a close link with Egypt. The silver mines 
of Egypt were said to produce annually 3,200 myriads of minae. 16 Silver 
earrings and silver wire were highly prized in the days of Thothmes III. 
We need not, therefore, be surprised at the fact that the sockets for the 
boards were solid silver, a talent for a socket, 11 as were also the hooks for the 
pillars to support the curtains of the court. The amount of silver thus 
employed came to 100 talents 18 and 1,775 shekels. 19 

Brass also is mentioned as being largely utilized, seventy talents and 
two thousand and four hundred shekels™ but the reference is really to bronze. 
In Egypt the art both of hardening bronze and of making it flexible was 
understood at a very early period, and the skill of the workmen was so 
markedly superior that no metallurgist to-day can reproduce their genius. 21 
The Hebrews thus carried with them into the desert knowledge of a highly 
technical character. 

The various colours in use in the Tabernacle suggest further affinities 
with Egypt. Blue, 2 * which was the colour of the uppermost of the four 
main curtains, and the hue which was inwoven into the beautiful inner 

1 Poucher in Hastings' D.B., i. S26, art. Crimes and Punishments. 
2 Ex. 22. 3 3 Gen. 44. i7 4 Ex. 22. 19 5 Herod, ii. 46. 6 Strabo, 

xvii. p. 802 : Clement Alex., Cohort, ad Gentes, p. 9- 7 Ex - 22 - 25 " Wilkinson, 

i. 310. "Ex. 25, 3 and especially 3S, 24 where the 29 talents of gold represent 

£178,350, and the 730 shekels of gold. £1,496 : in all, £179,846. 10 Herod. 111. 2 

Diod. iii. n. " Petrie in Hastings' D.B., ii. 225. u lb., p. a 

13 Wilkinson, ii. 167. u Ib. ii. 166. ]a Ex. 39- 3 " Diodorus. l. 49. 

17 Ex. 38." 18 =£41,000. 19 v.25=/244. 20 v. 29 21 Wilkinson, 11. 247 

Perrot and Chipiez, Hist'. Anc. Egypt. Art, ii. 378. 22 Ex. 25*, 26. 31 ; 



176 Nile and Jordan 

curtain which shrouded the Holy of Holies, was the deep cerulean or 
ultramarine in which the Egyptians were wont to paint and clothe the 
images of those gods that inhabited the firmament or ruled the sea. 1 Both 
in E°vpt and in the case of the Hebrew shrine in the wilderness, blue was 
appropriated to symbolize heavenly relations. The blue was imparted to 
the threads previous to the cloth being made, and the tombs of the XVIth 
and XVIIIth Dynasties have yielded many examples of beautifully dyed 
cloth of an indigo-blue colour. 2 The purple which was used in the 
curtains and veils of the Tabernacle, in certain parts of the priests' dress, 
and in the altar-cloth, 3 was imported into Egypt from Phoenicia, where it 
was obtained from the dye of the shell-fish Murex trunculus. 4 The rams' 
skins dyed red 5 remind us that the art of dyeing leather red was, according 
to Petrie, known in Egypt before B.C. 3000. 6 The process is depicted 
on the Egyptian monuments, 7 and Herodotus states that the Libyan 
tribes of North Africa were famous for their skill in preparing and dyeing 
the material. 8 

The fine linen, 9 which entered so largely into the equipment of the 
Tabernacle, and into the dress of the priests, was a product of the looms of 
Egypt. The hand-spindles in use in Egypt and in Canaan were identical. 10 
Pliny even ascribes to the Egyptians the invention of weaving. 11 Strabo 
says that whole cities, such as Panopolis, were inhabited by linen-weavers. 12 
Herodotus states that the Egyptian priests were allowed to wear nothing 
but linen garments. 13 The technical skill displayed in the manufacture 
of linen was remarkable. At a period subsequent to this, a corselet was 
sent by Amasis II to the" Spartans " made of linen, with many figures of 
animals inwrought and adorned with gold and cotton- wool, each thread, 
though very fine, contained 360 threads all distinct." 14 This reminds us 
of the fine twined linen 15 of which the curtains were made. Enormous 
quantities of linen were used for wrapping the mummies of the dead, 16 
and some of the earliest tombs have yielded linen cloths in the very infancy 
of Egyptian history. The art of fulling was carried by the Hebrews 
from Egypt, where it was well understood. Even the very word employed 
by the Israelites for linen— shesh (&&}— is of Egyptian origin. The 
work of the embroiderer 17 is frequently referred to in connection with the 
Tabernacle. 

The porpoise or dolphin skins which formed the outer covering 
of the Tabernacle were derived from these and other marine animals 
inhabiting the Red Sea between Egypt and the shores of the Sinai 
peninsula. 18 

In the Shittim wood, of which the boards of the Tabernacle were con- 
structed, we recognize the desert acacia. Its very name is a derivative 

from the Egyptian shent 9. meaning the thorny acacia. Stanley 

speaks of it as a spreading tree with gay foliage and blue blossoms which 
he saw in Egypt and afterwards in the desert. 19 It is not attacked by 

1 Eusebius, Prapar. Evangel., iii. 11. 2 Wilkinson, ii. 164. 3 Ex. 26 1 , 35", 

39*, Nu. 4. 1S *The fullest treatise on this Tynan purple is that by Dr. Adolph 

Schmidt. Die Purpurfdrberei u. der Pwpurhandel in Alterthum in Die Gricchischen 
Papyrusurkunden der KSnig. Biblioth. zu Berlin, 1842, pp. 90-212. 5 Ex. 25 s , 35.' 

8 Thatcher in Hastings' D.B., i. 457. ' Wilkinson, ii. 1S6. 8 Herod., iv. 189. 

•Ex. 25,* etc. 10 Porter in Hastings' D.B., iv. 611. "H.N., vii. 56., 

13 Strabo, xvii. 41. " Herod., ii. 37. Of course what Plato, Strabo, and Herodotus, 

say about linen in Egypt deals with a period long subsequent to the Exodus, yet there 
is no reason to bclics-e that their statements are not applicable to the centuries preceding 
them. "Herod., ii. 182: iii. 47. "Ex. 26. 1 16 Herod., ii. So. 

17 Ex. 26. * 8 1B Post in Hastings' D.B., i. 231. "Sinai and Palestine, 

pp. 21, 69. 



Egyptian Influence 177 

insects, is very light, and not liable to decay even in water. 1 That the 
Tabernacle is represented as being made of this wood, rather than of cedar 
(of which Solomon's temple was built), is another indication of close relation- 
ship with Egypt. A late writer might easily have fallen into an error 
here, conceiving that as cedar was the recognized sacred wood of a later 
era it must always have been so. Yet, on the contrary, cedar, a Syrian wood, 
does not enter into the construction of the Tabernacle, whereas acacia, 
an Egyptian wood, does. The Acacia seyal was found in Egypt, and the 
Egyptians made large use of it. It was the favourite wood for the doors of 
temples, for sacred boats, and for royal furniture. Outside of Egypt it 
is found only in the desert of Sinai and near the Dead Sea : but it is not a 
Palestinian tree, 2 though it has been introduced lately to Capernaum. 

Although Canaan, with its abundant olives, was the home of oil, and 
exported much to Egypt, Egypt attempted to raise her own supplies. 
The Anastasi Papyrus 3 mentions " oil from the harbour." The Papyrus 
Ebers 4 and the Hearst Medical Papyrus 5 also refer to different varieties 
of oil in use in Egypt. These were obtained from many plants, such as the 
carthamus, the sesamum, the coleseed, the castor-berry, etc. 6 Oiling of the 
limbs and hair was as important to the Egyptians as wearing clothes, as is 
stated in early Egyptian literature. 7 The preparation of oil for the light* was, 
therefore, an art well known to the Hebrews from their residence in Egypt, 
where flaxen wicks were used. In Egypt, again, great attention was paid 
to unguents, and suitable compositions of fragrant anointing oils are 
frequently referred to in texts of the Early and the Later Empires. The 
Nilotes had nine sacred oils for purposes of ceremonial anointing. 9 The 
anointing oil 10 used by the Hebrews in the desert was thus a purely 
Egyptian institution. And just as the Pharaohs were anointed, and the 
chrism is stated to have been done by the gods, 11 so Aaron and his sons 
were named the anointed of the Lord. 12 The act of anointing is frequently 
depicted on the monuments. 13 

The practice of burning sweet incense u was one extensively followed 
in Egypt. There it not only signified a pleasing offering to the gods to 
gratify their anthropopathic sensibilities, but it also served the purpose 
of an antiseptic fumigation of the temples. 16 Frankincense was specially 
used in the service of the Theban god, Amen, 16 and one of the objects of 
Hatshepset's expedition to Punt was to secure an abundant supply of this 
precious commodity. In the Tabernacle the altar of incense 11 served the 
purpose of symbolizing prayer. The ingredients of the holy perfume — 
I stacte, onycha, galbanum, and frankincense 18 — were all highly prized in 
Egypt, and their importation from neighbouring countries was kept up 
to meet the great demand for such commodities in connection with the 
ritual of the temples. The onycha was obtained from the operculum of 
the shellfish Strombus, found in great abundance both on the eastern and 
western shores of the Red Sea. 

1 Post in Hastings' D.B., iv. 507. 2 Naville, P.S.B.A., xxxiv. (1912), p 180 : 

Archeeol. of the O.T., p. 120. 3 xv. 4. * Joachim, Papyros Ebers, das alteste 

Buck iiber Heilkunde, 1890, p. 24. 5 This treatise of the end of the 

XVITIth Dynasty, discovered at Der-er-Ballas, consists of prescriptions for various 
diseases, with a few incantations superadded. It reveals the wonderful knowledge 
of medicinal matters which the Egyptians possessed. See also Rcisner, The Hearst 
Medical Papyrus, Leipzig, 1905. 6 See a list of the oil-producing plants in 

Wilkinson, ii. 399 f. 7 Erman, Life in Anc. Egypt, p. 229. 8 Ex. 25. 

9 Macalister in Hastings' D.B., iii. 593. 10 Ex. 30." f. " Dumichen, Hist. 

Inschrift., i. 12. 12 Lev. 4. 3 5 6. 22 13 Lepsius, Denkmdler, iii. 76 b, 230: 

Wilkinson, i. 426. " Ex. 25. « 15 Plutarch, De Isid. 81 : Dioscor, 1. 24. 

"R.P.. x. 18 i 17 Ex. 30. l " 10 18 Ex. 30. M 

M 



178 Nile and Jordan 

The ark of the covenant 1 in the Tabernacle finds its counterpart 
in the " arks " which formed so distinctive a feature of the religious worship 
of Egypt. The Egyptian " arks " usually contained a figure or emblem 
of some deity. Frequently they took the form of boats, but as a rule they 
had the shape of a box or chest. Like the Mosaic ark, they were made to 
be carried in procession on the shoulders of priests, and had rings at their 
sides through which staves or poles were passed. The Hebrew ark, however, 
was never visible while being carried, and its staves were left permanently 
in the rings. Nevertheless, the likenesses between the two kinds of arks are 
so pronounced that they cannot have been accidental ; and we must admit 
that the Mosaic ark in many particulars was a close reproduction of the 
Egyptian. 

This correspondence is further seen in the two cherubim of gold 2 which 
adorned the lid or mercy-seat of the ark. It is possible that their Egyptian 
analogue may be discerned in the various andro-sphinxcs and crio-sphinxes 
of the Nile Valley, where were attempts to unite in one figure con- 
ceptions that were in reality incompatible. A hawk-headed human figure 
personified the King ; while on the tomb of Khemu-hotep, a King of the 
XHIth Dynasty, we see a leopard from w r hose back issues a human head 
with wings on either side of the neck. But it is more likely that for the 
prototype of the Hebrew cherubim we must go to the winged figures of 
Maat. the goddess of Truth, which are often seen inside Egyptian arks, 
covering with their wings the sacred scarabaeus of the solar disk supported 
by urai. 3 Even the very word "cherub " Renouf derives from the 
Egyptian word, xeref* 

The general outline and the base plan of the Tabernacle, with its 
rectangular courtyard, 5 at the western end of which stood the sacred Tent, 
and with its great altar for sacrifice, find, as I have already pointed out, 6 
a most extraordinary prefigurement in the Vth Dynasty temple of Ra, 
excavated by Borchardt in 1901 at Abusir. Here we have an Egyptian 
temple built on identically the same model as that of the. Tabernacle, and 
yet erected about B.C. 4300. In its essential features the Mosaic edifice 
was a replica of that Egyptian sanctuary. 

In the details of the priestly robes we discover many traces of Egyptian 
affinities. The Egyptian priests wore garments denoting their sacerdotal 
office, which were not unlike the holy garments for glory and for beauty 7 
worn by Aaron and the Hebrew priests. 8 The ephod 9 of the Israelite 
priest was of fine twined linen just as was the robe of the Egyptian 
ministrant. 10 The Hebrew garment, in all likelihood, was a copy of the 
Egyptian, for V. Ancessi n has shown that the monuments supply 
representations of divine and royal personages having a richly decorated 
garment round the body, supported by two shoulder-straps, fastened 
at the top by a gem, and secured round the waist by a girdle, 12 
all these details markedly approximating to the general design of the 
Aaionic robe. 

The precious stones which formed the breastplate of judgment 13 are in 
some cases still undetermined. But Petrie 14 has elucidated that the following 

1 Ex. 25. 10 * Ex. 25. 18 3 Lcpsius, Denkmiilcr, pt. iii., PI. 1.4 : Wilkinson 

in Ravvlinson's Herodotus} ii. 85 : De Vogue, Le Temple de Jerusalem, p. 33, and 
Petrie in Hastings' E.R.E., i. 726, art. Architecture (Egyptian), 1908. 
4 P.S.B.A ., vi. (1884), p. 193. 6 A temenos such as this was a regular adjunct to 

all Egyptian temples. 6 See p. 58. 7 Ex. 28.* 8 Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt, ii. 324, 

* Ex. 28. 6 10 Wilkinson, ii. 325. ll Annates de Philos. chritienne (1872), pp. 

-4 5--1 7- 12 Lcpsius, Denhmdler, iii., PI. 224 a.d. : 274 b. 13 Ex. 28. 18 u In 

Hastings' D.B., iv. 620. 



Egyptian Influence 179 

are all known to have been prized by the Egyptians and used for purposes 
of engraving. The sardius l is what we call red jasper : the topaz is 
serpentine which was in use in Egypt : the carbuncle is rock crystal : the 
emerald is red garnet, a favourite stone in Egypt for beads : the sapphire 
is lapislazuli, greatly prized by the Egyptians, and indeed artificially made 
by them : 2 the diamond is green jasper, valued and used by the Egyptians : 
the ligure is yellow quartz or agate, well known in Egypt : the agate is 
carnelian : the amethyst is the Egyptian stone frequently used at an early 
date and well engraved : the beryl is the bright yellow jasper finely engraved 
by the Egyptians of the XVIIIth Dynasty : the onyx is green felspar ; 
and the jasper is the modern onyx. Thus, practically all the precious stones 
in the breastplate were of Egyptian origin, and the art of cutting and 
setting these gems was carried from Egypt into the desert by the Hebrews. 
It may well be that among the mixed multitude 3 that went up with Israel 
there were many expert representatives of different Egyptian trades. 
The art of engraving on hard stones was very ancient, and the engravings 
of a signet 4 and the ouches of gold find their counterpart in thousands of 
Egyptian seals, and in the settings of open-work or filigree, which are very 
frequent in Egyptian monuments. 

In regard to the mysterious Urim and Thummim 5 which the high 
priest wore inside the breastplate, much uncertainty exists. Wilkinson 6 
maintains that the idea is closely akin to the way in which the Egyptian 
Ma or Maat, the goddess of Truth and Justice, 7 was honoured. He points 
out that the word " Thummim " is plural, and that it corresponds to the 
Egyptian notion of the " Two Truths," or the double capacity of this deity. 
He also shows analogies between the Hebrew " Lights and Perfections," 
or " light and Truth," and the two figures of Ra and Ma or Maat (i.e., 
Light as typified by the Sun-god, and Truth) in the breastplate worn by 
the Egyptian priests. 

But most remarkable of all is the fact, as Erman has shown, 8 that in 
the time of the XVIIIth and XlXth Dynasties, the high-priest of Memphis 
wore, as his distinctive token of office, a breastplate and appendages 
practically identical with that worn by Aaron. From the shoulders two 
parallel rows of cords descended obliquely to the breast : the cords crossed 
each other, and at every point of intersection there was a little ball, or a 
small ornament in the shape of a cross (the Egyptian ankh, the symbol of 
life). There were four rows of these ornaments, each of which was composed 
of precious stones, the arrangement being three crosses and three balls, 
followed by three more crosses and three more balls. Moreover, on both 
right and left of this breastplate, which overlay the centre of the breast, 
there were two symbolical figures, also attached to the ouch, the one a 
sparrow-hawk, the other a jackal. These were sacred to Horus and Anubis, 
who play an important part in the Egyptian cult of the dead. Hommel, 
who has drawn attention to these remarkable facts, sums up by stating 9 
" The almost absolute similarity between the breast ornament of the 
Egyptian priests of the later Empire, and that of the Israelites described 
in the so-called Priestly Code, affords food for reflection, and can scarcely 
be explained except by assuming that it was borrowed from the Egyptians 
in the time of Moses." 

The robe of the ephod was, similarly, Egyptian in style. It had a hole at 

x Ex. 28. 17 2 Taylor in Hastings' D.B., iv. 403. 3 Ex. 12. 38 * Ex. 28." 

5 Ex. 28. 30 « Anc. Egybt, iii. 183. 7 Cf. yElian, Var. Hist., xiv. 34 : Diod. 1. 48. 

8 Erman, Mgypten u. cegyptisches Leben in Alterthum, 1885, p. 402 f. » Ancient 
Hebrew Tradition, p. 284. 



180 Nile and Jordan 

the top with a binding to prevent fraying, as it were the hole of a coat of mail. 1 
The word used for the latter (A.V. " habergeon ") is the Egyptian takhrah? 
Linen corselets of this description have been found in Egypt, sometimes 
covered with metal scales. Representations of the pomegranates which 
adorned its hem are to be seen on the Egyptian monuments. As 
regards their association with bells, Petrie 3 affirms that the design 
is apparently the old Egyptian lotus and bud border, adapted to new 
conditions. 

The girdle, the work of the embroiderer, finds its counterpart in the girdles 
of diverse patterns wherewith the Egyptian priests encinctured themselves, 
the various colours either indicating their rank, or identifying them as 
attached to the service of particular deities. The headtires 4 for Aaron's 
sons were similarly worn in Egypt, though not by the priests ; while the 
linen breeches 5 were recognized Egyptian garments worn by the priests 
from the waist to a little above the knee. 6 No other priesthood, except 
that of Egypt and of Israel, wore linen only. 

Amid the other disqualifications for the Hebrew priesthood, it is of 
interest to note that a man who was crook-backed might not be admitted. 
The prohibition is curious in that the disease seems to have been common in 
Egypt. Professor Macalister, in the course of investigating a large number 
of Egyptian skeletons, came upon a considerable quantity marked with 
spinal curvature due to caries of the vertebrae. 7 

The careful ablutions of Aaron and his sons at the door of the tent of meeting 8 
were characteristic also of the Egyptian priests, who bathed twice a day 
and twice during the night. Some who aimed at a still more rigid observance 
even washed themselves with water which had been tasted by the sacred 
ibis. 9 The laver of brass 10 employed by the Hebrew priests in their 
ablutions was made of the mirrors of the serving women which served at the 
door of the tent of meeting. These bronze polished looking-glasses, circular 
or oval, were in great vogue among Egyptian women, and many examples 
are to be found in museums. 11 Hebrew women were well acquainted with 
these fashions, and the metal mirrors of the Israelite ladies in the desert 
were certainly of Egyptian workmanship. 

In the ritual of consecration of the priests, the burning of the fat upon the 
altar 12 is paralleled by the Egyptian practice of burning the major part 
of the body of the victim, leaving the vitals with the fat in the carcase. 13 
The cutting of the ram into pieces u is shown in many Egyptian sculptures, 
followed by the offering up of the animal in sacrifice. Many of the details of 
the Hebrew rubric for sacrifice, dealing with the libations of wine, offerings 
of oil and other liquids, presentation of victims after inspection, oblations 
of wheat, birds, goats, etc., find remarkable parallels in Egyptian worship. 15 
Thus, for example, the practice of casting lots upon the two goats, and of 
sending the goat on which the lot fell for Azazel into the wilderness for Azazcl 16 
seems to have had something to correspond to it in Egypt, where victims 
were sent into the desert to Typhon-Set, the spirit of evil. 17 The Arabs, 
according to Roscnmullcr, 18 still call the bad spirit by the name of Azazel. 

1 Ex. 28. " 2 Nnriil . 3 In Hastings' D.B., i. 269. * Ex. 28.*° 

'Ex. 28." "Wilkinson in Rawlinson's Herodotus} ii. 113. 7 Macalister 

in Hastings' D.B., iii. 32S. 8 Ex. 29.* 40. 12 " ls 'Wilkinson, Anc. Egvpt., 

i. 181. 10 Ex. 30, 18 38.* X1 Figured in Wilkinson, ii. 350, 351, and in 

Macivcr and Woolley, Buhen (191 1), PI. 62, of the time of Araenhotep II. " Ex. 

29. 1S 13 Ik- rod. ii. 40. 14 Ex. 29. 17 Other animals were sacrificed in 

1 . pt, but not sheep. 15 See Wilkinson, ii. 29, 457-461 : iii. 59-61, 397. 

19 Lev. 16. 8 10 17 Pleyte, La Religion des Prd-Isradlites (1865). p. 154. 

18 Das Morgenland, ii. 192, 



Egyptian Influence 181 

Similarly the Egyptian method of so slaying the sacrificial ox that its blood 
should be freely discharged from the body was adopted in the Mosaic cult 
and deemed of great importance in the Tabernacle ritual. 1 

The numbering of the Israelites, 2 ' carried out on several occasions in 
the wilderness, evidences acquaintance with Egyptian practice. It was a 
favourite custom with the Pharaohs to compile exact statistics, and one 
trained like Moses in Egyptian methods would readily be able to fall in with 
an injunction to take a census of Israel. Papyri of date B.C. 3000 have been 
discovered showing that even at that early date strict census lists were 
drawn up, mention being made of the head of the house, resident female 
relatives, slaves, and young male children. 3 

The symbolism attaching to the numbers adopted in the Tabernacle 
seems closely akin to that in vogue in Egypt. The mystical meanings 
involved in the use of one, two, three, four, five, seven, ten, twelve, etc., may 
not be absolutely identical in the case of the Hebrews and the Egyptians, 
but it cannot be disputed that a similar sacred connotation was attached 
to some of them, e.g., three 4 and seven, 5 the latter especially being a holy 
number with each nation. 6 

From the fact that pieces of stone were used in ancient Egypt for 
writing purposes, 7 it may be conjectured that the tables of stone 8 on 
which the Decalogue was written may have been in conformity with Nilotic 
usage : but on the other hand, they may have been fashioned rather after 
the style of the Tell-el-Amarna clay tablets. 9 

The gold rings in the ears of the wives, sons and daughters 10 
of the Hebrews, and the ornaments of the men, remind us how 
prevalent was the fashion in Egypt of wearing these adornments. The 
ear-rings of Egyptian ladies were large, round, single hoops of gold, or 
of six rings soldered together. 11 Egyptian men wore handsome 
and richly ornamented necklaces, gold anklets, bangles, armlets, and 
bracelets. 12 

The molten calf 13 into which Aaron fashioned the discarded jewellery 
takes us back to the Apis Bull of Memphis, and the Mnevis of Heliopolis, 
though the Egyptians worshipped these only as the living incarnations of 
Osiris and Ra respectively. Notwithstanding the attempt made by some 
to find the origin of this bull worship in the native religious tendencies 
of the Hebrews themselves, the fact that Aaron and the people had just 
quitted Egypt, where bovine cults were greatly in vogue, compels us to 
look to the Delta for the inspiration which evoked this recrudescence of 
theriomorphic worship. 14 The dancing 15 of the people round the calf 
similarly points to the old associations with Egypt where the professional 
dancers belonged to a degraded class, and where the dancing itself was 
usually sensual and indecent. 16 

When we turn to the lists of clean and unclean animals enumerated in 
Leviticus 17 and Deuteronomy, 18 it is remarkable to observe not only that 

1 Lev. i, 15 4 , 725 30 etc. See Wilkinson, Anc. Egvpt, iii. 411: H. Clay Trumbull, 
The Blood Covenant (1887), p. 300. 2 Ex. 30," Nu. i, 2 26. 1 51 3 Griffith, 

Law Quart. Rev., 1898, p. 44 f. * Brugsch, Steininschrift, p. 310. s Ebers, 

Azgypten u. die Biicher Mose's, p. 339. Baron Textor de Ravisi's remarkable paper 
at the Congres Provincial des Orientalistes Frangais a St. Eiienne, 1875, p. 342, may be 
consulted. He investigates the sacred notions attached by the Egyptians to the 
number seven. 6 Atwater, Sacred Tabernacle of the Hebrews, p. 183. ' Vvilkinson 

ii. 183. 8 Ex. 3 1. 18 9 So Conder, The First Bible, p. 83. 10 Ex. 33. 

"Wilkinson, ii. 340. ™ Ibid, ii. 343. 1S Ex. 32.* " See the 

arguments marshalled bv Prof. Kennedy in Hastings' D.B., i. 342, and authorities 
cited. 15 Ex. 32." 16 Wilkinson, i. 455, 490 : ii. 37- "Lev. II. 1 

18 Deut. 14. *-" 



182 Nile and Jordan 

the Egyptians had similar distinctions between what was pure and impure, 1 
but that the great majority of the creatures named had their habitat in 
Egypt where the Hebrews would be perfectly familiar with them. Canon 
Tristram 2 has still further observed that the list of animals mentioned in 
Deuteronomy contains nine species not referred to in Leviticus. Now, all 
the animals "in Leviticus were Egyptian or were known to the dwellers in 
the Nile Valley. But eight out of the nine new (Deuteronomy) species 
have their habitat in the desert, or on the eastern border of Palestine, in 
Edom or Moab. This, as Tristram states, is a circumstance which admirably 
suits the position of affairs in which Deuteronomy professes to have been 
composed — on the outskirts of the Land of Promise 

Examining the lists, we find that the ox, 3 the sheep* or ram, and the 
goat 5 were all sacred animals in Egypt. The hart, 6 the gazelle, 1 and the 
roebuck 8 are Egyptian animals. The wild-goat 9 or oryx is a native of 
Ethiopia and is frequently depicted on the monuments ; 10 the pygarg n 
inhabits the deserts contiguous to Egypt ; the antelope 12 ' was hunted in 
large numbers in the same locality, while the chamois 13 (or rather, the 
kibisch, or mountain sheep) abounds at the back of the limestone hills of 
the Nile Valley and also in Sinai. 14 The camel 15 was a familiar sight in 
the Delta ; the coney 16 (or hyrax) is a native of the eastern desert of 
Egypt ; 17 the hare 18 is found in the Nile Valley, and is remarkable for 
the length of its ears, as the Egyptian sculptors have noted ; 19 the swine 20 
is a denizen of the same country, 21 and regarded as unclean. 22 It is 
mentioned in the Tale of the Doomed Prince. 23 

Among the birds mentioned, the eagle 2i is a general term for several 
fowls of prey of which the Egyptian vulture 25 (or " Pharaoh's hen ") is one : 
the kite 26 is very common in Egypt, where it perpetually hovers over the 
towns, and feeds on garbage : 27 the falcon 28 and the raven 29 are frequently 
depicted on the monuments : the ostrich 30 is a native of Upper Egypt, 
and its eggs were highly prized as symbolizing religious ideas : the hawk 
after its kind 31 suggests the large variety of these birds of prey found in 
Egypt. The little owl 32 answers to the " Egyptian eagle owl " : the great 
owl 33 is probably the ibis, 34 the sacred bird of the Egyptians : the homed 
owl 3 "° appears on sculptures and is found embalmed at Thebes : 36 the 
pelican 37 is frequently shown on Nilotic wall-paintings : 38 along with 
the stork 39 and the heron : 39 the hoopoe 39 migrates to Egypt and the 
Sahara in winter, and revisits Palestine and Syria in spring : while the 
bat 39 swarms in every cave, tomb, and ruin in Egypt. 

That the locust,* the bald locust, 10 the cricket,* and the grasshopper 40 

1 Hen^stenberg, Egypt and the Boohs of Moses, p. 180 f. 2 P.E.F.Q., 1894, p. 103. 
8 Deut. 14. 4 * lb. s lb. 6 Dint. 1 |. 3 R.V. and A.V., hart = 

fallow deer, Damn vulgaris. ' A.V., roebuck {Gazella dorcas), called by the Egyptians 

gahs, and often used as a sacrifice. 8 A.V., fallow deer : R.V., roebuck, really the 

" wild-cow antelope," Bubal us boselaphus, called sites by the Egyptians. 9 The 

"oryx," Oryx beatrix. The Egyptian form, named maud, is often represented on 
the Egyptian sculptures as being sacrificed. "Wilkinson, ii. 04. 1X Dcut. i^. 5 

It is the " addax," Antilope addax, the ancient Egyptian nudu. 12 Deut. i.|." 

13 The " mouflon," Ovis tragelaphus. The LXX. and Vulgate translate the word 
" camelopard " or " giraffe " — a native of the Upper Nile regions, whose flesh is 
much esteemed by African and native hunters. u Wilkinson, ii. 05 : Post in 

ings' D.B., i. j6q. 15 Lev. ii. 4 16 Lev. n. 8 " Wilkinson, ii. 96. 

"Lev. II. • "Wilkinson, ii. 96. ,0 Lev. 11. 7 "Wilkinson, ii. 91. 

"Herod, ii. .17. - : R.P., ii. 15 v u Lev. 11. « 25 =Gin Eagle of A.V., 

nol oi R.V. "Lev. ex. u ' "Post in Hastings' D.B.. hi. 6. "Lev. 1 r^ 14 

*» v 1 • SO v 19 31 v 16 

the LXX and Vulgate. 35 

™ Wilkinson, ii. 102. 3 » v. 19 



"v. 17 D"i3 '"■*■ 


S3 v 17 


31 So 


v. 18 ••Wilkinson, 


iii. 261. 


3 7 v 18 


40 Lev. EI." 







Egyptian Influence 183 

were known in Egypt is evident from the story of the Eighth Plague. The 
weasel x was regarded as sacred in Egypt ; 2 the mouse, though not sacred, 
appears in sculptures at Thebes : 3 the lizard after its kind 4 is universal 
in Egypt : the land crocodile 5 (or land-monitor) was noted for its eagerness 
to devour crocodile's eggs, while the chameleon 5 (or Nile-monitor) was 
held in great reverence by Egyptians for the same reason. It is a 
significant fact bearing on the place of origin of Leviticus and Deuteronomy 
that while their zoological lists represent species found in abundance in 
Egypt, and some which were common to Egypt and Palestine, many of 
the animals mentioned are either extremely rare in, or entirely absent 
from, the Mesopotamian Valley and the neighbourhood of the lands 
of the Exile. 

When we next look at the religious worship of the Hebrews as con- 
trasted with that practised in the land they had just quitted, we find the 
broad rule laid down After the doings of the land of Egypt wherein ye dwelt 
shall ye not do, 6 or as Ezekiel afterwards expressed it, In the day when I 
chose Israel . . . and made myself known unto them in the land of Egypt 
. . . I said unto them, Cast ye away every man the abominations of his eyes, 
and defile not yourselves with the idols of Egypt. 7 These directions emphasize 
the fact that Jehovah desired his people to make a clean break-away from 
all that was undesirable in Eg3^ptian religious customs. Thus, for example, 
if there was one form of idolatry to which the Egyptians were prone it was 
the M'orship of the Sun. The cultus of Amen-Ra was supreme, and to spread 
the fame and authority of the divinities of Thebes and Heliopolis was the 
ostensible cause of many a great military expedition. Against such idolatry 
the Mosaic law was emphatic, If there be found in the midst of thee . . . 
man or woman . . . that hath gone and served the Sun, or the Moon, or any 
of the host of heaven . . . thou shalt stone them with stones that they die. 9. 
Yet, the idolatrous associations of Egypt to which they had been accustomed 
proved a temptation to which the Israelites succumbed in the desert. 
The Phoenician god associated with the planet .Saturn had been introduced 
into the Egyptian pantheon 9 under the name Ken. 10 The Hebrews carried 
away with them, and worshipped in Sinai, this remnant of stellar idolatry. 
The deity was known as Chiun, the star of your god, 11 whom Amos declares 
was revered by the Israelites in the wilderness, and whom Stephen calls 
Rephan. 12 

The cherished practice in Egypt whereby brothers married their 
sisters 13 was distinctly forbidden by the law announced to Israel. 14 Other 
sexual relationships common in the Nile Valley were sternly prohibited 
under the Mosaic legislation. 15 Stories were current in Egypt of how kings 
sought to raise money, or to accomplish some political end, through the 
shame of their daughters. 16 This was utterly denounced in the case of the 
Hebrews, Profane not thy daughter to make her a harlot. 11 But as regards 
the marriage of priests both nations were at one. As by law the Egyptian 
priests were confined to one consort, 18 so the Aaronic high priest was 
permitted to marry but one wife, and she must be a virgin.'" 



19 



1 Lev. ii. 29 2 Plutarch, de Isid., 74- " Wilkinson, m. 259. 

5 v. 3 « 'Lev. 18. 3 'Ezek. 20. 3 - 7 8 Deut. 17." 5 So also 4." 

•Pleyte, La Religion des Pre-Israelites, p. 158. » Rawhnson. Phcrnuxa 

v 26 "Amos s 26 "Ac. 7. 43 "Wilkinson, ni. 113- The _ Egyptian 

m] 
Typhc 

(Herod., ii. 126), and compare the action of Rameses III in Herod., 
19. 29 "Diodorus, i. 27. "Lev. 21."-" 



>. 26 ' "Amos 5. 26 "Ac. 7* 3 "Wilkinson, iii. 113. The Egyptian 

nythology fostered the idea of adelphic marriages, for Osiris married his sister, I sis : 
fyphon married Nephthys, and so on. See Diod. Sic, i. 27 , p. 31. edit Wwsehng. 
tfichaelis, Laws of Moses. "Lev. i8.« "Lev. 18- » "•*. Khufti 

T_r 1 ;; .~n\ „„A ™,-~ +V, -,,-Hr.n r,f Rampsps III 111 Herod., 11. 121. J-t^ • 



Z H Nile and Jordan 

In connection with obituary rites it was the custom in Egypt for funeral 
feasts 1 to be observed whereat the mourners dined, friends and relations 
being invited. The practice was carried over into Israel and perpetuated 
down to a late date. We find Jeremiah referring to the custom in his 
denunciation, Both great and small shall die in this land : they shall not be 
buried, neither shall men lament for them, nor cut themselves, nor make them- 
selves bald for them, neither shall men break bread for them in mourning, to 
comfort them for the dead . . thou shalt not go into the house of feasting to sit 
with them, to eat or to drink. 2 But the Hebrews adopted the seemly Egyptian 
practice of refraining from cutting their flesh in demonstration of the 
poignancy of their grief. The Nile dwellers might run through the streets 
crying and striking their breasts, but actual mutilation was forbidden. 3 
Similarly the Mosaic law ran, Ye shall not make any cuttings in your flesh 
for the dead, nor print any marks upon you* Again, as the Egyptians 
let their hair grow on head and chin only while mourning, and at other 
times they shaved, 6 so the Mosaic law as regards priests was They shall 
not make baldness upon their head, neither shall they shave off the comer of 
their beard, nor make any cuttings in their flesh . 6 Yet, just as the Egyptian 
priests shaved their whole body, 7 so the Levites were to let a razor pass 
over all their flesh. 8 

It is significant, however, that the Mosaic Code sets its face against 
the custom of providing food for the dead. 9 Egyptians were in the habit 
of storing the mummy chambers of their dead friends with provisions of 
various kinds — chickens, corn, fruits, wine — for the benefit of the deceased. 
On the other hand, the Hebrew was obliged to swear before the Lord his 
God that, as regards the tithe of his increase / have not eaten thereof in my 
mourning, neither have I given thereof for the dead. 10 It was probably also 
owing to the excessive devotion paid by the Egyptians to the ritual of the 
dead, and because of their elaborate and ornate funeral customs, that 
in the Pentateuch there is total silence as to the future life. That the 
Egyptians believed in the survival of the soul in the lower world, and that 
they peopled that world with a gorgeous and yet grotesque collection of 
imaginary major and minor divinities, the Book of the Dead amply testifies. 11 
But as an indirect rebuke of, and a silent protest against, the fantastic 
reali.-m of the Egyptian creed as regards the future life, the Hebrew 
oracles on the question of the immortality of the soul remained 
dumb. 12 

In the case of the removal of ceremonial uncleanness contracted through 
contact with a dead body, 13 we can see another reminiscence of Egyptian 
custom. The oxen sacrificed by the Egyptians had to be red, a single 
black or white hair disqualifying any animal for immolation. 14 The ox 
was offered to Typhon-Set in lieu of a human victim. Similarly in the case 
of a Hebrew lustration a red heifer without spot, wherein is no blemish, and 
upon which never came yoke, 15 could alone be employed. The ritual 
for the removal of the plague of leprosy from the walls of a house reminds us 

1 Wilkinson, iii. 432 : Budge, The Mummy, p. 172 : Garmannus, De Pa>ie 
Lugcntmm, Ugolini, xxxiii. 2 Jer. 16. 6 8 3 Herod., li. 01, 85 : 

Wilkinson, iii. 439. 4 Lev. 19. 28 5 Herod., ii. 36: iii. 12. 6 Lev. 21. 6 

7 Herod, ii. 37. 8 Nu. 8. 7 » See the question discussed by Driver, 

Deuteronomy, p. 291. 10 Deut. 26." ll See Wiedemann, The Ancient 

tian Doctrine of the Immortality 0/ the Soul, 1895. 12 Cf. Zincke, Egypt of 

the Pharaohs and of the Kedive, 1871, p. 182 f., ch. xxv., "Why the Hebrew 
Scriptures ignore the future life." 13 Num. iq. 1 -- "Plutarch, 

De Isid et Osir., 31: Herod., ii. 38 : Diod., i. 88: Budge, Dwellers on the Xile, 
p. 143: Frazer, Golden Bough (1900), ii. 312. 1S Num. 19. 1 



Egyptian Influence 185 

that Egyptian houses were subject to eruptions of saltpetre which gave 
sometimes a ghastly hue to the inner lining of domiciles. l 

In regard to abhorrence of blood, Egyptians and Hebrews were both 
alike and dissimilar. When slaying a victim, the Egyptian allowed the 
blood to flow upon the ground, or over the altar. 2 Similarly the Israelite 
either poured it upon the ground, or the priest sprinkled it over the horns 
of the altar. 3 But the Egyptian is sometimes represented in the kitchen 
as catching the blood for the purposes of cooking : the Hebrew abhorred 
the very idea of such pollution, adhering to the strict rule, Thou shall nol 
eat the blood, thou shalt pour it out upon the ground as water. i 

The habit of exact weighing of commodities was one to which the 
Israelites had been thoroughly accustomed in Egypt. The Egyptians 
employed balances of all sizes, the larger ones having a fixed pole for support, 
a beam of several feet in length, and large scale pans hung by cords. 5 Hence 
when the Hebrews carried the practice with them into the wilderness, it 
was easy for them to be exact in their statistics as to the total weight of 
gold, silver, and bronze used in the construction of the Tabernacle, 6 and 
as to the weight of the offerings made at the dedication. 7 Hence, also the 
stern injunction laid down in the Law, Just balances, just weights, a just 
ephah, and a just hin shall ye have : I am the Lord your God, which brought 
you out of the land of Egypt. 8 

Many of the tools of the Hebrews were originally Egyptian, and were 
either continued in use by them unmodified, or were adapted according to 
the special Israelite genius. Razors in eaily times were probably made of 
bronze, and later of iron, 9 and the Egyptian and Hebrew forms were 
identical. But in the case of circumcision, flint knives were employed. 
The practice of circumcision in Egypt goes back to a remote antiquity, 
the rite being shown on a Vlth Dynasty mural painting at Sakkara, and 
elsewhere. In the observance of the institution, the Egyptians and Hebrews 
were therefore at one. 10 The flint which Zipporah used in circumcising 
her son M was similar to the stone knives which have been dug up in 
abundance in prehistoric and early dynastic tombs in Egypt. 12 When 
the Hebrews arrived at Gilgal in Canaan they again employed flint knives. 
The Lord said unto Joshua, Make thee knives of flint and circumcise again the 
children of Israel. 13 So great a hold had circumcision upon the priestly 
mind in Egypt that many scholars to-day regard the Nile Valley as the 
homeland of the rite, and trace the practice as cultivated in Syria and 
Palestine, to the influence of Egypt. 14 "The divine command was not 
intended to teach a new rite, but to consecrate an old one into a 
sacramental ordinance." 16 

Other implements in use by the Hebrew suggest an Egyptian origin. 
The bellows 16 used in smelting by the Nile dwellers in the time of 
Thothmes III we find employed by the Jews in later years. 17 The tools 
of the Lebanon carpenters to-day are identical in shape with those wielded 
by the ancient Egyptian workmen : only instead of being made of flint 



1 See Michaelis, Laws of Moses, iii. 299. 2 Wilkinson, iii. 409. 3 Lev. 4,' 8. 15 

1 Deut. 15. 23 5 Petrie in Hastings' D.B., i. 234. 6 Ex. 3S. 2 '- 29 ' Num. 7. 18 

8 Lev. 19. 36 see also Ezek. 45, 10 Amos 8, 5 Mic. 6, 11 Prov. 11, 1 16. 11 "Wilkinson, 

ii. 33-5- 10 See also Foucart's remarkably acute article on Circumcision (Egyptian) 
in Hastings' E.R.E., iii. 670 f. : Michaelis, Comm. on Laws of Moses, iii. 70 : G. Elliot 
Smith in Journ. of the Manchester E°ypt. and Orient. Soc, i. 19*3). P- 75 : Capart, 
Une Rue de Tombeaux. 1907. PI. lxvi. "Ex. 4.™ I2 Petrie and Qui bell. 

Nagada and Ballas, p. 55 f. 13 Jos. 5. 2 s 14 So Meyer, Sitzb. Berl. AkaJ., 

1905, p. 640. 1S Bishop Browne in Speaker's Comm. on Genesis, p. izz. 

16 Wilkinson, ii. 312. 17 Isa. 54, 16 Jer. 6. 2 » 



i86 Nile and Jordan I 

or bronze, they are of steel. 1 The censers 2 which Korah and his company 
employed in their rebellion against Moses were of Egyptian pattern. 
Representations of like utensils used by the Egyptians of the period are 
still extant. They were shaped like a small pot or cup with a long handle, 
into which at intervals little pellets of incense were projected by the priest. 3 

When the mixed multitude fell a lusting* and cried for the luxuries of 
the land they had left behind, it is noteworthy that the things they 
desiderated were all well-known products of Egypt. Their complaint, 
We remember the fish which we did eat in Egypt for nought 5 reminds us 
that the Nile teemed with fish. It is significant also that the Egyptians 
recognized the same distinction between " clean " and " unclean " species 
as was maintained by the Hebrews. 6 The " clean " were those which had 
fins and scales, all others were " unclean." 7 All manner of means were 
employed in Egypt in the capture of fish, small nets cast by hand, 8 the 
seine net trawl, 9 hooks, 10 and the harpoon or spear " being frequently 
depicted on the monuments. Fish, indeed, formed a staple article of diet 
in Egypt, 12 and some species were regarded with such sacrosanct veneration 
that special injunctions had to be given to Israel not to worship the likeness 
of any fish that is in the waters under the earth. 13 

Similarly the vegetables for which there was expressed such a longing 
were all favourites in Egypt, and therefore well known to the Hebrews. 
Cucumbers M were highly prized in the Delta, 15 and were afterwards 
introduced by the Israelites into Palestine 16 as a delightful article of food. 17 
The melons 18 of Egypt were equally renowned, and remembered with regret. 
After the settlement of the Hebrews in Canaan, they were cultivated in 
Palestine. The leeks, onions 19 and garlic 20 were in universal use in Egypt, 
forming a large part of the food of the poorer classes. 21 The workmen who 
built the Pyramids of Gizeh were fed on onions, garlic, and radishes, and 
Herodotus informs us that the amount of vegetables thus disposed of was 
inscribed on the outside casing. 22 The pomegranates, the absence of which 
in the Desert the Hebrews deplored, 23 are frequently sculptured on 
Egyptian monuments, and formed an article of ornamentation in the 
Tabernacle. 

All through the history of Israel we can trace the indebtedness 
of Palestine to Egypt in respect to varieties of foods. The superior 
knowledge of the dwellers of the Nile Valley in regard to seeds, plants 
and vegetables made Canaan look to Egypt for supplies of this 
kind. Thus, although we read of lentils 2i being used in Canaan 
as a form of food prior to the descent of the Israelites into the 
Delta, there is reason to believe that lentils had really been introduced 
from Egypt into Palestine at an earlier period. The Romans 25 regarded 
lentils as originally Egyptian plants, which were only later cultivated in 

1 Carslaw in Hastings' D.B., iv. 796. * Num. 16. • 7 'Kennedy 

in Hastings' D.B., i. 366. « Nu. n. 4 s Nu. n. 5 6 Wilkinson, ii. 119. 

7 Lev. n.« 10 8 C/. Ezek. 32,' DHH • • Isa. 19, 8 rH^DEl 

10 Isa. 19.' PISH Job 41. > » nl3JP 12 Eddy in Hastings' D.B., ii. 12. 

13 Dent. 4." ' M Nu. ii."' "Forskal. Flora JEgyptiacoArabica (1 775). 

p. 168. lt Cf. Isa. i. 8 17 Tost in Hastings' D.B.. i. 531, and Macalister, 

lb. ii. 28. l8 Nu. n. 5 19 Later Latin writers say that the onion was deified 

by the Egyptians (Juvenal XV. 9 : Plutarch, de Isid. ctOsir. 353). Pliny (77. .V., xix. 6) 
ic and onions are invoked by the Egyptians when they take an oath. 
20 On the discovery of garlic in a tomb at Thebes, see Otford, P.E.F.Q., 1908, p. 338. 
81 Wilkinson, i. 169. Tn later davs, Prudentius speaks of an altar at Pelusium erected 
to Garlic ! "Herod, ii. 125.' "Num. 20. 6 "Con. 25.** « Virgil, 

Ceorg. i. 228 : Martial, Epig. xiii. 9. 



Egyptian Influence 187 

Canaan. 1 Beans were used for food in Egypt, and have sometimes been 
found in mummy cases. 2 Herodotus, however, states that they were not 
eaten, and were regarded by the priests with abhorrence as being impure. 3 
It is perhaps another instance of Egyptian influence upon Hebrew life 
that the Jewish high priest was similarly debarred from partaking of beans 
or lentils on the day before the great Day of Atonement. 4 It is again 
extremely probable that the plant called " sillicypria " or " kiki," to which 
Herodotus 5 refers as growing on the banks of Egyptian rivers and lakes, 
is that known to the Hebrews as kikayon, 6 the castor-oil plant, 7 or the 
" gourd " associated with Jonah. 8 The bitter herbs 9 which the Hebrews 
ate on the night of the Passover in Egypt comprised several Egyptian 
species, the lettuce (the afa of the Egyptians), the endive (called itlshin 
in Egypt), and others. The custom (and perhaps the plants too) were carried 
to Canaan, and continued in later days to be associated with the eating of 
the Paschal lamb. Once more, many of the devices contrived in Egypt 
for the extension of grape branches, and for improving the fruit-bearing 
of the vine, were adopted in Palestine where viticulture learned much from 
the superior skill of the Nile dwellers. 10 

In matters of agriculture, the Hebrews were greatly indebted to Egypt. 
The Egyptian method of sowing seed was to dispense with preparation of 
the soil, and to cast forth the grain on flooded or moist ground u where it 
might afterwards be covered up by dragging bushes over it, or be trodden 
in by domestic animals. 12 In suitable localities in Palestine the Israelites, 
when settled in their own land, adopted the same course. Blessed are ye 
that sow beside all waters, that send forth the feet of the ox and the ass. 13 But 
in other parts of Egypt the soil was prepared by ploughing, and the Egyptian 
plough served as a model for the Hebrews. It is frequently depicted on 
the monuments. 14 It was drawn by two oxen, a system adopted by the 
Israelites. 15 Egyptian ox-goads 16 came to be used in Palestine, while 
Egyptian hoes were found in Canaanite homesteads. Stone and bronze 
axes were employed in both countries to clear the ground, 17 both being of 
similar pattern. Even the peculiarly Egyptian practice of irrigating with 
the shadoof seems to have been known and practised by the Israelites. 18 
In reaping the grain sickles 19 of identical form were employed in both 
countries. 20 The wooden sickle, toothed with flints, and believed by Petrie 
to have been an imitation of the jawbone of an ox, was used alike on the 
Nile and on the Jordan. Still more, just as the Egyptian husbandman 
usually cut the straw quite close under the ears of wheat, but tore up other 
crops by the roots, so in Palestine the same method was followed. 27 
shall be as when the harvestman gather eth the standing corn, and his arm 
reapeth the ears. 21 

The grain was gathered home by means of carts, of which representations 
are to be seen on the Egyptian monuments. They had two or four wheels, 
and the wheels had six or eight spokes. 22 Both Amos 23 and Isaiah M refer 

1 2 Sam. 23. « 2 Macalister in Hastings' D.B., ii. 28. s Herod, ii. 37- 

« Gemara, Joma, i, § 4. 5 Herod., ii. 94- 6 PTT ■ ? Ricinus 

palma-Christi. 8 Jonah 4. 6 9 Ex. 12. 8 10 See Lepsius, Denkmaler, 

ii. 53, 61. 1X Cf. Eccles. n, 1 Cast thy bread upon the waters, for thou shall find 1 

after many days. 12 Paterson in Hastings' D.B., i. 49. ,„*2*: , 32 -. 

"Wilkinson, ii. 390. 15 C/. i Ki. 19. 19 1G Cf. Judg. 3" Jm 17 Petrie in 

Hastings' D.B., i. 206. Schumacher (P.E.F.Q., 1890, p. 45) in 1889 discovered in a 
cave near Beirut a bronze axe of Syrian type based on a well-known Egyptian form. 
18 In the reign of Hezekiah, see p. 306. 19 Deut. i6.» "Wilkinson, 

ii. 396. 21 Isa. I7. s "Wilkinson, ii. 211: in. 179- "Amos 

2. 13 24 Isa. 5. 18 



188 Nile and Jordan 

to these vehicles. In the threshing-floor the grain was extracted from the 
husk, usually by the trampling of oxen or donkeys. A group of unmuzzled 
donkeys on an Egyptian monument of the Early Empire, 1 and similar 
representations of oxen under the Middle and New Empires, 2 are remarkable 
as illustrating the Mosaic command, Thou shalt not muzzle the ox when he 
treadeth out the corn. 3 Another mode of threshing was by the use of the 
threshing-sledge 4 which found its way from Egypt to Canaan. Though now 
little seen in Palestine, the peasants of the Delta still employ it. Winnowing 
was conducted by a. fan, 5 or shovel, by which the grain was thrown against 
the wind when the chaff was blown away, a process practically identical 
in both countries. Thus, when we look carefully at the domestic history 
of the Hebrew race, we see that the sons of Jacob went down to Egypt a 
people of simple pastoral habits, keepers of cattle, 6 but that after their 
residence in the Nile lands they emerged an agricultural race, whose 
shepherd habits had largely been laid aside. It was the agricultural science 
of Egypt which the Israelites revealed when they were at last settled in 
Canaan. 

The same influence is seen in many of the domestic usages of the Hebrews, 
both in the wilderness and afterwards in Palestine. They were continuations 
of old customs learned and practised in the Delta. The baskets 7 {sal) 
used to carry the unleavened bread, the oiled cakes and wafers for con- 
secration were the same as those used in Egypt for bakers' bakemeats such 
as the chief baker saw in his dream. 8 In later years, Gideon carried the 
flesh of his offering for the angel in a similarly named basket. 9 But a 
basket of another shape was employed by the Egyptians in grape gathering, 
as tomb paintings show. 10 And it is remarkable that Jeremiah used the 
same word, Turn again thine hand as a grape-gatherer into the basket 
(salsilloth). 11 Still a third form, the basket for ordinary household or 
agricultural use, had a name distinctly Egyptian : Thou shalt take of the 
first of all the fruit of the ground and put it in a basket (tene). 12 The common 
Egyptian name for a basket is iena or tennu. 13 Finally, a fourth form is 
represented in Egyptian paintings as a large basket carried on the back 
used for conveying clay to the brick-kiln. It might be borne by one man 
over his shoulder, or by two men, as shown in a painting at Beni-Hasan. 
The Psalmist, in speaking of the deliverance of Israel from Egypt, used the 
correct Nilotic term for the basket referred to, He went out over the land of 
Egypt where I heard a language that I kntw not: I removed his shoulder 
from the burden: his hands were freed from the basket (dudh). u 

It may further be pointed out that the hour of dining in Egypt being 
midday, 15 the same hour seems to have been continued by the Hebrews 
when they entered Palestine. 16 Similarly just as the Egyptian posture at 
table was always that of sitting, so all the early Israelites are represented 

1 Lepsius, Denkm&ler, ii. 9. 2 Ibid., ii. 127. 8 Deut. 25* * H , J> 

Isa. 28. 27 28 The J~lVJ Isa. 41, 15 a new sharp threshing instrument having 
teeth reminds us of its modern representative, the " corn drag " of the Egyptians 
of to-day. Its name, noreg, is closely similar. The threshing instruments of 
Oman (moregini), 1 Ch. 21, 23 have the same name. 5 Job 21, 18 Psa. i, 4 35.' 

Isa. 17, 13 29/ Hos. 13. * Dan. 2, S5 Matt. 3. 12 • Gen. 4O. 34 * Ex. 29. "'" 

Lev. 8. 2 "si s L»D Gen. 40. 16 - 18 9 Judg. 6." "Wilkinson, i. 383. 

11 Jer. 6, 9 niv'D^p 12 Deut. 26/ 1 - 4 28,* 17 X2lD 13 Macalistcr in Hastings' 

D.B., i. 256. "Psa. 81. 6 6 111 The same word is employed to signify 

the large baskets containing the figs in Jeremiah's vision (24 * *). The heads of Ahab's 
sons were sent to Jehu at Jezreel in hampers of the same sort (2 Ki. 10 7 ). 15 Gen. 43. u 
"Ku. 2." 






Egyptian Influence 189 

as following that custom. In a painting from Sakkara, now in the Cairo 
Museum, Egyptian shepherds are shown sitting down to eat : in like manner, 
Jacob's sons sat at table. 1 Only in later days was the Egyptian model 
of decorum departed from when the luxurious Greco-Roman custom of 
reclining on a couch was introduced. 2 The cooking of meals by the 
Egyptians was accomplished by faggots of wood for heating water and 
boiling meat, but for roasting, charcoal was preferred. 3 The practice 
seems to have been accepted by the Israelites, who adopted the habit of 
using charcoal. 

When on the march, the Hebrews established the Egyptian arrangement 
of making each battalion follow its own distinctive standard. These were 
of various forms, a boat, an animal, a royal name, or some emblematic 
device : 4 but each division gathered round its own ensign and thereby 
order was maintained. Similarly in the desert wanderings the law for 
Israel was The children of Israel shall pitch their tents, every man by his own 
camp, and every man by his own standard, according to their hosts. 5 And 
just as the Egyptian troops were summoned by sound of the trumpet, 
an instrument very frequently represented in the battle scenes of Thebes, 6 
so Israel was provided with two trumpets of silver 7 to assemble the hosts 
and to blow an alarm. 

Other links connecting Egypt with Israel may be discerned in the fact 
that in both countries the priesthood was hereditary : 8 that the writing 
of the commandments on doorposts and gates 9 corresponds to the Egyptian 
custom of covering the pylons of temples, and the entrances to private 
tombs, with hieroglyphic writing : 10 that the dedication of a new house n 
by the inscribing of propitious sentences on the lintels and doorposts closely 
followed the Egyptian rule : 12 and that the setting up of great stones, 
plaistered with plaister, 1B on which inscriptions were put, was in agreement 
with recognized Egyptian practice. 

All this indebtedness of Israel to Egypt need not surprise us when we 
remember one or two cardinal facts. To begin with, the time during which 
the Hebrews were in Egypt was by no means short. It was in all four 
hundred and thirty years, 14, a period amply sufficient to leave a very per- 
manent impress on the plastic mind of a young nation. The youth and young 
manhood of the Hebrew race were spent in the Nile Valley, and it is therefore 
only what we might expect that the mature years of the nation's life should 
exhibit remarkable and lasting tokens of the early environment in which 
it had been reared. But still more. The two largest tribes in Israel, 
Ephraim and Manasseh, were, on their mother's side, purely Egyptian. 15 
Whether Ephraim and Manasseh be regarded as persons or as clans it matters 

'Gen. 37 25 : see also Gen. 18, 8 27 19 : Judg. 19 s : 1 Sam. 20, 5 24 9, 22 16 11 : 1 Ki. 
13 20 : Prov. 23. * 2 Lu. 14, 8 17, 7 22." Jno. 6. 10 'Wilkinson, ii. 35, 36. 

4 Ibid., i. 195. 'Num. i, 52 2. 17 « Wilkinson, i. 197- 7 Num. io. 2 

8 Herod, ii. 37 and Num. 20, 28 etc. 9 Deut. n. 20 10 Wilkinson, i. 362. 

"Deut. 20. 5 " "Wilkinson, i. 362. 13 Deut. 27. 2 "Ex.12. 40 Jacob 

descended into Egypt in B.C. 1875 : the Exodus took place in B.C. 1445, exactly 430 
years later. Paul states (Gal. ' 3 1? ) that the Law came 430 years after the 
covenanted promise of God. This promise was made to Jacob at the time 
of the Descent into Egvpt (Gen. 46 3 ), so that both dates tally precisely. 
15 H. S. Chamberlain (Foundations of the Nineteenth Century, 1. 442) calls attention 
to this point and says, " To-day as a reaction from former exaggerations, it is fashionable 
to deny every Egyptian influence on the Israelite cult. This question can only be 
settled by specialists, particularly in so far as it affects ceremonial, priestly dress, 
etc. : but we who are not scholars must be struck by the fact that the cardinal virtues 
of the Egyptian— chastity, pity, justice, humility (see Chantepie de la Saussayc, 
Religions-Geschichte, i. 305)— which do not at all agree with those of the Canaamtes, are 
the very virtues to which the Mosaic Law attaches most importance. 



190 Nile and Jordan 

not : they were, in any case, born in Egypt, sprung from an Egyptian 
mother, reared on an Egyptian soil, and from their birth breathed an 
Egyptian atmosphere. The wonder is, not that we should be able to trace 
many Egyptianisms in the later history of Israel, but rather that, after all, 
there were so many divergences from Egyptian custom, rule, and ritual. 
We can ascribe the difference in religious temperament, in the higher 
spiritual aspirations, and in the nobler and purer elements in Israel's national 
faith, only to that overruling and sovereign grace of God, who preserved 
them from many a sin while still they were resident in the Delta, and whose 
will and purpose it was that Israel should not be merely another Egyptian 
people, enslaved to polytheism and sunk in superstition, but, as He himself 
said, An holy people unto the Lord their God, who had chosen them to be a 
peculiar people unto himself, above all peoples that were upon the face of the 
earth. x 

1 Deut. 7.* 



CHAPTER XV 

The Reigns of Thothmes IV and Amenhotep III 

If the dark cloud of calamity had rested on Amenhotep II, the Pharaoh 
of the Exodus, it lifted but little during the brief reign of his son 
and successor, Thothmes IV (b.c. 1436-1427). We have aheady seen 1 
how it is extremely probable that he was not the destined heir to the 
throne, but that he came to be sovereign of Egypt through the death of 
his elder half-brother, the first-born of Pharaoh that sat on his throne. 2 

The most outstanding event in his reign was his excavation of the 
Sphinx from the vast accumulation of sand in which it was embedded. 
The huge granite slab, discovered by Caviglia in 1817, details howthe work of 
clearing away the sand came to be undertaken. 3 An interesting fact which 
the stele vouches for is that it was the priests of Heliopolis, not of Thebes, 
who helped Thothmes IV to uncover the image of the god Temu Harmachis, 
and thus to restore the worship of that form of the Sun-deity which they 
preferred to Amen-Ra. As Heliopolis was associated with Joseph who 
had married the daughter of its high priest, 4 it may be that a form of 
religion, purer than that which obtained at Thebes, lingered on at this city 
of the Delta where the true nature of the God of the Hebrews may have 
been better understood than elsewhere in Egypt, through the influence of 
Joseph, who so wholeheartedly worshipped Jehovah. In any case, the 
prestige of the Theban gods had received a tremendous blow through the 
series of Plagues which had culminated in the ninth. In that one, the 
light of the sun itself, reckoned as Ra, the chief of the gods, had been 
extinguished when there was a thick darkness in all the land of Egypt three 
days. 5 As the Theban priests of Amen-Ra were thus under a cloud at 
present, this offer of the Heliopolitan priests to assist in excavating the 
Sphinx, is another slight, yet distinct, confirmatory indication that the 
shattering blow of the Plagues and the Exodus occurred in the reign of 
Amenhotep II, the father of Thothmes IV. 

Whe her an expedition to Syria which Thothmes IV undertook was 
a serious military campaign, or merely an exhibition of Egypt's martial 
strength without the costliness of a battle, is a matter on which we have 
little light. 6 There was certainly the usual restlessness in the subject 
Syrian territories, as was customary on every change in the occupancy of 
the Nilotic throne. Thothmes IV marched through Palestine, invaded 

1 See p 163. 2 Ex. 12. 29 3 Young, Hiero^yphica, PI. So : Vy=e, Operations 

at the Pyramids of Gizeh hi. PI. vi., and p. 10^ : Birch, " The Dream of Thothmes TV 
in R.P., 1st Ser., xii. 43-49- Mallet, ibid., 2nd Ser., h. 45-56- 'Gen. 41. 

* Ex. io. 2a 6 Hollingworth (P.S.B.A., xl. (1918), p. ion) believes that there was a 

great revolt in Syria against Thothmes IV, which was backed by the King of Naharaina. 

191 



192 Nile and Jordan 

Phoenicia, 1 laid waste its gardens and orchards, and forced the Syrian 
chieftains to continue their annual tribute. All this time the Hebrews 
were safe from molestation, being occupied with the forty years' wandering 
in the desert of Sinai. But the cities of Canaan were receiving a warning, 
and a foretaste of that still more sweeping destruction that was soon to fall 
on them when the Israelites, at the conclusion of their wilderness sojourn, 
were to leap upon them with irresistible strength. The iniquity of the 
Amorite was not yet full. 2 The appearance of Thothmes IV in Naharaina 
quelled all open disaffection, and peace was re-established. 3 On his way 
home, the Pharaoh compelled the Lebanon chiefs to give him a shipload 
of cedar wood for the sacred barge of Amen at Thebes. 4 Arriving at Thebes 
he settled there a colony of prisoners, probably from Gezer, in the enclosure 
surrounding his mortuary chapel. 5 Later, he corresponded on friendly 
terms with Artatama, the King of Mitanni in the Euphrates Valley. 6 He 
sent frequent embassies, asking the Mesopotamian monarch to give him his 
daughter in marriage. Only after the seventh request was the princess 
sent to Egypt. With Kara-indash, King of Babylon, he also corresponded, 
exchanging with him kindly gifts and mutual courtesies and felicitations. 7 

The remaining years of Thothmes IV were spent in executing repairs 
on the temple of Serabit-el-Khadem in Sinai ; 8 in an expedition to Nubia 9 
to put down a serious rebellion that had broken out far up the Nile ; and 
in building a temple at Thebes. 10 His tomb was discovered in 1902 by 
Mr. Howard Carter. In it was a royal chariot covered with incised stucco 
and ornamented with pictures illustrating his warlike exploits. 11 

Under his successor, Amenhotep III (b.c. 1427-1392), the Theban 
Empire attained its maximum of worldly glory. There is some dubiety 
as to whether he was the son, as is commonly supposed, or the younger 
brother of Thothmes IV. 12 But under his long rule of upwards of forty 
years, the conquests of his predecessors were confirmed, and he reigned with 
splendour over a territory that stretched from the most southerly point of 
Nubia to the northern borders of Mesopotamia. 13 Syria and Palestine 
had by this time learned a lesson as to the futility of rebellion ; they had a 
vivid recollection of the swiftness and sureness of Egyptian vengeance 
following revolt : they, therefore, paid their tribute in silence, and sullenly 
submitted to the galling yoke of this new Pharaoh. 14 Never was Canaan 
more absolutely in the power of Egypt, or more completely absorbed 
within the Egyptian Kingdom, than in the years immediately preceding 
the final overthrow of Egyptian rule, and its expulsion from the Jordanic 
regions. Palestine was ruled mainly through native " kings," who were 
little more than powerful local sheikhs governing their cities and their 

1 Scheil, Miss. Arch. Francaise, v. 592. 2 Gen. 15. 18 3 Sharpe, Egyptian 

Inscriptions, PI. 93. * Breasted, Hist, of Egvpt. p. 328. 5 Breasted, Anc. Records 

of Ezvpt, ii. 326. 6 Winrkler, Die Thonta/eln von 7 'ell-el- Amarna, p. 51 : Conder, 

The Tell- Amarna Tablets, p. 177. 7 Bezoid-Budge, T ell-el- Amarna Tablets in the 

British Museum, p. xxxi. : Conder, op. cit., p. 207,. 8 Petrie, Researches in Sinai, 

p, T07. "Lcpsius Drnlnndlcr, iii.. PI. 69. The conquest of the Nubians is depicted on a 
rock at Konosso at Philae, and also in an inscription in the temple of Amada in Nubia. 

10 For an account of this temple, see Petrie, Six Temples at Thebes, p. 7. 

11 Newberry in P.S.B.A., xxv. (1903), p. in : and The Tomb of Thontmosis IV (Gizeh 
Catalogue). 12 See Newberry, ibid., p. 294. ls Amenhotep III penetrated 
further up the Nile than any previous monarch had done. He set up a tablet of 
victory at the Sixth Cataract " Springs of Horus," and sailed for a month south of 
Napata (Breasted, Anc. Rec, ii. 334). 14 On the other hand, Hollingworth 
[P.S.B.A., xl. (1918) 101) maintains that Palestine was in direct revolt in the early 
years ol Amenhotep III ; that it was held for 8 years by Shutarna of Naharaina, and 
more by the diplomacy of Amenhotep, son of Hap, than by arms, was it regained for 
the supremacy of the Pharaoh. 



Thothmes IV and Amenhotep III 193 

immediate neighbourhood. They probably received a small subsidy 
from their overlord in recognition for the tribute which they wrung from their 
subjects, and yearly transmitted to Thebes. At their petty Courts, the 
Nile Government maintained Egyptian " Residents," or military attaches, 
who reported periodically to headquarters, and kept an eye on what was 
going on. Legates, inspectors, or special commissioners might be sent 
down as occasion required. 

Inscriptions on the island of Konosso at Assuan tell of the sanguinary 
suppression of a revolt in Nubia in the fifth year of his reign. 1 To com- 
memorate his victory, and to promote the Egyptianizing of the province, 
Amenhotep III built at Soleb, near the head of the Third Cataract, a gigantic 
temple over 300 feet long, on whose walls he depicted his subjugation of 
the Ethiopian rebels. 2 As at Luxor, it was approached by an avenue of 
ram-headed sphinxes, while colossal statues of lions and hawks embellished 
the main edifice. The deity to whom the temple was erected was 
Amenhotep III himself ! Thus was inaugurated a worship of the Pharaoh. 3 
At Gebel Barkal (Napata) he similarly erected a temple to Amen-Ra. The 
two fine granite lions, now in the British Museum, were discovered on its 
site. 

The Tell-el-Amarna Tablets reveal the very intimate terms on which 
Amenhotep III lived with the Kings of Mitanni and of Babylon. He 
married a sister of Kadashman-Bel (or Kallimma-Sin 4 ), King of Babylon, 
the son of Kara-indash, but the wedding came about only after some 
lively correspondence which reveals the ruffled amour propre of the 
Chaldaean father-in-law. Later on, he married Irtabi, 5 another daughter 
of the same Babylonian King, 6 and to these wives he added Gilukhipa, 
a daughter of Shutarna, King of Mitanni, and lastly, Tatum-khipa, 7 a 
daughter of Tushratta, 8 son of Shutarna. The letters of the latter are 
delightfully confidential, full of chatty information and kindly greeting. 
He sends a captured Hittite chariot and Hittite horses as a present to the 
Pharaoh, and a pair of neck ornaments for Gilukhipa. But it was a different 
story when these Mitannian and Babylonian sovereigns asked in exchange 
for brides from out of the harem of Egypt's royal court. The proud 
Amenhotep refused to send a royal princess to any of these Euphrates 

1 Lepsius, Denkmaler, iii., PI. Si, 82: Birch, On a remarkable Egyptian 
object of the reign of Amenophis III, p. 5. 2 See Hoskins' Travels in Nubia, 

p. 245, for a description of its imposing mass. 3 A special monograph, The 

Miraculous Birth of King Amon-hotep III (1912), has been written by Dr. Colin 
Campbell, giving full details of the . sculptured scenes in the Birth-Room in 
Luxor Temple, which describe how Amenhotep III came to be the son of 
Amen-Ra by a mortal mother, the wife of the Pharaoh. * Hall [Near East, 

p. 261 n.) says that this form of the name is certainly erroneous. He reads the script 
as " Kadashman-Enlil." 5 Conder, op. cit., p. 194 : Bezold-Budge, Tell-el- 

Amarna Tablets, pp. 1-4. 6 Whether she was of Mitannian royal parentage is 

discussed by Weigall, Akhnaton, p. 30. 7 This Tatum-Khipa (or Tadukhipa), Petrie 
holds was intended for Amenhotep III, and possibly married him : but in any case 
she was certainly married later to his son, Amenhotep IV (Hist., ii. 207). He identities 
her with the favourite wife (Nefertiti) of the latter. Maspero (Hist. Anc, ii. 329) 
thinks that when she arrived in Egypt she found the old father dead, and so married 
his son and successor. But Winckler and Budge, while holding that she was the wife 
of both father and son, decline to accept the identification of Tadukhipa with Nefertiti. 
Weigall (Akhnaton, p. 56) holds that she was never married to Amenhotep III, but 
that her Mitannian name of Tadukhipa was changed to Nefertiti. Legrain, however, 
has discovered in an inscription (Thebes et le Schisme de Khouniatonou in B« 
1906, Ser. 3, vol. i. 91) that Nefertiti was the daughter of Thi, so that Akhnaton and 
Nefertiti must have been full sister and brother, and were married according 
Egyptian custom (cf. Maspero, New Light on Anc. Egypt, p. 159)- An account of bi t 
dowry is «iven by Conder, P.E.F.Q., 1893, p. 321. 8 Or Dushratta : he succeeded 

his brother, Artashumara, who was murdered shortly after the death of their father, 
Shutarna. 

N 



194 Nile and Jordan 

Valley potentates. This occasioned a somewhat acrimonious correspond- 
ence. 1 " Send one," wrote the Babylonian monarch, " who is grown up, 
as 1 ask for her. Thou sayest ' From of old a daughter of the King of Egypt 
was not given for anything.' Why so ? Thou art a king, and doest thy 
will. . . . My brother, why not send a woman ? Why am I repulsed ? 
I myself have sent like thee : I have entrusted a woman : as there were 
daughters I did not refuse thee." But seemingly Amenhotep would not 
so condescend. 

The most famous, however, and the best-beloved of all his wives, 
was Thi, the celebrated queen, who through her son, Akhnaton, exercised 
such a profound influence on Egypt. 2 It was long believed that this famous 
lady was of Mitannian origin, and various deductions were drawn from 
this supposed Mesopotamian origin as to the nature of the religious views 
which her son adopted. 3 But this idea has now been laid aside, through 
the facts brought out by the discovery of the tomb of her parents, Yuaa 
and Thuaa. 4 It was a romantic day in the history of Egyptian exploration 
when Mr. Theodore Davis, in opening up a sealed mortuary chamber which 
he had discovered under the sands of the desert, poured the electric light 
of the twentieth century into the dark recesses of this tomb which had 
remained closed for more than thirty centuries. The glittering profusion 
of sparkling gold that met his eye positively dazzled the explorer. " Gold 
shone on the floor, gold on the walls, gold in the furthest corner where the 
coffin leant up against the side, gold bright and polished as if it had just 
come freshly beaten from the goldsmith's hands, gold half veiled by, and 
striving to free itself from, the dust of time. It seemed as if all the gold 
of ancient Egypt glittered and gleamed in that narrow space." 5 Yet, 
further examination showed that much of the gold was merely gold-leaf, 
and some of the ornaments crumbled away on being brought in contact with 
the outer air. 

From a study of the mummies, Dr. Elliot Smith believes that Yuaa 
may possibly have been of Levantine origin, while the features of his wife 
Thuaa have nothing to distinguish them from any other Egyptian. 
Miss Buttles 6 suggests that the birthplace of the parents of Thi may have 
been Ekhmim, for Yuaa became a priest of that town, and she holds that 
it was simply a love match on the part of Amenhotep III with a girl of 
low rank which raised her to the proud position of Queen of Egypt. But 
that there was a Semitic strain in Thi's blood seems certain from the fact 
that on a small bowl her father is described as " Prince of Zahi," i.e., 
Phoenicia or the Lebanon district. 7 It would appear, therefore, that, 
although not a " foreigner," Thi was unquestionably indebted to the 
Semitic blood in her veins for some of her extraordinary force of character. 
From a singularly realistic portrait of her discovered by Petrie at Serabit- 
el-Khadcm, one can gather how queenly her beauty was. ' The haughty 
dignity of the face is blended with a fascinating directness and personal 
appeal. . . . The curiouslv drawn-down lips, with their fulness and 

1 Wincklcr, Der Tliontajelfund von El-Amarna, p. 3 : Conder, op. cit., p. 198. 

2 For an account of the discovery of the tomb of Thi, sec Ayrton, P.S.B.A., 1007, p. 277. 

3 Though the idea of her Mitannian parentage has been discarded, Breasted (Hist, of 
Egypti P- 3 2 9) goes too far when he says that there is not a particle of evidence to 
prove her of foreign birth. Her Semitic affinities will be pointed out. 4 Ouibell 
in Arch. Rep. Egypt. Explor. Fund, 1004-05, p. 25 : Davis, The Tomb of louiya, and 
Touiyou, 1907. B Maspero, op. cit., p. 292. 6 The Querns of Egypt, p. ro 

I, Near East, p. 25'). and P.S.B.A.. xxxv. (1913), p. 63. Bu1 is the bowl a 
forgery ? Prof. \Y. M. Muller believes so, of date later than B.C. 1000 (Orient, 
Lift. Zeit., x\i. 495). 



Thothmes IV and Amenhotep III 195 

yet delicacy, their disdain without malice, are evidently modelled in all 
truth from the life. . . . The ear is represented as being pierced, as is 
also the case with her son, Akhnaton." x 

To gratify the whims of this favourite queen of his, Amenhotep III 
lavished money with prodigality. He constructed at Thebes a lake on which 
she might float in her golden barge. Remains of the embankment which 
surrounded this artificial sheet of water may still be seen. 2 The luxury 
in which she and the other inmates of the royal harem lived was 
extraordinary, and in thorough keeping with the wealth and style deemed 
proper for the consorts of the greatest sovereign on earth. The Cairo 
Museum contains numerous specimens of the personal articles de toilette 
of these proud Theban ladies. " Their palaces were adorned with gold, 
and painted with elaborate designs : their beds were long, graceful couches 
of braided palmfibre and inlaid wood : their chairs, decorated with electrum, 
were low and deep-seated, or plated with hammered gold, and shaped in 
curious Empire-like forms. A golden chair of the period has been found 
with a cushion of pink linen, stuffed with pigeons' feathers. A chariot of 
rose-tinted leather overlaid with gold : stands and workboxes of gold and 
sky-blue enamel : vases, jars, and pots of bronze, alabaster, gold, and blue 
or green glaze : articles of various sorts for toilet use, kohl tubes, mirrors, 
combs, pots for holding cosmetics and perfumes : lily-like cups of 
turquoise-blue faience, scarab-seals, amulets and rings : splendid jewellery 
of gold and precious stones : all of these, and many more of a like 
nature, have come to the light of day from the tombs of a long-buried 
world." 3 

The far-spread influence of Amenhotep III and of Thi is evidenced by 
the wide diffusion of the scarabs bearing their names. 4 A seal of Thi was 
found by Professor Halbherr in a tomb at Hagia Triada near Phaestos in 
Crete. 5 Other objects bearing her name or that of her husband have 
been unearthed at Mykense 6 and at Rhodes. 7 A magnificent scarab of 
the Pharaoh and his Queen, 2§ inches long, their names in cartouches 
alongside of each other, was dug up at Gezer by Macalister. 8 Bliss found 
others at Lachish. 9 Le Page Renouf records an alabaster vase from Gaza 
with cartouches of Amenhotep III and of Thi. 10 

Nothing indeed is more emphatically shown through modern scientific 
exploration of Syria than the closeness of the intimacy that subsisted at 
this period between Egypt and Canaan. Thus, many of the scarabs found 
at Lachish date from the Xllth to the XlXth Dynasties, some being 
genuinely Egyptian, others mere Semitic copies. One shows Nile plants. 
Bliss dug up at Lachish lines of stone bases used for support of wooden or 
brick pillars similar to those found at Tahpanhes which lay on the main 
road between Syria and Egypt. 11 Macalister unearthed at Gezer multitudes 
of Egyptian articles, 12 such as two green enamelled paste figures of the 

1 Petrie, Researches in Sinai, p. 126. Her features may be studied in the 
work by Dr. Jas. Simon, Der Portratkopf der Konigin Teje, 1911. 2 Now 

the Birket Habu : a photograph of the site appears in Weigall, Akhnaton, p. 38. 
3 J. R. Buttles, The Queens of Egypt, p. 57. 4 For an exhaustive account 

of the scarabs found in Palestine, see Weill in Journ. Asiatique, ix. (191 7) 5 M3- 
5 Comptes Rendxis, 1903, p. 254 : Monumenti Antichi, xiv. (1905). n cv 33. P- 735- * A 
I scarab of Thi along with a wing of an ivory sphinx ('E^.'Apx- l88 7- P- l6 9. and 
Pi. xiii. 21), and fragments of two tiles, each bearing the cartouche ol Amenhotep III, 
were discovered in the excavation at the roval palace at Mykense (Sewell, P.S.B.A., 
xxvi. (1904) 258. 7 A. J. Evan., Prehistoric Tombs of Knossos, p. 115 : trazcr. 

Pausanias, hi. 148. 8 P.E.F.O., 1904, pp. 202, 224, and The Excavation of Gezer, u. 
321. 9 A Mound of Many Cities, p. 131, and P.E.F.Q., 1893, p. [04. P.E.F.Q., 

1892, p. 251. "Petrie in P.E.F.Q., 1892, p. 114- u PE.F.O. 1903, pp. 37. P- 



196 Nile and Jordan 

Horus-eye, a pendant amulet with a figure of Isis, a carved stone figure of 
Hapi, a bronze statuette of Osiris with an inscription in hieroglyphic, a 
head of Sebek in paste, fragments of Bes figures, 1 an Astarte plaque so 
thoroughly Egyptian that it might pass for a representation of Hathor 
grasping a lotus flower, 2 a little block of carnelian on which a sphinx is 
delicately carved, 3 bronze statuettes of the human figure, 4 a house with 
an Egyptian statue, a diorite tray, an alabaster vase and other articles 
inside it, 5 scarabs in profusion, 6 handfuls of small amulets, ushabtis, 7 
jar-handles with scarab seals, 8 a building stone that must have belonged 
to a temple wholly covered with hieroglyphics like those on the Nile, 9 
and other objects of an Egyptian facies in such profusion that he was 
constrained to record his impression in these striking words : " Hardly a 
day passes in which some evidence of Egyptian occupation or influence 
is not forthcoming, whether the work happens to be in progress in the earlier 
or in the later strata. Until the discovery of historical inscriptions, no 
very certain conclusion can be drawn from this, but judging from the 
distribution of objects from Egypt, it seems certain that that country was 
dominant over Gezer throughout its history as no other foreign nation 
seems to have been." 10 

Excavations in other parts of Canaan tell a similar tale. At Tell 
Zakariya (Azekah), Bliss dug up a jar containing 81 characteristic carnelian 
Egyptian beads, figures of Bes, Horus eyes, and scarabs of Amenhotep III. 11 
At Tell-es-Safi (Gath) he found paste charms, figures of Bes, of Isis and 
Horus, and of Sekhet ; a fragment of a stele, besides many other Egyptian 
scarabs, amulets, ushabtis, etc. 12 At Tell-ej-Judeideh two scarabs, 
Egyptian amulets, and a fragment of a figure of Isis with Horus 
were brought to light. 13 In his exploration of Taanach, Sellin found the 
same strongly marked Egyptian characteristics. 14 In the earliest strata 
(b.c. 2000-1600) there was little trace of Nilotic influence, yet a curious 
Babylono-Egyptian seal-cylinder showed that it was not altogether absent. 
In the second division of the same (Amorite) period (b.c. 1600-1300) an 
era revealing a marked advance in civilization, the pottery was akin to that 
of Mykenas, Cyprus, and Egypt. Cuneiform tablets were discovered near 
the fragments of a terra-cotta chest in which they had been deposited. 15 
These tablets, while showing the survival of Babylonian 16 as the script 
of diplomatic correspondence (like the Tell-el-Amarna Letters) testify to 
the entire subjection of Taanach to Egypt. Similarly at Tell-el-Mutesellim 
(Megiddo) Schumacher discovered a rude limestone god of Egyptian origin, 
Horus eyes, an Egyptian head of red burned clay, finely worked vessels 
with three legs of dolerite, a beautiful painted Egyptian incense-burner, 
and other Nilotic features. 17 

These amulets, charms, pendants, scarabs, ushabtis, and other Egyptian 
objects unearthed in Canaan have all more or less a religious significance. 
Even the games with which the Canaanites refreshed themselves in their 

1 P.E.F.Q., 1903, p. 122. a Ibid., 1904, p. 16. 3 lb., p. 228. 4 lb., 

1 905, p. 187. 5 lb., 1909, p. 98. 6 See the voluminous list of these in 

Macalister, The Excavation of Gezer, ii. 319-322. 7 P.E.F.Q., 1903, p. 213. 

8 lb., 1902, p. 340. 9 lb., 190S, p. 201 and The Excav. of Gezer, ii. 307. 10 lb. 

1903, p. 309. ll lb., 1899, p. 289. Bliss, Excavations in Palestine, 1 898-- 1900, 

p. 27 (1902). i2 Op. cit. p. 40. 13 Op. cit. p. 51. 14 Sellin in Denkschi 

d. Kais. Akad. d. Wissens. in Wien, Bd. 50 (1904). 15 Reminding one of the 

analogous practice mentioned in Jcr. -52." i« Sir Chas. Wilson in P.E.F.Q., 

(. p. 389. 17 P.E.F.Q., 1905, p. 78, and Schumacher and Steuern. 

Tell-el-Muiescllim, i. (1908). In the face of all these abounding evidences it is sti. 
to fil nil [Joum. of Egypt. Archcrol., i. t, 13 (1914) savin;.' that ' 

signs of \\ [Ilth I influence on Palestine can be detected! 



Thothmes IV and Amenhotep III 197 

leisure hours seem to bear this impression. The game of draughts, for 
example, was one in which both Egyptians and Palestinians delighted. 1 
Plato even attributes the invention of the game to the Nilotic god Thoth. 2 
Petrie has found draught-men of date as far back as the first three dynasties, 3 
and in this connection I may be allowed to make what seems to me a 
reasonable conjecture. Some clay jar sealings of Narmer have the 
hieroglyphic £^ {Men) separated by a draught-board on which stand three 
draught-men. Now, while the sign may possibly refer merely to Menes, 
with whom, as we have seen, Narmer seems to have been confounded' 
the interesting question is raised whether we may not have here the clue 
to the meaning of an otherwise inexplicable reference in the Bible, Ye that 
forsake the Lord, that forget my holy mountain, that prepare a table for Fortune 
(Heb. Gad) and that fill up mingled wine unto Destiny (Heb. Meni). 4 While 
Driver 5 refers the term Meni to a male divinity, a personification of 
" destiny," but about whom little is known, is it not just possible that we 
have in the expression a reminiscence of the devotion of the dwellers in 
Canaan and in Egypt to the game of draughts ? What the prophet rebukes 
may be the practice of invoking the aid of Meni as the god who presides 
at the game, and he sets his face against pouring out a libation of wine to 
that divinity by way of winning his favour against an opponent. In any 
case the monuments afford abundant evidence of the popularity of the game. 
It is depicted in the Vth Dynasty tombs at Sakkarah, 6 and in Xlth Dynasty 
tombs at Beni-Hasan. 7 A Xllth Dynasty draught-board from Kahun is 
now in the Owens College Museum, Manchester, another from Thebes is 
in New York, and a third from El Bersheh is in the British Museum. An 
XVIIIth Dynasty draught-board of ivory with Hatshepset's cartouche is 
now in the Louvre, while another board of 30 squares is cut on one of the 
roofing stones of the temple of Khonsu at Karnak. Many other draught- 
boards and men have been discovered ranging from the XVIIIth to the 
XXVIth Dynasties. Similarly in Canaan the game was very popular. 
The " tells " excavated on the Shepheleh have yielded many examples of 
boards or men like those discovered by Macalister at Gezer. 8 

But the game seems also to have had a religious significance. 
Chapter XVII of the Book of the Dead in the Turin Papyrus bears the title 
" The Chapter of raising up the illuminated ... of playing with the draught- 
boards, and of being in the pavilion as a living soul." The dead man is 
frequently depicted playing the game alone. The question arises, did the 
deceased, or his soul, play for his soul against any god or accuser ? Was 
there a grim contest in the underworld, the forfeit of losing the game being 
a form of death still more awful ? Or did the spirits of the departed play 
against each other, or alone ? 9 Whatever be the answers to these questions, 
it is certainly of deep interest to find how closely akin were Egypt and 
Canaan to each other, even in their games, and in the mythological ideas 
that perhaps underlay them. 

1 See Towry-Whyte in P.S.B.A., xxiv. (1902), p. 261, and Nash, P.S.B.A 
xxiv. (1902), p. 341. 2 Phcedr., 274 d, cf. Herod., ii. 122, in connection with 

Rameses II: Plutarch, de Isid., 12. 3 Royal Tombs, ii., PI. xiii. * Isa. 

65. J1 5 Hastings' D.B., iii. 342. 6 Lepsius, Denkmaler, ii., 61 a. 7 Newberry, 
Beni-Hasan, ii., PI. vii. 8 P.E.F.Q., 1903, p. 213, and The Excavation 0) Gezer 

ii. 299 f. In the silt filling the famous Water Passage was a draught-board with 
4 rows of 8 squares ( = 32). A fragment of a draught-board was also found at 
Tell-es-Safi (Gath). Draught-men, very similar to those used in playing the modern 
game of " halma," were found at Gezer in the Illrd Semitic Period. I >e of 

enamelled porcelain, polished diorite, or chalcedony, and one of them bore the 
Egyptian letter, \\ {op. cit., ii. 302). 9 See Birch, Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit., ix. 

pt. ii. 266. 



i9 8 Nile and Jordan 

The deposits associated with the XVIIIth Dynasty excavated in 
Palestine have yielded still more Nilotic products. Thus at Lachish, 
Bliss x unearthed the tooth of a hippopotamus, 2 fragments of an ostrich 
egg, and a valve of a large Anodonta, of a species not found in Syria or 
Palestine, but plentiful in the Nile. At Gezer, Macalister found the head 
of a hippopotamus modelled in red clay, 3 models of Egyptian sacred cats, 
figures of apes — due directly to the influence of the art imported from 
Africa, and other Nilotic objects. 4 These are but proofs, which might be 
multiplied indefinitely, that between Egypt and Canaan communication 
was systematic and close, and during the XVIIIth Dynasty the two 
neighbouring territories were practically one. Through this constant 
intercourse the beliefs of the Nile Valley filtered through into Canaan, 
while similarly Palestinian religious conceptions found a new home in 
Egypt. It is fascinating to watch the progress of the mutual process of 
exchange of theological ideas that was going on. 5 Every trader, soldier, 
or political officer was a missionary of his own faith, and thus while Egyptian 
gods were made known to the Palestinians through the exigencies of the 
military occupation of Canaan, on the other hand the constant influx into 
Egypt of Government officials, 6 merchants, slaves, concubines for the 
harems of the nobles, hostages, and other individuals, tended to popularize 
the introduction into the Delta of purely Semitic religious rites. 7 Thus, 
if we find in Canaan many Egyptian " Horus eyes " to avert the " evil 
eye"; 8 if we discover the name and fame of Amen of Thebes almost 
outrivalling the native Canaanite deities, and his temples scattered in the 
towns of Canaan, and along the sea coasts of Phoenicia ; on the other hand, 
we hear of Egyptian ladies calling themselves after the Semitic Baalath 
of Byblos, whom they identified with Hathor. 9 The sons of Canaanite 
chieftains who had been brought up in Egypt as hostages, and who had 
been familiarized with the gorgeous ceremonial and brilliant religious festivals 
of Amen or Ptah, returned, on the death of their respective fathers, to 
occupy the paternal throne, and to introduce to Palestine the elements 
of that cult which they had learned to admire in Thebes or Memphis. 10 
It may be that in this way the great city of Baalbek owes its early association 
with Sun-worship to Egyptian influence. Baalbek, the sacred city of the 
Biqa'a, the " cleft " between Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon, is described 
in the LXX of Amos i 5 as On. 11 The name reminds us of the Eg) T ptian 
On or Heliopolis, and it suggests the enquiry whether the Syrian On may 
not have been so called from the fact that some priests of the Eg}'ptian 
cult may have colonized the district, and introduced their own form of 
Sun-worship. 12 Similarly, Canaanite damsels imported as slaves to the 
Courts of the rich in Egypt carried with them their Semitic beliefs, and 

1 Bliss, A Mound of Many Cities, p. 192. 2 An animal not found in Palestine, 
but only in the Nile and other African rivers. 3 P.E.F.Q., 1903, p. 41. * Even 

the external accompaniments of religion were the same. At Gezer, a large rattle was 
found in the temple precincts, and similar ones have been discovered at Lachish, and at 
Taanach. The}'' were the equivalents of the Fgyptian sistra used to mark time in the 
sacred dances [P.E.F.Q., inov p 46: Bliss, A Mound of Many Cities, pp. 117. 120: 
Sellin. Ta'annuk, p. 19). * Thi Excavation of Gezer, ii. 8, 17. 6 The name Dudu 

has been found in the Tcll-el-Amarna Tablets, seemingly on that of an Amorite 
official at the court of the Pharaohs. It is the same as Dodo, 2 Sa. 23,* 1 Chr. il. u 
It appears in the Moabite Stone as the name of a deity. ' Thus, the princess 

Gilukhipa brought with her from Mitanni a train of 317 ladies and attendants. 
8 Fur an account of Egyptian endeavours to avert ill-luck, see Uhlemann, Grundxilge 

Astronomie u. Astrologie der Alton besondcrs der Mgypter, p. 92. ■ Erm.m, 

Zed. /. Azgypt, Sprache, xlii. 109. 10 Cook, Religion of Ancient Palestine, p. 76, 

11 i^oKoBptvaw KaroiKovyras tic ir«5/ou "Civ, "1 will destroy the inhabitants from 
the plain of On." « Cf. Sayce, Patriarchal Palestine, p. 25. 



Thothmes IV and Amenhotep III 199 

through their instrumentality new deities were added to the Egyptian 
pantheon, and novel identifications were made out between Nilotic and 
Syrian divinities. 

This interchange of religious creed was no novelty : it had been 
mutually at work in regard to Egypt and Canaan since the time of the 
Hyksos invasion ; but now more particularly was it accentuated during 
the XVIIIth Dynasty when Palestine was an integral part of the Nilotic 
Empire. One of the Apepis, for example, had dedicated an altar to the 
Syrian god, Sutekh ; after the expulsion of the Hyksos, the deity, 
Egyptianized into "Set," remained on as a welcome member of the Egyptian 
circle of gods. Sayce l has called attention to two seal-cylinders in the 
collection of M. de Clercq. 2 On one of them the owner of the seal, a citizen 
of Sidon, is represented standing in an attitude of adoration before the god 
Set, while behind him is the lightning-god Resheph. Set has the long 
ass's ears with which Egyptian art provided him, 3 and holds in his hand 
the uas sceptre. On the other seal there is a procession of three deities — 
Resheph with his battle-axe held aloft, the Sun-god with the solar disk 
above the hawk's head of Horus, and Set. Set was believed to have 
many attributes and qualities in common with the great Syrian god Bar 
or Baal. 4 

Resheph, 5 the Semite god of the storm and of fire, is depicted on an 
Egyptian stele in the Cairo Museum with Semitic profile and hat. 6 A 
city in Egypt bore the name of " House of Resheph." 7 His name survives 
in Resheph, 8 a place-name among the Ephraimites. His wife was Atwn, 
whose name may perhaps be found in the Biblical " Obed-edom," 9 " servant 
of Atum," 10 and in Adam n in the Jordan Valley along with 
Admah. 12 

The Syrian goddess, Kadesh, was identified with the Egyptian Hathor. 
A figure of her is shown on a stele in the Cairo Museum : she is seen standing 
on a lion between Min and Resheph in a representation that is thoroughly 
Semitic ; 13 naked, and wearing a crescent and disk which show her as a 
Moon-goddess. 14 

The War-goddess, Anath, whose name occurs in Anath, 15 the father of 
Shamgar, and in the towns Beth-anath, 16 Beth-anoth, 17 Anathoth, 1 * had under 
Thothmes III a priest appointed in Egypt to see that due honour was paid 
to her. 19 During the next dynasty, a team of horses belonging to Seti I 

1 P.E.F.Q. 1893, p. 241. 2 Collection De Clercq: Catalogue methodique _ et 

raisonne, i. 217 (18SS). 3 Sayce asserts that" the Canaanite worship of Set with 

the ass's head is doubtless the origin of the stories which declared that the people of 
Palestine, and more especially the Jews, adored the head of that animal " (Tacitus, 
Hist., v. 4 : Diod. Sic, xiv. 1 : Jos. c. Apioti, ii. 7 : Plutarch, Symp, iy. 5). The 
belief lingered on to a late date, for in the great French Description de VEgypte (Paris, 
1809, iii. PL 64) there is reproduced the figure of a man with the head of an ass, 
and on his breast the word Seth in Coptic letters. 4 Budge, Gods of the Egyptians, ii. 
281. s The name by which the Dead Sea is known in the inscriptions of the 

XlXth and XXth Dynasties is " the lake of Rethpana." Sayce (Pat. Pal., p. 21) 
suggests that " Rethpana " might correspond with a Heb. Reshphdn, a derivative from 
Resheph, the god of fire. Canaanite mythology makes the sparks his children : Man is 
bom into trouble as the sparks (Heb. the sons of flame, ^l&H "03 Job 5 7 ),fly upward. 
It may be that in this ancient name of the Dead Sea we have a reference to the 
overthrow of the cities of the plain. 6 Driver, Deuteronomy, p. 367. For 

representations of the Syrian Resheph upon Egyptian monuments, see Spiegelberg 
in Orient. Litt. Zeit., 1908, pp. 529-5^1, with plates. "> T.S.B.A., iii. 424. 

8 1 Chr. 7. 25 9 2 Sa. 6. 10 1 Ch. 15, 18 16, 5 2 Ch. 25."-* l0 Cf. C.I.S., 1. 

11 Jos. 3. 16 12 Gen. 10, 19 14, 2 8 Dt. 2g. 23 " W. Max Miiller, Egyptol. Res., 

i. 32, PI. 41. M Budge, Gods of the Egyptians, ii. 280. " Jud. \," 5* 

18 Jos. 19, 39 Jud. i. 33 17 Jos. i.5. S9 18 J°s- 2\. 1? Isa. 10," Jer. i. 1 

19 Virev, Tombeau de Khem (Mim. Miss. Arch. Fr.), v. 368. 



200 Nile and Jordan 

bore the name " Anath is satisfied " ; x the favourite daughter of 
Rameses II was called " daughter of Anath " : and one of his dogs was 
named " Anath is protection." 2 

The Syrian Ashtoreth, or Astarte, was regarded as a daughter of Ptah, 
and as such was welcomed into the Egyptian pantheon at Memphis, as a 
lioness-headed woman, surmounted by a disk, and standing in a four-horse 
chariot which careers over her prostrate foes. 3 Usually she is grouped 
in a triad with Resheph and the ithyphallic Min. Sometimes she stands 
naked on a lion, holding in one hand a lotus-blossom, in the other a 
serpent. 

Shamash, the Sun-god, whose name is perpetuated in Beth-shemesh* 
Ir-shemesh, 5 En-shemesh* was carried over into Egyptian thought as a 
deity with whom the Pharaohs claimed spiritual affinity. Each Pharaoh 
was a " Son of the Sun," and that title appeared on his cartouche. It 
was thus an easy matter for them to assimilate themselves with this 
Canaanite deity, and to see in him a reflection of their own semi-divine 
brilliance and glory. 7 As Shemesh is the same as heres the " sun," 
wc find in Canaan other spots bearing the old idolatrous name. Mount 
Heres, 8 the Ascent of Heres, 9 and Timnath-heres 10 are well known. 
The latter, to avoid idolatrous connotations, was changed to Timnath- 
serah. 11 

The Egyptian god Bes, or Besh, absorbed such a number of Semitic 
attributes that in course of time he became almost identified with the 
Canaanite Baal. The tombs at Abydos 12 have revealed a grotesque 
figure of a warrior (perhaps Besh Semiticized) bearded and helmeted, 
hurling a spear and shooting a bow, so thoroughly un-Egyptian in all its 
details as to point inevitably to Canaan for its provenance. 

Thus, Palestine triumphed over Egypt, intellectually and spiritually, 
at the very era when Egypt was holding Palestine in physical and material 
subjection. Egypt was more influenced by the infiltration into the Nile 
Valley of Semitic modes of thought than was Canaan modified in her 
religious beliefs by contact with Egyptian theological conceptions. 

Similar evidence as to the close correspondence between the neighbour- 
ing countries at this period is afforded by the many Canaanite words 
introduced into the Nile Valley and adopted by the Egyptians. Lauth 13 
enumerates the following as examples — markabute, " chariots " ; agolte, 
" wagons " ; hurpu (Sem. her eh), " sword " ; espat, " quiver " ; shalud 
(Sem. shebet), " staff " ; sitpdr, " scribe " ; baith, " house " ; barkat, 
" pool " ; yum, " sea " ; nahal, " brook " ; cbete (Sem. ebed), " slave " ; 
gdmal, " camel " ; zaba, " army " ; na'aruna, " young men " ; parzd, 
'' iron." 14 Some of these Egyptianizcd loan-words are found on 
monuments which go back to the 16th century B.C., or earlier. Maspero, 15 
Bondi, 16 and Max Miiller 17 have worked in the same intensely interesting 
quarry, and have dug up many more specimens of Canaanite words that 

1 Breasted, Anc. Rec, iii. 43. 2 Breasted, ib., 201. s JEg. Zeit., if 

p. 3. * Jos. 18. 38 ~ 5 Jos. i8. 41 8 Jos. 15. 7 'See II. P. 

Smith, " Theophorus Proper Names in the O.T." in Old Testament and Semitic Studies 
in memory of William Rainev Harper, i. (190S), pp. 35-64. 8 Jud. i. 34 9 Jnd. 

8. 13 10 Jud. 2. 9 » Jos. ic, 60 , 2^. 30 12 Peet and Loat, The 

Cemeteries of Abydos, iii. (1013), p. 30. 13 " Scmitische Lchnworter im 

chen " in Z.D.M.G., xxv. (1871), p. 4. On the connection between the 
ad the Semitic languages, see Crum in Hastings' 1KB., i. 655 '■■ art. 
J •■.•. 14 For a list oi these words, see i rm in, Life in Anc. Egypt, p. *,}(>, 

and Ember in Zeitsch. f. /Egypt. Spr., 1. 86: h. no (1914). u i graphit 

18 Zeitsch. /. Mgypt. Spr ache, xxxiii. 1. 17 Asien 11. 

Europa, iSv.5- 



Thothmes IV and Amenhotep III 201 

were taken over and adopted by the Egyptians. How they came in, 
whether by trading or by war, cannot now be determined, but their number 
and variety, relating to entirely different spheres of human activity, testify 
to the close relationship between the Nile and the Jordan. 

But the borrowing was not all on one side. The Semites similarly took 
over loan-words from Egypt. 1 We have already come across in Hebrew 
the Egyptian words, Ye-' or 2 for the river Nile, and akhu 3 for the Nile 
reed-grass. To these must now be added such words as debir* a " shrine "; 5 
kikkar, 6 the technical Egyptian name for the " circle" at the north end of 
the Dead Sea ; shear, 7 an Egyptian measure of grain ; i, s an island, is 
the Egyptian aa, an island; 9 min, 10 a species, is a native Egyptian word ; " 
and others. From the first fifteen chapters of Exodus quite a collection 
of Hebrew-Egyptian words has been made, some of them being identical 
with Egyptian nouns, while others are not translatable except by the 
help of their Egyptian originals. 12 

To return to Amenhotep III. His activities were many and varied. 
Hunting was one of his favourite pursuits. During the first ten years of 
his reign he shot with his own hand no fewer than 102 fierce lions. 13 But 
the mention of another object of the chase is of deeper interest still for us. 
A remarkably fine scarab u records a hunting expedition which he under- 
took in the land of Goshen. The King sailed by night down the Nile in 
the royal dahabiyeh, the Khammaat. Next morning he reached the land 
of Sheta. He mounted on horseback followed by a great army. He 
found the country swarming with roaming wild cattle. The army was 
ordered to form a vast cordon and to surround the cattle. Then ensued a 
royal battue. On the first day 56 great and savage oxen were killed. 
After a rest of four days to recruit the horses' strength, Amenhotep again 
plunged into the thrilling excitement of the bull fight. That day 85 fell 
before his arrows and spears. 

The point which mainly arrests our attention in this connection is the 
scene of these hunting exploits. The spot must have been between the 
Wady Tumilat near Tell-el-Yahudiyah and Beni Sulameh, in the Wardan 
district on the west bank of the Nile. But this is the very spot where the 
Hebrews had been most thickly planted. How could there have been 
these roving herds of savage wild cattle in the midst of a thronging 
population of men, women, and children, occupied in all the arts of a settled 
civilization ? The thing is inconceivable. This hunting episode is thus 
another corroborative indication that the Exodus took place earlier than 
this, in the days of Amenhotep II, and since then Goshen, cleared of its 
former inhabitants, had been left desolate, lonely, and deserted, a wilderness 
given over to wild beasts. 

Building was another passion of this illustrious monarch. Numerous 
structures and restorations are traceable to his energy, such as those at 

^ee Jablonski, Opuscula, i. (1805): Schwartze, Altes Mgypten (1842), 
p. i.ooof. : Uhlemann, De Vcter. /Egypt. Lingua (1851) : Wiedemann, Sammlvmg 
Mqyptischer Worter (1883). 2 Gen. 41. x s Gen. 41. 2 4 i Ki. 6, 

A.V., " oracle." 5 Abel, Koptische Untersuchungen, p. 422. 

Gen. 13, 10 Lot lifted up his eyes and beheld all the Circle of Jordan that it 
was well watered everywhere. 7 Gen. 26. 12 8 N Gen. 10, 

22. 30 9 De Rouge, Chrestomathie Egyptienne, i. 56. 1 - Lev. 

ii, 22 its " kind." "Abel, I.e., p. 28. I2 See Cook, *' J 

words in the Pentateuch " in Speaker's Contm. on Exodus, p. 488 f.: and Frman, 
in Anc. Egypt, p. 519. 13 From a scarab in the British Museum. M Willoughby 

Fraser in P.S.B.A., xxi. (1899), 155. 



202 Nile and Jordan 

Gebel Barkal, Elephantine, 1 and Wady Maghara. 2 He excavated stone 
from the limestone quarries at Turah, 3 erected at Memphis a sanctuary of 
quartzite, 4 and at Sakkara he built what was, so far as we know, the earliest 
Apis tomb of the Serapeum, depositing in the chapel the first Apis 
Bull. 

This Apis worship was one of the most extraordinary features of the 
Egyptian religion. The god was supposed to dwell within the brute. 
Memphis was the chief seat of its worship, the bull being regarded as an 
incarnation of Ptah, and held in the highest veneration. The beast lived in 
its own temple in the city, attended daily by a crowd of admiring priests. It 
had its harem of cows, its meals of choicest food, its grooms to polish its 
coat and keep it clean, its chamberlains to attend to its bed, its cupbearers 
to slake its thirst for water. At stated festivals the divine brute was led 
through the streets while every inhabitant flung himself prostrate in 
adoration. When the Apis died, its body was carefully embalmed, and 
deposited along with splendid jewels, statuettes, and vases, in a polished 
granite sarcophagus, hewn out of a single block weighing from 60 to 70 tons. 
The cost of the funeral of a divine ox sometimes ran to £20,ooo. 5 To 
discover a new Apis was a work of the gravest concern. It sometimes took 
months to find one, and Egypt was ransacked for a thousand miles up the 
Nile. The ox must be black with a w T hite spot on its forehead, on its back 
the figure of an eagle, on its tongue the image of a beetle, and in its tail 
double hairs. 

In i860, Mariette noticed the head of a sphinx protruding from the 
sand at Memphis. He recollected that Strabo had described the Serapeum 
at Memphis as having been approached by an avenue of sphinxes. Clearing 
away the sand, which was in some places 70 feet deep, he discovered 
141 sphinxes in situ, besides the pedestals of many others. 6 The temple 
to which they led had disappeared, but the tomb survived. It is an immense 
vault or tunnel in three divisions, one 400 yards long, another 210 yards, 
with chambers radiating on either side, in each of which was a huge granite 
sarcophagus. In the interior of each stone coffin, secured by a gigantic 
granite lid, lay the embalmed body of the Apis. In all, Mariette discovered 
64 sacred bulls thus interred. 7 

But the architectural zeal of Amenhotep III was directed mainly towards 
the embellishment of the capital of Upper Egypt. In his hands, Thebes 
blossomed out into a truly royal and splendid metropolis. Great though 
the other cities of the Kingdom — Heliopolis, Memphis, Tanis, etc. — might 
be, it was Thebes which during the XVIIIth Dynasty was pre-eminently 
the Royal Capital. In the course of centuries the old city had spread out 
greatly, and many neighbouring villages had become incorporated with it. 
Amenhotep set himself to the task of transforming these inferior residences 
into structures worthy of an Imperial Mother-city. In one of the courts of 
the reconstructed temple of Mut 8 he stacked several hundred statues in 

1 The temples erected by Amenhotep III on this island were ruthlessly destroyed 
between a.d. 1S22-25 to build barracks at Assuan for Turkish troops (Gliddon, An 
Appeal to the Antiquarians of Europe on the Destruction of the Monuments of Egvpt, 
pp. 38-41). Its former appearance is known by the notice of it in the great Description 
d'Ee,ypte, i. 34-38. 2 Petrie, Res. in Sinai, p. 10S. In the Wady Nasb, 

<",. \V. Murray has found fragments of a stele of Amenhotep III (Cairo Scientific Joum., 
vi. (1912), p. 264). 3 Vyse, Operations at the Pyramids of Gizeh, iii. 96-98 : Lepsius, 

Denknuilcr, iii. 71. * Petrie in Arch. Rrp. E'^ypt. Explor. Fund, 1912, 

p. 11. 5 Details from Rawlinson, Egypt (Slory of the Nations Series), p. 32. 

a Mariette, Bulletin An de I'Athen um Fran fats, 1855, p. 53, 'Mariette, 

Serapeum, p. 117: Manning, The Land of the Pharaohs, p. 73. 8 For the excavation 

of this temple, see Benson and Courlay, The Temple of Mut in Asher, 1899. 



Thothmes IV and Amenhotep III 203 

black granite of the old Memphite deity Sekhet with the lioness head 
whom he identified with his own Theban goddess. 1 About ioo of these 
still survive. But his greatest architectural triumph was the Temple of 
Luxor, dedicated to the Theban triad, Amen-Ra, Mut, and Khonsu. Rising 
sheer from the river-brink, this marvellous structure— nearly 500 feet long 
and 180 feet broad— was joined to Karnak by a splendid paved road, lined 
on both sides with a magnificent avenue of sphinxes. For nearly two miles 
the roadway, 63 feet in width, stretched across the plain. The sphinxes 
stood 12 feet apart, and their numbers were well-nigh inconceivable. For 
1,500 feet out from Luxor they had the customary female heads : for the 
rest of the road to Karnak they were crio — or ram-headed. 2 Upwards 
of ten other avenues, with equally imposing lines of sphinxes, led in other 
directions. 

The western bank of the Nile was adorned by a temple of gigantic 
proportions which was dedicated to the worship of Amenhotep himself. 
Outside it had enormous statues of the King, most of which have been 
destroyed, though two still survive. These are the world-famous so-called 
" Colossi of Memnon." We regard a statue as large if it be upwards of 
20 feet in height. These immense weird figures are 53 feet high, and if their 
pedestals and the crowns which formerly capped them be included, they 
must have towered aloft more than 70 feet ! Each was cut from one block, 
and each weighed over 700 tons. One of the two remaining statues was 
partially overthrown by an earthquake 3 in B.C. 27, but the Emperor 
Septimius Severus (a.d. 193-21 i) repaired it. 

There are no stranger figures in the world, 4 unless some of the vast 
statues in Easter Island be excepted. 5 They are the survivors of at least 
nine similar gigantic monoliths, placed at intervals along the paved road- 
way — 1,100 feet in length — which led to the temple. 6 Conceive of an 
avenue more than a quarter of a mile long, lined with statues, each of them 
70 feet in height ! The aspect of Thebes in these days of her " grand 
climacteric " must have been awe-inspiring to the last degree, with her 
I streets overshadowed by colossal incarnations in stone of the brute power 
of the Pharaoh. These two grim giants have sat, hands on knees, staring 
across the plain for over 3,300 years. They were erected while Moses was 
leading the Israelites through the Sinai desert to the Promised Land. The 
legend of the musical note struck by one of them at sunrise was widely 
I believed, 7 hence its classical name of " The Vocal Statue of Memnon, son 
I of Tithonus and Aurora." Tourists in thousands during subsequent 
centuries visited the marvellous spot and scratched their names in Greek 

1 By the time of Amenhotep IN, the fortunes of Amen-Ra had revived after the 

great eclipse they had sustained during the lifetime of his father, Amenhotep II, when 

the Ninth Plague had obliterated the light of the Sun-god for three days. By this time 

Ithe remembrance of that humiliation, indeed of the Exodus itself, must have waxed 

i dim. Egypt was enjoying now her zenith of earthly glory, and Amenhotep III favoured 

I Thebes and its gods rather than Heliopolis and its priests, who had collaborated with 

his brother, Thothmes IV. The idea that the Exodus took place during the reign 

lof the third Amenhotep is destitute of any probability. There is not the slightest 

.[monumental trace of the presence of Hebrews in Egypt at this time : no persecution 

or oppression of a subject race was in progress : the land was practically 

cleared of them : the Israelites were far off in their fastnesses of Sinai. 

"Manning, op. cit., p. no. s Another legend is to the eflect that Cambyses 

lin his madness overthrew it. 4 An excellent photograph will be found in Captain 

lAbney, Thebes and its Five Greater Temples, 1876. s For these Easter Island 

statues, see Reginald Enock, The Secret of the Pacific, 1911, P- 257. ° For the 

[bibliography of the statues, see Wiedemann, /Egypt. Gesch., p. 387, and Appendix, p. 44. 

i' For a simple and natural explanation of this phenomenon, sec Budge, Hist, of 

i\F.gypt, iv. 105. 



204 Nile and Jordan 

and Latin on the monuments. 1 The Emperor Hadrian journeyed to 
Thebes expressly to hear the music. 2 

At the end of every avenue approaching the great city stood gigantic 
pylons — huge gateways consisting of truncated pyramids pierced by a 
passage. Unlike nearly all other cities, Thebes had no walls. Her rampart 
was the sea (i.e., the Nile) and her wall was of the sea. 3 Homer's epithet 
— " hundred-gated Thebes " 4 — does not refer to gates in the city's walls. 
He meant the splendid pylons that arched the various roadways leading 
into the metropolis. The sloping sides of these pylons were often sur- 
mounted by a cornice bearing in sculpture the symbol which the Greeks 
named Agathodamon, a winged sun. Accustomed as the Israelites had 
been to seeing, on other pylons in the Delta, these wide spreading wings, 
blue as if with the cloudless azure of heaven itself, 5 covering the entrant 
to the sacred precincts, it is not to be wondered at that they adopted 
the notion, and in a finer sense applied it in later days to Jehovah : In 
the shadow of thy wings will I make my refuge, until these calamities be 
overpast : 6 He shall cover thee with His feathers, and under His wings shall 
thou trust. 1 

The wealth, glorj^, and magnificence of Thebes in the lifetime of the 
most splendid of her kings must have been overwhelming. The fabulous 
riches obtained by the long wars of conquest waged by his fathers, by the 
tribute from the vanquished territories, by the exceedingly profitable com- 
mercial enterprises in which his fleets participated, and by the customs 
duties levied on all trading ships which converged on Egypt from every 
part of the Mediterranean, were spent with a prodigal hand on the 
embellishment of his royal capital. Visitors to the Court of Amenhotep III 
were dazzled with the grandeur of all they saw. The King's own palace 
was a gorgeous structure. His vast establishment of wives, concubines, 
officers, servants, Court officials, and retainers numbered many thousands. 
His table was laden with plate of the most exquisite design in gold and 
silver, with crystal goblets, glass vases, and rare porcelain vessels. His 
sideboards exhibited lovely bronzes worked in the most artistic fashion 
from the Mykenaean colonies in the JEgean. His walls were hung with 
priceless tapestries ; his armouries were filled with the finest weapons 
which Phoenician art and Damascene skill could produce : the furniture 
of the palace was of precious aromatic wood from the East, while the richest 

1 Perhaps the most exhaustive monograph on the subject of these statues 
is that by Letronne, La Statue vocale de Memnon, Paris, 1S33. who in this work, 
as well as in his Recucil des Inscriptions grecques et latines de I'Egypte, p. 316 i\, 
records all the inscriptions of ancient tourists cut upon. them. The Greek nomina 
stultorum have been also collected in the Description de I'Egypte, ii. 22 : v. 55. 2 The 
impression made on some modern visitors to Thebes may be noted. Stanley (Sinai 
and Palestine, p. xxxviii) says, " No written account had given me an adequate 
impression of the effect, past and present, of the colossal figures of the kings. What spires 
>dcrn city, what the towers of a cathedral are to its nave and choir, that 
the statues of the Pharaohs were to the streets and temples of Thebes. The ground is 
strewed with their fragments : there were avenues of them towering high above plain 
and houses." Similarly, Manning (The Land of the Pliaraohs, p. 109) says, " Avenu 
of statues and sphinxes, miles in length, ran along the plain, leading to propylons 
1 1 feel in height, through which kings and warriors, priests and courtiers, passed 
mto the temples and palaces which lay beyond. Above all towered the colossal images 
of the Pharaohs, looking down upon the city, and Ear over the plain at their feet, like 
inters. As I wa after day with ever-growing amazement amongst 

relics of anrient magnificence, I felt that if all the ruins in Europe— Classical, 
' and Mcili i\ .1! —were brouj rther into one centre, they would fall far short, 

th in extent and ; these ol this single Egyptian en J Nah. 3." 

1 'V.Kxr6nirv\ai Qnfiai Horner, Iliad, ix. 391. tanlev, Jewish Church, i. 88. 

' Psa. 59 ' »Psa. 9i.« 









Thothmes IV and Amenhotep III 205 

embroidered goods, the costliest spices, and the most delicate Oriental 
articles of vertu made the halls of his Theban home a gorgeous exhibition 
of the extraordinary refinement and luxury of the age. 1 

Each of the nobles in his entourage had his superb villa, his gay summer 
chateau, his gardens blazing with brilliant parterres of flowers. The 
King's gifts to his friends were on a royal scale of generosity, and evidenced 
the immensity of his financial resources. 2 Each New Year's Day the 
Pharaoh dispersed abroad chariots of gold and silver, statues of ivory and 
ebony, necklaces of every costly stone, splendid battle weapons, ivory 
whips, sunshades, carved chairs, and so on. The impression upon the 
mind of every new arrival at the Imperial City must have been overpowering. 
His eyes would behold the miles of imposing sphinxes that lined the roads, 
the forests of tapering obelisks, all carved out of single blocks of stone : the 
immense temples on both sides of the Nile : the stately quays on which the 
royal fleets disembarked the rich bales of goods from every quarter of the then 
known world ; the gigantic statues of the Pharaoh towering into the blue 
sky like white mountains of stone : the dazzling brilliance of the State 
pageants when Amenhotep and his wife sailed in the Royal Golden Barge 
on the huge artificial lake : the blaze of colour when every ship, and 
galley, and boat in the river was aflame with parti-coloured bunting : the 
stateliness of the priestly processions : the sacred choir of Amen sonorously 
chanting hymns to the Sun-god assisted by the overpowering resonance 
of the music poured forth by the Royal Court Orchestra. Never did Egypt 
display such imposing worldly glory : never were seen such luxury, such 
prodigality of treasure, such pomp and splendour as in the reign of 
Amenhotep III the Magnificent. 

It was a sad reflection for the Pharaoh that at death all this wealth 
had to be left behind. The early dynastic Egyptians, as we have seen, 
buried their kings in pyramids. The Kings of the Middle Kingdom were 
interred in vast mastabas. But the monarchs of the New Empire equipped 
resting-places for themselves in the rocky fastnesses of immense sub- 
terranean tombs. Poorer citizens 3 might have to be content with ignoble 
graves, sixty of their mummy cases being sometimes piled on the top of 
each other in a common pit ! 4 But the proud Pharaohs demanded seclusion 
from the " vulgar herd " even in death. 5 The hills which hem in Thebes 
on the west form a high limestone cliff intersected by two gorges. One 
gorge runs up behind the plain into the very heart of the hills till it is entirely 
shut in by them. The other leads up to an enclosure in the hills, but having 
its face still open to the sky. " The former is the Valley of the Tombs of 
the Kings, the Westminster Abbey of Thebes : the latter, the Valley of 
the Tombs of the Priests and Princes, its Canterbury Cathedral." 6 The 
ravines are desolate in the extreme. Bare rocks destitute of vegetation 
overhang the profoundly silent spot. Not a sign of man is visible : the 
city with its stir is excluded from view : not a tree, not a drop of water 
is there. In the face of the cliffs is a sculptured gateway. You pass 

1 Yet Prof. Elliot Smith states {Town, of Egypt. Archcsol., i., pt. iii. (1914). P- 
189) that Amenhotep the Magnificent, amid all his splendours, was a martyr to 
toothache, as his mummv shows ! 2 See Breasted, Hist, of Egypt, p. 339. J For 

a most useful summary "of all the tombs (2.52 in number) in Thebes, hewn out for 
persons lower than the monarch in rank, see Gardiner and Weigall, Topographical 
Catalogue of the Private Tombs at Thebes, 1913- * For an account of the 

cemeteries of the poor in Thebes, see Rhind, Thebes, its Tombs and their Tenants, pp. 
124-T3Q. 5 Amenhotep III seems to have been the first to place his tomb out of 

sight of the thronging haunts of men, and beyond any view of the Nile. u Stanley, 
Sinai and Palestine, p. xlii. 



206 Nile and Jordan f 

from the blazing heat of the gorge where the rocky walls glow like a furnace, 
and you enter a succession of passages and galleries which lead far into 
the bowels of the mountain. Chamber after chamber, hall after hall, all 
covered with white stucco, are brilliant with colours as fresh as when painted 
thirty centuries ago. It is a gorgeous underground palace fitted up for the 
dead. 1 

On the walls are depicted the views current among the Egyptians of 
the period relating to the future life. We see the body of the dead man 
being embalmed and placed in a mummy case. 2 The soul is carried to 
Amenti (Sheol) : it encounters fearful adventures from various monsters 
which lie in wait to punish the crimes committed while in life. At length 
it reaches the bar of Osiris. 3 There are forty-two " Assessors of 
Judgment," 4 some human, others with the head of a crocodile, a snake, a 
ram, a hawk, a jackal, a lion, a baboon, etc. They have terrifying names 
such as "Gasper of Flame," " Devourer of Shades," "Crusher of Bones," 
" Devourer of Blood," " Destroyer," and so on. 5 The dead man kneels 
before these awful figures and protests his innocence. The protestation 
is very long and comprehensive, covering all the facts of life. He has to 
deny that he has committed any one of forty-two crimes (the " Negative 
Confession "). 6 Isis, the sister of Osiris, wearing the ostrich feather of 
Truth, passes him to her sister Nephthys, bearing a similar feather, but 
carrying also a sceptre, the symbol of authority, and a crux ansata, the 
emblem of eternal life. His heart is then placed by Thoth in the scale 
over against the other pan containing the feather of Ma'at (Right). Thoth 
inclines the balance a little in favour of the accused man. The baboon- 
headed Hap sits above the balance. The hawk-headed Horus steadies 
the scales. The dog-headed Anubis examines the tongue of the balance, 
and announces the verdict to the ibis-headed Thoth. He, as " the scribe 
of the gods," records on his ivory tablet the reading of the scales, and hands 
in the report to the awful judge Osiris, high seated on a throne. 7 

If the accused is accepted before this august tribunal, he passes into 
the " field of Alu," 8 a realm of blessedness where he rests from his labours 
and bathes in the pure River of Life. But if condemnation be the lot of 
the dead man, he is driven back to earth by " The Devourer of Amenti," 
a sinister monster made up of a crocodile in front, a lion's body, and in 

J In the other ravine the galleries of the princes' and priests' final 
resting place are even more gigantic. One of them is 80z feet long, the 
area excavated being i\ acres. It is known as the Valley of Assassif icf. 
.Murray, Handbook to Egypt in loco). i For the history of embalming, see 

Petligrew, Hist, of Egyptian Mummies. 1834 : Wilkinson, Anc. Egyptians, iii. : 
Budge, The Mummy, Chapters on Egyptian Funeral Arch-Tologv, 1893: Garst ang, 
The Burial Customs oj Ancient Egypt. * For a description of Osiris worship and 

ritual in all its bearings, see Miss Margaret A. Murray, The Osireion at Abydos, 1904, 
p. 25 f. She gives also an account of the dreadful human sacrifices that were customary 
in connection with the worship of this deity. * According to Maspero. thev 

correspond to the 42 nomes of Egypt. 5 All these and other divinities, strikingly 

coloured as copied from ancient tombs, are depicted in Champollion le Jeune, Pantheon 
Egyptien, Collection des pcrsonnages mythologu/ues de I'ancienne Egypte, Paris, 1825. 
6 It is given in Wiedemann, Die Religion ^der alien ZEgvpter, p. 132 f. : Maspero, 
Dawn of Civilization, pp. 188-190: Erman, Handbook of ' Egyptian Religion, p. 101: 
Baikie in Hastings' E.R.E., iii. 827: Alan II. Gardiner, ibid., v. 478. 'Full 

details and picture in Budge, Gods of the Egyptians, ii. 142. 8 " The* Field of Alu,' 
the Elysium of the Greeks, was located at' first in the marshes of the Delta near the 
mouth of the Nile, like the Paradise of Early Babylonia, which also was * at the mouth of 
the rivers.' But it soon migrated to the N.E. portion of the sky, and the Milky Way 
became the heavenly Nile " (Sayce, The Religions of Anc. Egypt and Babylonia, p. 168). 
For a discussion on these " Fields of Peace and Best," see Dr. Colin Campbell, The 
Mira \ulous Birth of King Amonhotep III, p. 159 f. lie states, " It is not too much to 
say thai the Egyptian conception is the parent of all the Paradises man has imagined." 



Thothmes IV and Amenhotep III 207 

the rear a hippopotamus, which lies crouching in readiness before the 
Throne of Justice. Thereafter, the wicked man, through transmigration 
of soul, is turned to inhabit that animal form to which his previous sins had 
assimilated him. The glutton becomes a hog, the cruel man assumes the 
shape of a wolf, and so on. If after three such transmigrations the soul 
still remains polluted, it is banished to the realms of darkness and 
everlasting death. 

All these conceptions open up a wide field of investigation for the 
student of Comparative Religion. 1 How much of this grotesque imagery 
is due to the distortion of primitive beliefs ? How much is " African " ? 
How much is due to the infiltration of ideas from surrounding nations ? 
How much actual light did the ancient Egj^ptians enjoy as to the true 
nature of the future life with its rewards and punishments ? 

1 For full discussions, see Uhlemann, Das Todtengericht bei den alten /Egyptern, 
Berlin, 1854 : Feydeau, Histoire des Usages funebres et des Sepultures des peuples anciens, 
Paris, 1856 : Naville, Das /Egyptische Todtenbuch der XVIII bis XX Dynastie, 
1886 : Naville, la Religion des anciens Egyptians, 1906 : Budge, The Dwellers on the 
Nile (1891), pp. 147-178 : The Gods of the Egyptians, 1904, 2 v. : The Chapters of 
Coming forth by Day, the Theban Recension of the Book of the Dead, 3 v. : Wiedemann, 
Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, 1897 : Wiedemann in Hastings' D.B., v. 176-197 : 
Petrie, Religion and Conscience in Ancient Egypt, 1898, and art. " Egyptian Keligion " 
in Hastings' E.R.E., v. 236-250 : The Religion of Ancient Egypt, 1906 : Benson 
and Gourlay, The Temple of Mut in Asher (1899), pp. 98-130 : Erman, A Handbook 
of Egyptian Religion, 1907: Hall in Hastings' E.R.E., iv. 458-464, art. "Death 
and Disposal of the Dead " (191 1) : A. H. Gardiner in Hastings' E.R.E., v. 475-485 
(1912} . art. "Ethics and Morality (Egyptian) " : Breasted, Development of Religion 
and Thought in Ancient Egypt, 1912 : Capart in Rev. de J'Histoire des Religions, 
li. 192-259. 



CHAPTER XVI 

Akhnaton and the Conquest of Canaan by the Hebrews 

Under Amenhotep IV (b.c. 1392-1376) all the meridian pomp and imperial 
magnificence described in the previous chapter faded away. The son 
of Amenhotep III by his favourite wife, Thi, the new King seems to have 
imbibed from his mother an aversion to the religion of his country. 1 He 
inclined strongly to the gods worshipped at Heliopolis, and cherished 
an implacable hatred towards the Theban divinities (especially Amen) 
and their priests. But he went far beyond simple devotion to the 
Heliopolitan divinities. He invented for himself, and for his Court, people, 
and empire, what was practically a new religion. The result was disaster, 
utter and complete. 

Authorities to-day are in total disagreement as to the merits or demerits 
of his new creed. It is also difficult to ascertain precisely wherein his 
worship of "Aten" or " The Sun's Disk" differed from that already practised 
at Heliopolis from of old. 2 It may have been a monotheistic revolt on the 
part of a pure-minded seeker for truth against the rank polytheism of the 
Theban theological system. By some it has been identified with Hebrew 
monotheism, and " Aten " has been held to be the equivalent of the 
Israelitic " Adon." 3 Others connect it with the Syrian Adonis. 4 In his 
singularly fascinating monograph on the life of this strangest of all monarchs, 
Weigall glorifies the simple monotheism of his hero to such an extent as 
to aver that " no man whose mind is free from prejudice will fail to see 
a far closer resemblance to the teaching of Christ in the religion of Akhnaton 
than in that of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. One might believe that 
Almighty God had for a moment revealed Himself to Egypt, and had been 
more clearly, though more momentarily, interpreted there Jhan ever He 
was in Syria or Palestine before the time of Christ." 5 

Petrie's verdict, again, is different, but equally favourable. 6 He 
urges that while previous ages had worshipped the round concrete solid 
ball of the sun, Amenhotep IV substituted for this a more refined and 
really philosophical worship, viz., that of the radiant energy of the sun 

1 So Mariette, Brugsch, Lauth, etc. Budge (P.S.B.A., xx. (1SS7), 555) and Petrifl 
(T ell-el- Amanni, p. | ■) erroneously identified Thi with one of the Mitannian princesses. 
But later research has shown (as referred to on p. 194) that Thi was of native origin, 
being born probably near Heliopolis (see Maspero, Struggle of the Nations, p. 
' Wiedemann (P.S.B.A ., xxxv. (1913), 257) has recently brought forward some evidence 
from scarabs which seems to suggest that the Atcn-cult did not take origin merely 
with Akhnaton, but had already been planned in the lifetime of his father. 
■ Tiele, Gesch. der Religion in Alterthum, 1. 84 92 • Breasted, De Hymnis in So'eni tub 
\ophide IV conceptis, 1895. * Bryant- Reid, P.S.B.A. (1892-93), xv. 206. 

8 Weigall, Akhnaton, Pharaoh oj Egypt (1910), p. 117. ■ Petrie, Hist. 0/ Egypt, 

ii. 214. 

208 



The Conquest of Canaan 209 

—the sun sustaining all life by his beams. " No one," he says, " sun- 
worshipper or philosopher, seems to have realized until within this 
19th century the truth which was the basis of Khuenaten's worship, that 
the rays of the sun are the means of the sun's action, the source of all life 
power, and force in the universe. This abstraction of regarding the radiant 
energy as all important was quite disregarded until recent views of the 
conservation of force, of heat as a mode of motion, and the identity of 
heat, light, and electricity, have made us familiar with the scientific 
conception which was the characteristic feature of Khuenaten's new 
worship. ... If this were a new religion, invented to satisfy our 
modern scientific conceptions, we could not find a flaw in the 
correctness of this view of the energy of the solar system. . . . Not 
a rag of superstition or of falsity can be found clinging to this new 
worship evolved out of the old Aten of Heliopolis, the sole lord or Adon 
of the universe." 

Other eminent authorities join in praise of the high ideals of the royal 
iconoclast. 1 Budge, while inclining to the view that the new religion was 
" something like a glorified materialism," 2 adds that " The word ' Aten ' 
means Sun-Disk, and the veneration of it was extremely ancient in Egypt, 
or rather in those parts of the country where the influence of the priests 
of Heliopolis was paramount. The old veneration included no monotheistic 
conceptions, and the Aten was venerated solely as the disk of the Sun-god 
Ra. At base, then, the worship of the Aten was of Heliopolitan origin, 
but it became a heresy only when monotheistic ideas were imported into 
it, and the sun-disk was regarded as the sole deity of heaven and of earth, 
the source of all light or life. . . . The cause of the bitter dispute between 
Amenhotep IV and the priests was the fact that the worship of the Aten, 
as developed by him, admitted of the existence of no other gods : all the 
anthropomorphic and theriomorphic gods of Egypt were to be abolished, 
and the sole deity to be worshipped was the actual, burning, and radiant 
disk of the sun, who was no longer to be regarded as the god of the sky, 
but as God Himself, One and Alone." 3 

The verdict of other authorities is, however, much less favourable. 
Hall 4 speaks of him as being " no Egyptian warrior like his ancestors," 
as "of mixed race," the " son of a luxurious and art-loving father and of 
a clever and energetic mother," and as having been brought up " under 
strong feminine influence." All the requisites for the creation of a striking 
and abnormal character were present. He was a man " of entirely original 
brain," and " so insensate, so disastrous, was his obliviousness to anything 
else but his own ' fads ' in religion and art that we can well wonder if 
Amenhotep IV was not really half -insane." " Akhenaten was the first 
doctrinaire in history, and what is much the same thing, the first prig. 
He was a boy of eight or nine at his accession four years before his father's 
death. Much of the extravagance that followed would probably have been 
avoided had his father lived longer, and been able to keep him in check. 
The influence of Thi, which must have been paramount during the first 
years of his reign when she apparently acted as Regent, can hardly have 
Deen wisely exercised." At the same time, Hall acknowledges that 
\khnaton " saw behind the sun a deity unnamed and unnameable, ' the 

1 De Garis Davies has the same favourable verdict to give (El-Amama, p. 12), 

The disk was but a window in heaven through which the unknown god, ' the 

_ord of the Disk,' shed a portion of bi=> radiance on the world." * Budge, Hist. 

'/ Egypt, iv. 120. 3 Budge, ib. iv. 172, and Cods 0/ the Egyptians, 11. 63 t. 

Hali, Anc. Hist, of the Near East, p 298 





210 Nile and Jordan 

Lord of the Disk,'" and that therefore "we see in his heresy the highest 
development of religious ideas before the days of the Hebrew prophets." 1 

The difficulties of his position as the ruler of a city where he was in 
the fiercest antagonism to the cherished creed of the vast majority of his 
subjects, and in violent opposition to the proud and opulent and 
unscrupulous guild of priests of Amen, proving too great for him, 
Amenhotep IV, in the fifth year of his reign, and at the mature age of 
fifteen, resolved to abandon the ancient capital of Egypt, and to go forth 
and found an entirely new metropolis for himself. 2 By this time he had 
succeeded to his father's harem, which included Tadukhipa, his father's 
young Mitannian wife, and he had also married his beloved sister, Nefertiti, 3 
who evidently sympathised with his reforming enthusiasm. Two hundred 
miles south of Memphis he fixed on a desolate spot, uncontaminated by any 
association with polytheistic worship, and there he built a city (the ruins 
of which are now known as Tell-el-Amarna) which in every way he intended 
to be a protest against what was conventional. 4 He called it "Akhetaten," 
the "Horizon of the Disk"; he changed his own name from Amenhotep 
to "Akhnaton," 5 "Pleasing to the Sun-Disk"; and he issued orders 
to hammer out the name of Amen from every monument in Egypt. Even 
the plural "gods" was not allowed to remain on any of the old Theban 
structures and temples. 6 He altered the official and conventional portraits 
of himself from the recognized Amenophide type to a totally new, and far 
from pleasing presentation of his really abnormal physiognomy. 7 

The new capital grew apace. It revealed striking departures from all 
previously adopted canons of Egyptian art and architecture. 8 A white 
limestone temple ; a brick palace with colossal halls beautifully decorated, 
and with a series of apartments so numerous as to form a perfect maze ; 
many of the rooms fitted with bath and toilet ante-chambers, and heated 
with furnaces ; houses for the nobility and the Court planted in gardens filled 
with rare shrubs and brilliant flowers ; orchards laden with fruit ; shady 
trellises; streets laid out at right angles; wide open squares — these new 
designs, new harmonies in tone ; new treatment of architectural subjects 
drew architects, artisans, and workpeople from all quarters. 9 The new 

1 On the other hand, Lagier (in Richer dies de Science religiettse, 191 3, Nos. 
4, 5) urges that Akhnaton's monotheism was not pure, and was intermixed 
with survivals of animal worship. 2 The excavations of the Deutsche 

Orient. Gesellschaft have, however, revealed (1911-12) some traces of earlier 
occupation beneath the Akhnaton city (Mittheilungen S. D. O. Ges., Xos. 50, 52). 
3 He gave to her the title " Nefer-neferu-Atem " = " The Beauty of the Beauties 
of Aten." * The most recent excavations of Tell-el-Amarna are by the Deutsche 

Orient. Gesellschaft. Borchardt has given an account of the discoveries in their 
Mittheilungen, No. 46, Nov., 191 1 From the excavations it is clear that the city 
must have extended for over four miles on the west bank of the Nile. Many of the 
mansions of the nobles still bear the names of their owners, with scenes illustrating the 
adoration of the " Disk " carved on the stone doorways. The 14 large stelae (one 
of them 26 feet in height) show that the sacred environs of the city amounted to 
8 miles in width from north to south, and from 12 to over 17 miles from cliff to cliff. 
6 For a discussion on the meaning of the name "Akhnaton," see Lieblein, 
Verhandlungen of XHIth Oriental Congress of Orientalists, Hamburg, 1902. 
• Zeitsch. f. /Egypt. Sprache, xl. 109-110. 7 Prof. Elliot Smith (Journ. of Egypt. 

Archceol., i.. pt. iii. (1914), p. 189) states that the mummy of Amenhotep IV reveals 
that he was afflicted with hydrocephalus and possibly epilepsy. 8 For the question 

of the originality of Akhnaton's art, see Blackman in Arch. Rep. Egypt. Explor. Fund, 
1911-12, p. 11. Was it but a decadent stage of the art of Cusae as exhibited under the 
Xllth Dynasty ? 8 The fullest description of the present site of the city is by 

Petrie, El-Amarna, 6 vols. 1903-08. Borchardt (Klio, Mar. 1914) gives an account 
of the excavations by the Deutsche Orient. Gesellschaft. Not less than 76 trees and 
plants, preserved through the ages under the sand, were found in their original 
positions in the formally laid-out gardens. 




The Conquest of Canaan 211 

city was of remarkable beauty. 1 Emancipated from the traditional, 
Akhnaton gave freedom to Egyptian art to develop as it pleased, and 
every genius in the Kingdom leaped eagerly to seize the happy opportunity. 
The city was the home, and a living exposition, of impressionism. 2 In 
some cases the walls of houses and tombs were actually inlaid with 
hieroglyphs of alabaster, granite, and obsidian, and the columns were 
encased in moulded pottery. 3 

In this scene of loveliness, this city of novelties, this " fairy-tale " 
palace, Akhnaton passed the remainder of his days. As a man with a 
mission he felt he could preach with the greatest effect to the Kingdom 
he ruled by putting his religious and aesthetic views into a concrete shape, 
and then sitting down to spend the rest of his life in the metropolis he had 
called into being. He solemnly stated in inscriptions that it was his deter- 
mination never to quit his new home, but for ever (to use the phrase 
constantly on his lips) to " live in Truth." 

But though the Pharaoh thus enacted for himself a voluntary imprison- 
ment within his new and splendid capital, he gave orders that temples 
to the " Aten " should be erected in various parts of his dominions. 4 The 
world-wide religion he hoped to found must have suitable places of worship. 
We find, therefore, buildings bearing the name of " Gem-Aten " " Found- 
is-the-Disk," at several spots in Nubia, the Fayum, the Delta, and most 
singular of all, in Jerusalem. That Jerusalem was ordered to adopt the 
local worship of the " Aten " we gather from one of the Tell-el-Amarna 
Letters, in which the King of Jerusalem appeals for help from Akhnaton on 
the ground that the King had " set his name on Jerusalem for ever." 5 The 
stele commanding the worship of the "Disk" if carved on the limestone found 
round Jerusalem would be of very perishable material, and this fact may 
account for the failure of explorers thus far to discover any actual remains 
of Amenhotep IV in the neighbourhood. 6 Yet, it is of surpassing interest 
[to reflect that the worship set up by the iconoclastic King of Egypt, which 
jso closely approximated to the keen monotheism of the Jews, was published 
in the streets of Jerusalem at the very time when, as we shall see, the 
|Hebrews were battering at the gates of Zion. 

Breasted 7 has pointed out how remarkably similar are the two great 
hymns to Aten, composed by the King himself 8 and the 104th Psalm. 

1 The beauty of the new city is fully described by "Weigall, Akhnaton, p. 202. 

; For illustrations, see Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna, pt. i. (1903), " The 

tomb of Meryra " : pt. hi. (1905V' The Tombs of Huya and Ahmes " : pt. v.," Smaller 

jrombs and Boundary Stelae" (1908). He carried his realistic impressionism so 

| r ar as to depict himself, Tadukhipa, and all the Royal Family as living together in an 

mtirely nude condition ! See Davies, op. tit., pt. vi. (1908), p. 16, and H. Schafer 

In Zeitsch. f. Mgypt. Sprache, lii. (1914) 73-87 : lv, (1918) 1-49. 3 See Griffith,. 

\irch. Rep. Egypt. Explor. Fund, 1892-93, P- 18. * There were at least three Aten 

iemples in Akhetaten, one in Thebes, one in Nubia, and others at Hcliopolis, 

kermopolis, Hermonthis, and in the Fayum (Breasted, Hist, of Egypt, p. 309). For 

I he one in Memphis, see Nicholson, " On some remains of the Disk-worshippers at 

Memphis " in AZgyptiaca, pp. 115-134 : Mariette, Monuments Divers, PI. 27. 5 See 

i Vinckler, Keil. Alt. Test* p. 194 : Thontafeln, p. 103 : G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, ii. 20. 

|n the tomb of Huya at Tell-el-Amarna there is a scene, dated from the 12th year of 

Lkhnaton, to which the inscription is attached, " The going forth of the King and 

i)ueen upon the great golden litter to receive the tribute of Syria and Ethiopia, of 

he West and the East." How soon that tribute was to cease ! (Griffith in /. of Egypt. 
\lrch., v. (1918) 61). 6 Bliss found at Tell Zakariya a blue porcelain ring with 

he cartouche of Amenhotep IV, evidently contemporaneous with the king whose 
lame it bears {P.E.F.Q., 1899. p. 212). ' Breasted, Hist, of Egypt, p. 371, 

Inhere the hymn is given in full. 8 But was the hymn the work of the 

i.eretic-king ? Wiedemann, P.S.B.A. (1913), p. 259, denies it, and says it is nothing 
Ijiut an adaptation of the usual hymns to the sun, given in different editions of Chapter 
KV. of the Book of the Dead. 



212 



Nile and Jordan 



The two poems — the Egyptian and the Hebrew — display notable 
resemblances both in language and sequence cf thought. By placing in 
parallel columns some verses from each, the likenesses may be recognized. 1 



Akhnaton's Hymn to Aten 

Thy dawning is beautiful in the 
horizon of heaven : O living 
Aten, Beginning of Life ! 

When Thou risest in the eastern 
horizon of heaven Thou fillest 
every land with Thy beauty : 

For Thou art beautiful, great, 
glittering, high over the earth : 
Thy rays, they encompass the 
lands, even all Thou hast made. 

When Thou settest in the western 
horizon of heaven, the world is 
in darkness like the dead. 

Every lion cometh forth from his 
den : all serpents, they sting : 
darkness reigns : the world is 
in silence. 

Bright is the earth when Thou risest 
in the horizon, when Thou 
shinest as Aten by day the dark- 
ness is banished. 

Then in all the world men do their 
work. 

The ships sail up stream and down 
stream alike. Every highway 
is open because Thou hast 
dawned : the fish in the river 
leap up before Thee, and Thy 
rays are in the midst of the 
great sea. 

How manifold are all Thy works ! 

They are hidden from before us ! 

O Thou sole God, whose powers no 
other possesseth, Thou didst 
create the earth according to Thy 
desire. 

Men, all cattle large and small, all 
that are upon the earth, Thou 
settest every man in his place. 

Thou suppliest their necessities, 

every one has his possessions. 
And his days are reckoned. 



Psalm 104 

Lord, my God, Thou art very great. 
Thou art clothed with honour and 
majesty : Who cover est Thyself 
with light as with a garment : 
Who stretchest out the heavens like 
a curtain. 2 



The sim khoweth his going down : 3 
Thou makest darkness and it is 
night, 

Wherein all the beasts of the forest 
do creep forth. The young lions 
roar after their prey, and seek 
their meat from God. 

The sun ariseth, they get them away, 
and lay them down in their dens. 



Man goeth forth unto his work at:.! 
to his labour until the eveni 

o 

Yonder is the sea, great and wide, 
wherein are things creeping in- 
numerable, both small and great 
beasts : there go the ships ; there 
is leviathan whom Thou hast 
formed to take his pastime therein. 5 

Lord, how manifold are Thy 

works ! 6 
In wisdom hast thou made them all. 
The earth is full of Thv creatures 7 

(R.V.m.). ' 
The earth is satisfied with the fruit 

of Thy works. 8 
He causeth the grass to grow for the 

cattle, and herb for the service of 

man, that he may bring forth 

food out of the earth. 
Thou openest Thine hand, they are 

satisfied with good. 9 
Thou takest away their breath, they die. 



1 Weigall also (The Life and Tiwes of Ahhnaton, Pharaoh of Egypt) has placed the 
Hymn and Psalm 104 in parallel columns, and a translation of his own. 

•Psa. 104. 1 2 3 Psa. 104. 10 20 n ' ■' v.- 9 v** 



v. 






104. 

■< y 18 S9 




The Conquest of Canaan 213 

Akhnaton's Hymn to Aten Psalm 104 

Thou hast set a Nile in heaven, He sendeth forth springs into the 

that it may fall for them, making valleys : they run among the 

floods upon the mountains like mountains : they give drink to everv 

the great sea, and watering their beast of the field : He watere'th 

fields among their towns. the mountains from His chambers. 1 

Thou makest the seasons, in order He appointed the moon for seasons. 2 

to create all Thy works. Thou renewest the face of the ground* 

The correspondences between the royal chant of the Egyptian King 

and the psalm of the Hebrew poet make us wonder whether the latter 

bard had not access in some way to the composition of his predecessor. 

What would we not give to know what were the contents of the Royal 

Library at Jerusalem in the period of the Hebrew Kings ? 

The Royal Library of this heretic King was accidentally discovered in 
1887 by an Arab woman on the site of his once beautiful but now deserted 
capital. The famous Tell-el-Amarna Tablets thus brought to light have 
given us an entirely new conception of the state of the ancient world at this 
era. About 300 clay tablets in all were unearthed, but not all were 
preserved. The British Museum obtained 81 ; 160 are in the Berlin 
Museum ; the Cairo Museum possesses about 60, and the Louvre has 
recently acquired a new series lately discovered. 4 Their discovery and 
the revelations they give of the intricate political intercommunications 
of the period have produced an enormous literature devoted to themselves. 5 
The tablets, as we have already seen, deal in the first instance with the 
familiar correspondence between Amenhotep III and the Kings of Mitanni, 
Assyria, and Babylon, regarding wives, concubines, gifts, tribute, and other 
details. Others are reports from the Egyptian governors or Residents in 
Palestine, or letters from Canaanite Kings who protest their utter loyalty 
to the Pharaoh, but at the same time make concrete demands. The 
tablets are not, as might have been expected, in Egyptian hieroglyphic, 
nor in Aramaic script, but almost entirely in Babylonian cuneiform. 6 
This fact is a reminiscence of the long -gone days when Canaan was part 
of the Chaldaean empire of Hammurabi and his successors, when Babylonian 
arts, manners, laws, and language ruled paramount in Syria. Though 
for centuries now Canaan had been wrested from the overlordship of the 
Kings of the Euphrates Valley, the fact that Babylonian survived into 
the Tell-el-Amarna age as the recognized language of diplomacy is an 
I evidence of how strong and compelling the subjection of Palestine to 
I Mesopotamia had been. It was in a foreign tongue that the Canaanite 
I dynasts corresponded with their Egyptian master, and in the same unnative 
: speech the proud Pharaoh, or his scribes, dictated their replies. 

A large number of the tablets describe the anguish and terror of the 
I Palestinian kinglets at the invasion of Canaan by a race of people whom 

1 Ps. 104. 10 X1 13 ! v." 3 v. so 4 Scheil in Comptes Rendus, 1918, 

I p. 104. 5 See Conder, The Tell Amarna Tablets: Bezold-Budge, Tell-el-Amarna 

\ Tablets in the British Museum : Winckler, Die Thontajeln von Tell-el-Amarna, and The 

IT ell-el- Amarna Letters, 1896: Sayce, Patriarchal Palestine, and The Higher Criticism 

and the Monuments, p. 47 f. : Bennett, The Book of Joshua, p. 48 f. : Pinches, The 

Old Testament in the Light of Historical Records, ch. viii. : Petrie, Syria and 1 

jfrom the Tell-el-Amarna Letters, 1898: Budge, Hist, of Egypt, iv. 185-241 : Paton, 

fl-Etfr/y Hist, of Syria and Palestine: Knudtzon in Vorderasiat. Bibliothek : Cornuick, 

I £?}>£* in Asia, 1908. 6 One of the letters addressed by Tushratta to Amenhotep 

III is in the Mitannian language. Attempts were made by Sayce and others to 

decipher this unknown tongue, and the results are given in P.S.B.A. (1900), xxii. 

1 1-225. Mitannian turns out to be in general structure a " Caucasian language." 



214 Nile and Jordan 

they style the Khabiri. 1 The problem of the correct identification of these 
invading hordes has been subjected to the closest investigation, and amongst 
the experts there has been discovered a most curious fluctuation of opinion. 
But the spoils of war seem now at last to rest with those who all along have 
contended that by the Khabiri we are to understand the Hebrews, who 
at the close of their forty years' wandering in the desert were now in their 
full career of conquering Canaan. Sayce, 2 adhering to his view that the 
Exodus took place under Merenptah during the XlXth Dynasty, denies 
the identification, and insists that the word must be translated simply 
" Confederates," a body of confederated tribes who made themselves formid- 
able to Canaan in the Tell-el-Amarna period. 3 Petrie, while similarly 
affirming that the word signifies merely " Confederates," derives the name 
from "Hebron." 4 To these assertions, Conder 5 replies that the word 
"Khabiri" cannot mean "Confederates," since quite a different word 
is used in the other Amarna letters for that term. Nor can it be rendered 
" Hebronites," for there is no n in the name : and a still further objection 
to this theory is that, till the time of Joshua's conquest, Hebron was known 
as Kirjath-arba. 6 Zimmern was the first boldly to identify the " Khabiri " 
with the Hebrews. 7 Almost simultaneously, Conder 8 came to the same 
conclusion. He derived the name from the mountains of Abarim over 
which the invading Israelites burst into Canaan. 9 By those who lived 
on the western side of the Jordan, the Hebrews would thus suitably be 
styled " Khabiri," i.e., "men from over the river," or "from Abarim." 10 
The tablets describe the Khabiri as coming from Seir or Edom, 11 and to 
have left their pastures behind them. 12 They are probably the same as the 
" desert people " of whom a Gezer letter speaks. 13 It is manifest that the 
description exactly tallies with the circumstances of the Hebrews who 
entered Canaan by the same route, namely, from the direction of Edom 
or Seir. 14 

One by one other scholars have come round to the view advocated 
by these two pioneers. Steindorff 15 has declared his adherence to the 
identification : Billet 18 has followed : Benzinger 17 gives a hesitating 
acceptance of the theory : while Haynes 18 in an admirable and cogent 
paper has emphatically adopted the view. Meyer, 19 while accepting the 
equivalence of the Khabiri with the Hebrews states that the term includes 
also the troops and allies of Syrian petty potentates. Winckler, 20 
Knudtzon, 21 Clay, 22 and Luckenbill 23 have all been led to the same 
conclusion. Others, while admitting the linguistic possibility of the 
identification, refuse to go further. Thus, Pra'ek, 24 though stating that 

1 The name occurs only in the letters of Abdi-khiba of Jerusalem (Knudtzon, 
Die El-Amarna Tafeln, pp. 205-290 : and Grcssmann-Ungnad, Altorient. Texte u. 
Bilder turn AT. (1909), i. 132-134. t Patriar. Palest., p. 147. 8 So also 

Pinches, The O.T. in the Light of the Historical Records of Assyria and Babylonia,* 
p. 538. * Petrie, Hist, of Egypt, ii. 315. B Conder, The First Bible (1902), 

p. 169. • Judg. i. 10 ' Zeit. d. Deutschen Paldstina-Vereins, xiii. (1890) 137. 

8 P.E.F.Q., 1890, p. 326: 1891, p. 72: 1896, p. 255. ° Conder, The Tell- 

Amarna Tablets, p. 141. 10 Cf. Num. 21. n They journeyed from Oboth and pitched 

in Iye-ABARiu : 33. 47 48 They pitched in the mountains of Abarim : and they journeyed 
from the mountains of Abarim and pitched in the plains of Moab by the Jordan. n Letter 
104 in Winckler, ThontafelfunJ. u Ibid., Letter 103. ' 1S The Tcll-el-Amarna 

Tablets in the British Museum, Letter 51. "Num. 21, 4 Deut. 2* * 

15 Zeit. f. die Alttest. Wissen, 1896, pt. ii. 333. " Deutsch. Evangel. Blatter, No. 7. 17 In 
Hilprecht, Explorations in Bible Lands, 1903, p. 620. 1S P.E.F.Q., 1896, 

pp. 245-255. " Meyer in Ebers' Festschrift, p. 62, and Die Israeliten u. Hire 

\achbarstamme, 1906, p. 225. i0 Die Keilinschriften u. der A.T., p. 196. 21 In 

the Introduction to his El-Amarna Tafeln, pp. 46-53. "Clay, Light on the Old 

Testament from Babel, p. 265. " Amer. Journ. of Theol., xxii. (1918), p. 3^> f - 

24 Expos. Times, xi. 402. 



The Conquest of Canaan 215 

the identification is " philologically permissible," is so held in bondage by 
his theory of the Exodus, 1 that he is compelled to deny the implications 
which would naturally follow. Similarly Cornill 2 grants that the 
identification is linguistically possible, but asserts that it conflicts so much 
with the whole character of Jewish tradition as to be untenable— an 
illustration of how an erroneous premiss may blind the eyes to the clearest 
evidence. Prof. Ed. Konig 3 also, while agreeing that from the point of 
view of phonetics it is quite true that the Khabiri might be identical with 
the Hebrews, nevertheless, owing to the fact that in the Amarna Letters 
the former are represented as attacking places so far off as Sidon, Kadesh, 
and Gebal, cannot see his way to accept the identification as true. Bohl] 
in an admirable discussion of the whole problem, 4 has given his verdict 
in favour of the identification, and has declared that the Merenptah-Exodus 
theory is finally proved untenable. He shows that the word " Khabiri " 
cannot simply mean " confederates," but on linguistic and other grounds 
must be equivalent to the invading Hebrews. Finally, to sum up the dis- 
cussion, the latest authority 5 on the subject has shown that the linguistic 
difficulty may be dismissed, inasmuch as the Babylonian cuneiform, used 
in the Amarna Tablets, had difficulty in representing the guttural )J 
(fuund in the name Ibrim, " Hebrew ") and kh {T\) had to be adopted 
instead. Hall unhesitatingly accepts the view that the devastating hordes 
of the Khabiri, of whom the Amarna Letters speak with such apprehension, 
were none other than the triumphant Hebrews sweeping over Canaan 
and driving all before them. His conclusion is that " we may definitely, 
if we accept the identification of the Khabiri as the Hebrews, say that in 
the Tell-el-Amarna Letters we have Joshua's conquest seen from the 
Egyptian and Canaanite point of view." 6 

In this connection the first thing to be noticed is the exact correspond- 
ence of the Biblical chronology relative to the invasion of the Hebrews 
with the facts brought out in the Amarna Letters. As we have already 
seen, taking the date of the founding of Solomon's temple as B.C. 965, if 
we add the 480 years which had intervened since the Exodus, 7 we find 
that the latter event must have taken place in B.C. 1445 : that is, in the 
lifetime of Amenhotep II. Allow the passage of 40 years 8 after this for 
the Wilderness Journeyings, and we are brought to the year B.C. 1405 as 
that on which the Hebrews crossed the Jordan and invaded Canaan. But 
still more. It was when Caleb was 40 years old 9 that he went forth as 
a spy from Kadesh-Barnea to search the land of Palestine. As the sending 
out of the spies took place two years 10 after the Exodus, the date 

1 He places the Exodus "about the time of the transition from the XlXth 
to the XXth Dynasty." a Hist, of the People of Israel, p. 36. s Expos. 

Times, xi. 238 (1900). * Bohl, Kanaanaer u. Hebrder (191 1), pp. 73-96. s Hall, 

Anc. Hist, of Near East, p. 407. « Ibid., p. 409. Hall says " We have all 

been hypnotized by the Merenptah -theory, except Lieblein (Recherches sur I'histoire 
et la civilisation de I'ancienne Egypte (1910) ii. 279). But Hall's further theory that 
the sojourn of the desert lasted two centuries, and that the Exodus took place at the 
time of the expulsion of the Hyksos under Aahmes I, breaks down on the rock of 
probability. If Moses was the medium of the deliverance, and was 80 at the time of the 
Exodus (Ex. 7 7 ) his age at the time of the entrance into Canaan, when he died on 
Mount Pisgah, must not have been 120 (Deut. 34 ') but 280 ! Joshua also is mentioned 
in the early part of the Exodus story (Ex. 17 9 ). How could he be alive and vigorous 
200 years later ? The whole theory plays havoc with Scripture chronology and with 
Biblical history, and is entirely unnecessary. 7 i Ki. 6. 1 "Why should 

it be assumed that the " 40 years " were only approximate, or a round number . 
It is the figure consistently given throughout Scripture for the Wilderness 
Wanderin-s. Thus, Ex. 16, 3S Num. 14, 33 M 32. 13 Deut. 2,' 8,' « 29* 'Jos. 5.' 
Neh. 9, 21 Ps. 95, 10 Am. 2, 10 $« Ac. 7," " Heb. 3.* 17 • Jos. 14. 7 "Num. 1 



216 Nile and Jordan 

of the spies' visit must have been B.C. 1443. But we are told that exactly 
45 years later, Caleb took possession of Hebron, 1 so that the date of the 
fall of this southern fortress must have been B.C. 1398. The question to be 
answered is : how do these two dates— B.C. 1405 and B.C. 1398— agree 
with the evidence of the Amarna Tablets ? 

The dates are embraced within the declining years of Amenhotep III. 
Amid the splendours of Thebes, surrounded by the gorgeous pageantry 
of the most civilized and the wealthiest Court on earth, the aged and 
luxurious monarch had celebrated his first, second, and third jubilees with 
the servile congratulations of the populace. 2 What though rumours 
reached him of disturbances on the far frontiers of his Empire ? He was 
too old, and too devoted to habits of ease and self-indulgence to trouble 
himself about such trifles. But the Amarna Letters reveal what was 
really going on. Mitanni had been ravaged by the Hittites, but Tushratta 
had temporarily driven them off. The Hittite swarm had turned aside, 
had poured down the Orontes Valley, had burned the city of Katna, and 
had carried off the sacred image of Amen-Ra, bearing the royal name 
of Amenhotep himself. 3 All up and down the land of Palestine, invaders 
were swarming in and spreading desolation. Dynast after dynast sent up 
piteous appeals for help, imploring the Pharaoh to despatch an army of 
relief, to come in person, and to recover Canaan to his allegiance. 4 While 
detachments of the Hittites swept over the northern portion of the land, 
simultaneously Amenhotep learned that the Khabiri had crossed the Jordan, 
and were attacking the territory on the south. 5 But the old monarch turned 
a deaf ear to these appeals. He probably disbelieved in the seriousness 
of the situation. In any case, while he sent a few troops to the invaded 
areas, he himself remained comfortably at Thebes. The Egyptians that 
were despatched to the defence of Canaan could not expel the invaders, 
and confined themselves mainly to the fortresses with which Palestine 
was well furnished. 6 While these two waves of invasion — Hittites in the 
north, Khabiri in the south — were thus sweeping over Canaan, Amen- 
hotep III died. As his death took place in B.C. 1392, and the capture of 
Hebron by Caleb was effected in B.C. 1398, we can recognize how intimately 
the situation as described in the Amarna Letters, and that chronicled for 
us in Scripture, dovetail into each other. The dates harmonize 
precisely. 

With the accession of Amenhotep IV things went worse and worse 
for the Egyptian overlordship of Canaan. Akhnaton was so absorbed 
in his campaign against the ancestral gods of his country, and so devoted 
to the embellishment of his new unconventional capital, that he paid no 
attention whatsoever to the rising clamour from the Syrian provinces of 
his Empire. Weigall maintains that the reason why he did not send relief 
to the beleagured Egyptian garrisons in Canaan was his conscientious 
aversion to war. He would rather lose his Syrian provinces than have 
bloodshed. He worshipped a God of love. " One stands amazed," he says, 
" at the reckless idealism, the beautiful folly, of this Pharaoh, who in an 

1 Jos. 14. 10 2 Breasted, Hist, of Egypt, p. 352. 'Amarna Letters, 

No. 138. Katna is the present Katanah on the South of Hermon, West of Damascus. 
* Letters, 13-18,28-33,37, 83,94. 5 Letters, 69, 71-73. 6 E. W. Hollingworth 

has conjectured (P.S.B.A., xxxiii. (191 1), p. 49) that by the expression used by 
Joshua, / sent the hornet before you which drove them out from before you, even the fa 
Kings of the Amorites (Jos. 24 12 ) is meant some Egyptian expedition, which so 
weakened Sihon and Og that when the Hebrews afterwards attacked them, 
they fell an easy prey. The hornet (Ex. 23, - 3 Deut. 7 20 ) would therefore stand as the 



hieroglyph *£pj for the Egyptian army. 



The Conquest of Canaan 217 

age of turbulence preached a religion of peace to seething Syria. Three 
thousand years later, mankind is still blindly striving after these same 
ideals in vain." 1 

If then it be really the case that the Amarna Tablets describe the 
conquest of Canaan by the Hebrews under Joshua, it is of intense interest to 
compare the two narratives — the Egyptian and the Israelite— and to mark 
how they complete each other. According to the book of Joshua, Adonizedek, 
King of Jerusalem, after he heard of the fall of Ai, and of the capitulation 
of Gibeon, formed a league with four other Canaanite Kings. 2 The Letters 
call Jerusalem Uru-sa-lim, z and its King is styled Abdikhiba* or (as 
Sayce transcribes the cuneiform ideograph) Ebed-tob. The latter name 
means " servant of that which is good," or " Servant of the Good One," 
which in spirit at least is substantially equivalent to Adonizedek, " Lord 
of Righteousness." It is interesting to find that the word zedek is actually 
employed in one of the King's letters. He there says of the Pharaoh, 
" Behold, the King is righteous (zaduk) towards me." 5 There are seven 
or eight letters from Abdi-Khiba. The first is a defence of his own conduct 
against some slanderer who has been accusing him to Amenhotep IV as 
a traitor. According to Sayce, 6 he pleads that he is not an Egyptian 
governor, but a king in his own right, yet subject to the suzerain authority 
of the Pharaoh, and he states that he has received his royal rank not 
through inheritance from his father and mother, but through the arm 
(or oracle) of " the Mighty King." Sayce identifies this " Mighty King " 
with the God Most High, possessor of heaven and earth 7 of his royal pre- 
decessor Melchizedek, and he believes that in this obscure allusion we 
have the clue to the mysterious statement that Melchizedek, King of Salem, 
was without father, without mother, without genealogy , having neither beginning 
of days nor end of life. 6 In this opinion, however, Sayce stands practically 
alone. 

Abdi-Khiba's letters to Akhnaton are full of information. " The 
country of the King is being destroyed, all of it. Hostilities are carried 
on against me as far as the mountains of Seir 9 and the city of Gath- 
Karmel. 10 There is war against myself since I see the foe : but I do not 
see the tears of my lord the King because war has been raised against me 
. . . the Khabiri are now capturing the fortresses of the King. Not a 
single governor remains among them to my lord the King ; all have perished. 
Behold Turbazu, thy military officer, has fallen in the great gate of the 
city of Zelah. 11 Zimrida of Lachish has been murdered by the servants 
who have revolted against the King .... may the King send help, may 
he despatch troops to his country ! Behold, if no troops come this year, 
all the countries of my lord the King will be utterly destroyed." 

Letter II follows in the same strain. " What have I done against 
my lord the King ? . . . Why dost thou love the Khabiri and hate^the 
governors ? Constantly I am sending to the presence of my lord the King 
to say that the countries of my lord the King are being destroyed . . . 
let him send troops to his country which protects the fortresses of my lord 
the King : since Elimelech is destroying all the country of the King . . . 

1 Weigall, Akhnaton, p. 226. 2 Jos. 10. 1 - 6 * Winckler, Thontafeln, 

306, 312, 314. For a full discussion of the name and its meaning, and whether 
Urusalim is a corruption of Jerusalem, or vice versa, see G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, 1. 
250-265. * Winckler has discovered through his excavations at Boghaz-KyOi that 

Khiba is a Hittite deity. 5 Sayce, Patr. Palestine, p. 75- . * lbu L< PP- J 2 ! 

138. 7 Gen. 14. 19 8 Heb. 7. 3 9 Not Mount Seir in hdom, 

the rough, woody ridge in Judah mentioned in Jos. 15. 10 1J Jos. 15. 

^os. 18. 28 



218 Nile and Jordan 

no provinces remain unto the King ... the Khabiri have wasted all 
the territory of the King." Then follows an urgent postscript to the 
secretary of the Pharaoh, " Give a report of my words to the King : tell 
him that the provinces are being destroyed by the enemy." It is interesting 
to find the thoroughly Hebrew name " Elimelech " occurring here as that 
of a prominent captain in the campaign of the Israelites against Canaan. 
" Elimelech " as a name occurs a little later in the Biblical history as the 
husband of Naomi. 1 

The remaining Letters are equally urgent, yet Akhnaton paid no 
heed. He was absorbed in his religious revolution in Egypt, and in the 
erection of his bizarre metropolis. Like Nero, he " fiddled while Rome 
was burning." Letter after letter, full of more and more despairing 
entreaty, reached him from the Egyptian commandants in Canaan, but 
if they were read, they were unattended to, and the Hebrews swept over 
the land in an irresistible flood. Nevertheless, Akhnaton demanded the 
tribute from Canaan, an insult which merely added fuel to the helpless 
rage of his subordinate dynasts and local Palestinian kinglets who were 
left to stem this torrent of foes unassisted. 2 

Inasmuch as the Amarna Tablets represent town after town as falling into 
the hands of the Khabiri, it is noteworthy to observe how amply modern 
exploration corroborates their statements. In his excavation of Lachish, 
Bliss 3 unearthed a cuneiform tablet bearing the name of Zimrida, who, 
according to a letter of Abdi-Khiba to Akhnaton, was murdered at Lachish 
by a renegade official of the Pharaoh. But the most remarkable fact is 
that City III, which Bliss identifies as the third of its kind reared on its 
two predecessors, is represented by a vast mass of ashes in which have been 
discovered scarabs and other relics of this same Khabiri period. " The 
inference," he says, " is plain. The enemy who captured this town utterly 
sacked it : some houses they destroyed altogether, others they razed almost 
to the ground, having previously robbed them of all their valuables." It is 
the precise period indicated in the Biblical statement, The Lord delivered 
Lachish into the hand of Israel, and he took it on the second day, and smote 
it with the edge of the sword, and all the souls that were therein* The presence 
of XVIIIth Dynasty scarabs in the mound of ashes, the evidence of the 
assault of the Khabiri, and the account of Joshua's invasion in the Bible, 
are coincidences very startling indeed. 

The discoveries by Dr. Mackenzie at Beth-shemesh 5 tell a similar 
tale. Here a stone wall and a well-preserved fortified gate attest the pre- 
Israclite Canaanite era. 6 The accompanying deposits reveal that Egypt 
was the dominant foreign influence, numbers of articles such as an Egyptian 
alabaster vessel, figures of Bes, Isis, and Hathor, Horus eyes, scarabs, beads, 
and bronze spear-heads, all of the XVIIIth Dynasty, having been dug up. 
In a Palestine city which bore the name of the " House of the Sun," further 
excavation would doubtless disclose evidences of the worship of the solar 
divinity, the great Theban Amen-Ra. 7 Just above this stratum of Egypto- 
Canaanite remains, there lies a bed of ashes mixed with a mass of burnt 

1 Ruth i.* * It is true that the Royal Treasurer, Huia, records on his 

tomb that in the 12th year of Akhnaton he brought tribute from Syria (amongst other 
places) to his master. But it is impossible to believe this. The whole of Canaan ffU 
in revolt, distracted by the invasion of the Khabiri-Hebrews under Joshua. It may 
have been some petty contribution from some towns on the Shcphelah. 3 Bliss, A 

Mound of Many Cities, iSo8, pp. 55, 1S4. • Jos. 10. ,2 'Mackenzie, 

Excavations at A in Shems (Pal. Explor. Fund Annual, 1912-13). * P.E.F.Q-. 
*912, p. 171. » lb. p. 125. 



The Conquest of Canaan 219 

debris fallen from the battlements and houses. 1 Who were the besiegers, 
and in what invasion did Beth-Shemesh succumb to fire and sword ? 
Mackenzie has found good reason to hold that the conflagration was due 
to the victorious Hebrews, who attacked and burned the fortress in the days 
of Joshua. 2 In any case, we read of the capture of Beth-shemesh, and how 
afterwards it was allotted to the priests. 3 Above the ashes a later city 
seems to have been built, which evidences a renewed Canaanite occupation. 
As it was not re-walled it would seem that the Hebrews permitted the 
surviving population to rebuild their ruined town on condition that it was 
not fortified. 4 

When we turn to Taanach, excavated by Sellin in 1902, 5 we find 
similar features. The pottery reveals that it was a Canaanite city of the 
usual Semitic type. It had been captured by the Egyptians during the 
campaigns of Thothmes III, and it remained in nominal subjection to the 
Pharaoh. Twelve cuneiform tablets of its King, Ishtar-washur, were dug 
up, in one of which he was commanded to send troops and chariots to the 
assistance of the King of Megiddo. 6 Another of the letters was written 
by a man named Ahiyami, which seems identical with the Biblical name 
Ahijah. But this coalition between Taanach and Megiddo against Joshua 
and the Hebrews was in vain. Among the Kings of the land whom Joshua 
and the children of Israel smote were the King of Taanach, one ; the King 
of Megiddo, one. 7 

Gezer also affords remarkable corroboration. The Amarna Tablets 
give Yapa'a 8 as the name of its King. The word is the same as Japhia, 
who is mentioned in Joshua as King of Lachish. 9 But that Horam, who 
is recorded in Joshua as King of Gezer, 10 may have ruled over both cities 
is suggested by a curious fact brought to light by Macalister. 11 It struck 
Jiim as strange that it should be recorded that Horam, King of Gezer, came 
up to help Lachish, 12 for the cities were two days' journey apart from 
•each other, and there were many cities much nearer which might have 
furnished aid. Then he noticed that a peculiar type of pottery, common 
in the mounds of Lachish, failed to appear in other mounds in the Shephelah 
but reappeared conspicuously at Gezer. From this fact he concluded that 
between Lachish and Gezer there existed some old tribal connection closer 
than that uniting Gezer with any other town in the Shephelah. One of 
Abdi-Khiba's letters also couples Lachish with Gezer and Ashkelon, proving 
that there was some ancient understanding between them. Macalister's 
digging into the mound of Gezer brought to light this further fact that at 
the time of the Hebrew conquest the city shows an increase of population. 
When it was rebuilt by the Hebrews, the houses were erected on a smaller 
scale, and were more crowded together. The sacred area of the High 
Place had even to be built over, so insufficient, was the space within its 
walls for the new population that thronged it. The great High Place, with 
its row of gigantic sacred pillars unearthed by Macalister, may have 
led to Gezer's being regarded as sacrosanct, and therefore not 
long after we find Gezer with her suburbs 13 allotted to the priestly 
Levites. 

There is at least a possibility that some of the actual tribes of Israel may 

ip.E.F.Q., 1911, p. 149. % Ibid., 1912, p. 171- , !J° S -. I5 ',\° 2 J\! 

*P.E.F.Q., 1912, p. 171. 5 Sellin, Tell Ta'annek in Denkschnft d. hats. Ahad. d. 

Wiss. Philosoph.'-Histor. Klasse, 1., pt. 4 : lii., pt. 3 (Vienna, 1904-05)- 6 Driver, 

Schiveich Lectures, p. 83. 7 Jos. 12. 7 il 8 Conder, The Tell Amarna 

Tablets p 133. • Jos. 10. 8 10 Jos. 10." "Macalister, The Excavation 

of Gezer, i. 16. " Jos. 10. 33 "Jos. 21." « 1 Chr. 6." 



220 Nile and Jordan 

be identified in the Amarna Tablets. Jastrow 1 thought he had discovered 
the name of Judah. He rendered Father Scheil's reading ameluti Ia-u-du 
as equivalent to " Judaean men," and ameluti sabe Ia-u-du as " Judasan 
soldiery." 2 The letter in which these words occur is a protestation on 
the part of Aziru, governor of Sumurra 3 in the north of Palestine, of 
loyalty to the Egyptian crown, while his enemies accused him of treachery, 
and of coquetting with the Hittites and the " Judah men." It is the 
" Judah men," he says, who have fallen away from the Pharaoh. Jastrow 
points out that in the two places in which it occurs it is written with precisely 
the same signs as are found in the inscriptions of Sargon, Sennacherib, 
and Esarhaddon, when the country, or Kingdom, of Judah is referred to. 
As, however, Meyer 4 disputes the correctness of the decipherment, and as 
both Winckler and Knudtzon, who have re-examined the tablet, agree 
that the first sign cannot be la, and may be Sit or Zu, the word therefore 
being Su-ti-du instead of Ia-u-du, the question must still be left open and 
undecided. 5 

Still more doubtful is another suggestion made by Jastrow 6 and 
Hommel. 7 It is that under the names " Khabiri " and the "sons of 
Milkil," who are frequently mentioned as being active opponents of 
Abdi-Khiba of Jerusalem, we may recognize the Hebrew clans of 
" Heber " and " Malchiel," which, in no fewer than three passages of the Old 
Testament, occur in juxtaposition as subdivisions of the tribe of Asher : 8 
the sons of Asher, of the sons of Beriah, of Heber the father of the Heberites, 
of Malchiel the father of the Malchielites. Once again, Jastrow has proposed 
to identify Labd, who also appears with a following among Abdi-Khiba's 
foes, with the Hebrew tribe of Levi, distinct, of course, from the clan in 
its religious role. But these identifications are exceedingly precarious, 
and as yet small stress can be laid on them. 9 

Of greater importance is it to note that in other of the Amarna Letters 
reference is made to a people called the SA.GAZ. Many have been the 
conjectures as to who this race really was. They are represented as a people 
whose ravages in Canaan threatened the continuance of the Egyptian rule 
from the extreme north to the farthest south. The problem has only 
recently been solved, and in a most unexpected quarter. At Boghaz- 
Kyoi in Cappadocia, the capital of the Hittites, Winckler discovered 
cuneiform documents which have revealed that the mysterious SA.GAZ 
are none other than the Khabiri-Hebrews. 10 It is thus seen that just as on 
the east of Jordan the Hebrews overran the country as far north as Kenath, 11 
so on the western seaboard they spread the terror of their name through 
the Lebanon district, 12 as far as the land of the Gcbalitcs, 13 half-way between 
Beirut and Tripolis. 

It is impossible to go into further details of the fascinating 
correspondences between the story of the loss of Canaan as narrated in the 

1 Joum. of Bibl. Liter., xii. (1893), pt. i. 61. 2 In Letter 39, Berlin Collection, 
Winckler, ii. 46. s Cf. Gen. 10, 18 the Zemarite. * In JEgypiiaca, Festschrijt 

fiir Georg Ebers (1897), p. 74. 6 Cf. Prasek in Expos. Times, xi. 503. 6 J own. 

of Bibl. Literal., xi. (1892) 95-124. 7 Ave. Heb. Trad., p. 233 f. 8 Gen. 4O, 17 

Num. 26, 45 1 Chr. 7. 31 » Bohl (Kanaavaer u. Hebraer, p. 94) identities Laba 

or Lab'aja with the King of Shechem, who betrayed his city without a blow into the 
hands of the Khabiri. 10 Winckler in Mitth. Dcutsch. Client. Gesell. 1907, Dec, 

p. 25. 11 Num. 32." 12 On this wide expansion of the Hebrew conquest, 

sir B6hl, op. cit., p. 88. But, of course, in this sense, " Hebrew" is of wider 
connotation than " Israelite," for these SA.GAZ-Khabiri people exhibit lines of 
conduct, and a laxity of monotheistic creed, which is inconsistent with their being 
absolutely and in all respects identifiable with Joshua's warriors. 13 Jos. 13 5 ; 

c f . 1 Ki. 5, 18 Psa. 83,' Ezek. 27. • It is the classical Byblos. 



The Conquest of Canaan 221 

Egyptian Letters, and the same story as unfolded in the books of Joshua 
and Judges. The Letters from Ribadda, King of Gebal ; 1 Ammunira 
King of Beirut ; 2 Zimridi, governor of Sidon ; 3 Abimelech, King of Tyre « 
(especially pathetic and tragic ones !) ; Surata, dynast of Accho ; 5 Jabin 
King of Hazor ; 6 Yabitiri (Abiathar ?), King of Joppa ; 7 Dagan-tacala', 
King of Ascalon ; 8 Biridi, dynast of Makkedah ; 9 Zimrida, King of 
Lachish ; 10 those from various persons in Gezer, 11 such as Milkilu, 
Takanu, and Japhia ; from Abdi-Khiba, King of Jerusalem, 12 full of vivid 
details in which he speaks of sending on his harem to Egypt, and of speedily 
following in person ; those from Suyardata King of Keilah, 13 and from 
other dynasts, along with two 14 from a lady Basmatu or Basemath, 15 
who may have been the wife of Milkilu of Gezer, and who pleads for the life 
of her son after her husband's death— are all documents of intense human 
interest, revealing the anguish of these Syrian kinglets as they felt them- 
selves surrounded with invincible foes, and deserted by the Pharaoh who 
was their liege lord. 

But before I pass from this subject it must be observed that there is 
great force in Bohl's statement that the argumentum e silentio has powerful 
validity here. 16 For the towns mentioned in the Amarna Tablets do not 
include the well-known old sites of Bethel, or Ai, or Jericho, or Hebron, or 
Beersheba, or Shiloh, or Gibeon. Why ? Was it chance ? Was it not rather 
that by the time the other Letters were written, these cities were already 
captured by the Hebrews, and it was useless to ask for help, for in their 
case it was too late ? Shechem, after Jerusalem the most important city 
in Palestine, is mentioned only once in the Amarna Letters. 17 Why ? 
The answer is that it fell so soon into the hands of the victorious 
Israelites. 18 Thus the fact that we possess no tablets from the cities 
just mentioned is a strong indirect verification of the truth of the 
Biblical narrative. 

As regards Jericho, Sellin's 19 excavations in 1908 have brought out 
the fact that there is a distinct break noticeable in the pottery deposits. 
The old Canaanite ware suddenly disappears, and there is a gap between 
it and the later pottery, which is not to be seen in any other Canaanite 
city. Normally the transition from one type to another is gradual, the 
specimens in successive strata usually overlapping and dovetailing into each 
other. But in Jericho there is a clear cut line of demarcation showing that 
the civic life of the town suffered a total collapse in the 15th century B.C., 
and that not till the time of Ahab in the 9th century B.C. when the city 
was rebuilt by Hiel 20 was it resumed under new conditions of civilization. 
All this is precisely in harmony with the Biblical narrative of the destruction 
of the city. 21 The excavations clearly betoken an immense hiatus between 
the fall of Jericho under Joshua, and the re-founding of the city under 

1 Winckler, Nos. 41, 49, 51. 5 2 . 54-58, 60-63, 71-73, 75"77, 79-86, 89. Brit. 
Mus., Nos. 12-25. 2 Brit. Mus., 26, 27. 3 Winckler, 90, cf. Jos. 19. 28 * Winckler, 
99: Brit. Mus. 28-31, cf. Jos. 19. 29 ' 5 Winckler, 93-95 : Brit. Mus., 32: cf. 

Judg. i. 31 6 The name seems to be Abdebaenu or Iebaenu (Jabin), cf. Jos. II.* 

It was probably a dvnastic name, as another Jabin appears later in Jud. 4.* Brit. 
Mus. 47, 48. 'Brit. Mus. 57, 71 : cf. Jos. 19. 46 8 Winckler, 118, 119, isx, 

122, 129: Brit. Mus. 52-54, 74: cf. Jud. i. 18 9 Winckler, 111-115. M9. *54 : 

Brit. Mus. 59, 61, 73, 77: cf. Jos. 10. 10 18 21 23 "Winckler, 123, 124: cf. 

Jos. io. 32 1X Winckler, 108-110, 155 : Brit. Mus. 19-51. 62 (63), 70 : cf. Jos. 10. 3J 

"Winckler, 102-106, 199: cf. Judg. i. 8 13 Winckler, 100, 101, 107: Brit. 

Mus. 67-69 : cf. Jos. 15. 44 M Winckler, 137, 138. 15 Esau married a woman 

of this name (Gen. 36 3 * 13 ), and it was also the name of one of Solomon's daughters 
(1 Ki. 4 15 ). ls Bohl, op. cit., p. 93. " Knudtzon, 289." 18 Jos. I7- 7 

19 Mitleil.d. Deutsch. Orient. Ges., Nos. 39, 41. Sellin and Watzinger, Jericho, Die 
Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen, 1913. 20 1 Ki. 16. 34 21 P.E.F.Q., 1910, p. 62. 



222 Nile and Jordan 

Hiel the Bethelite. 1 Jericho indeed furnishes us with an overwhelming 
proof that the Exodus did not take place under the XlXth Dynasty. By 
the time of Merenptah the city had already been in ruins for 147 years, as 
the archaeological evidence clearly shows. If it be maintained that the 
Exodus happened under that monarch, then the story of the fall of the walls 
of Jericho will have to be abandoned, as by that time there were no walls 
in existence to fall ! But all is consistent if we equate the Exodus with 
the reign of Amenhotep II. 

Tragic thus in the extreme was this melting away of the old Egyptian 
supremacy over Canaan. The Syrian provinces, which had been united 
to the Nilotic Kingdom at such a cost of blood under the Thothmidae, were 
now through the quixotic romanticism of Akhnaton finally lost. The 
Kings of the XlXth and XXth Dynasties made passing warlike excursions 
through the Palestinian territory, but they exercised no permanent sway, 
and not till Ptolemaic times was the overlordship of Egypt over Canaan 
resumed. 

On the decease of the heretic King, his revolt against the Theban 
divinities was continued only for a very short time by his son-in-law and 
successor Smenkhara. He probably did not reign above two or three 
years. 2 Having married the princess Aten-merit, he was a sincere devotee 
of the new cult, and was associated on the throne by his father-in-law 
shortly before the latter's death. He continued to five in the new city of 
Akhetaten, and to make it his capital, yet his physical weakness brought 
him to an early death. 

With the accession of Tutankhamen (c. b.c. 1376-1374), another 
son-in-law of Amenhotep IV, and a son of Amenhotep III by an inferior 
wife, a counter religious revolution took place. Both he and his wife 
changed their names from titles compounded with " Aten," and reverted 
to the old Theban names associated with Amen-Ra. 3 The Court was 
removed back to Thebes. The official worship of Amen was resumed. 
The Aten heresy was doomed. A great stele of Tutankhamen was discovered 
at Karnak in 1905 recording his restoration of the cult of the Theban 
divinities. 4 The city of Akhetaten was deserted ; the roofs of the houses 
fell in ; the palaces crumbled into fragments ; and within twenty-five 
years after the death of its founder, the lovely home of impressionist art 
was a mouldering ruin. The temple erected by Akhnaton in Thebes to the 
" Disk " was pulled down, and its stones were used in an attempt to 
complete the unfinished hypostyle hall of Amenhotep III. Egypt had 
been unprepared for this drastic monotheistic creed, and for the high 
spiritual doctrine preached by its heretic king. It now gladly threw off 
the strange religion, and rushed headlong once more into its ancient welter 
of polytheism. 5 

But the loss of the Asiatic provinces, occasioned by the conquest of 
Canaan by the Khabiri-Hebrews, had enormously diminished the golden 
tribute which under former sovereigns had flowed in an unceasing stream 
into the coffers of the Theban priests who ministered in their eight vast 
Amen-temples. It was they, probably, who, smarting under the pain 
of their diminished resources, egged on the Pharaoh to attempt the recovery 

1 1 Ki. 16. 3 * See also Driver, Schweich Lectures, 1909, p. 91 f. : Forder in R.P., 
1910, p. 203 f. * Manetho says 12 years, but he is probably mistaken. 

3 On the titles attributed to Tutankhamen, see Gauthier, Ann. du Service, x. 202. 
'Given, in extenso, by Legrain, Rec. de Trav., xxix. 162. 8 As an illustration 

of the return to animal naturalism, an Apis bull was buried in the Serapeum during 
the reign of Tutankhamen (Marietta, Serapeum, p. m). 



The Conquest of Canaan 223 

of some of the Canaanite territory. A tomb at Thebes— that of Hui the 
viceroy of Nubia— depicts a number of chiefs of the Rutennu (Syrians) 
bringing tribute to Tutankhamen, and saying " There shall be no revolters 
in thy time, but the land shall be in peace," evidently referring to the 
recent rebellion. Mr. Theodore Davis, also, discovered at Thebes in 1909 
some fragments of gold foil on which Tutankhamen is shown in his chariot 
slaying Asiatics. But the recovery of Palestine was evidently hopeless, 
and the raid of the Pharaoh into Canaan accomplished practically nothing! 
[ndeed in an inscription recently discovered at Karnak it is plainly stated : 
: ' If one sent men to the coast of Phoenicia to enlarge the borders of Egypt, 
t would be impossible for them to succeed there." * 

The next monarch, Ai (c. B.C. 1374-1370) had been a courtier under 
tfie heretic King with a palace at Tell-el-Amarna. In that new capital 
le had prepared a splendid tomb 2 for himself and for his lady Ti, who had 
:>een the nurse of Akhnaton. But he was destined never to lie in it. Seeing 
:hat Akhetaten was now a crumbling ruin, he feebly attempted, in loyalty 
:o his dead master, to resuscitate some of his views in Thebes itself. He 
:ried to rebuild the temple to the Disk in that city. But death supervened, 
tnd he was laid in a tomb excavated in the Theban Valley of the Kings, 
seemingly he had relinquished all hope of reconquering Canaan, and had 
esigned himself to the inevitable. His connection with Lower Egypt 
,eems also to have been slight, for beyond a few pottery rings with his 
:artouche discovered at Memphis, 3 and a stele at Sakkara mentioning a 
' camp " of the Hittites and bearing his name, the monuments are silent 
tbout his doings in the Delta. 

The splendid XVIIIth Dynasty was brought to a close by the reign of 
Horemheb 4 (b.c. 1370-1353). He seems to have been an officer under 
Akhnaton ; but on the death of the " heretic " he recanted his errors and 
>ecame a fanatical adherent of the Theban divinities and their priests. 
le acted as the all-powerful " mayor of the palace ' behind the feeble Ai, 
nd on the latter's decease he assumed the royal crown. A vigorous sturdy 
oldier, with little romance in his nature, he was just the sovereign whom 
gypt required. The quixotic rule of Akhnaton had been followed by 
errible demoralization, and it fell to Horemheb to bring order out of the 
haos. The Theban priests legitimized his accession, though he was 
either a Theban nor of royal blood. After his elevation to the throne, 
e married Nefertiti, the sister of Akhnaton, thereby regularizing his 
osition. 5 

Most of the details of his reign are derived from an inscription on 
he back of a double statue now in the Turin Museum. 6 Horemheb 
escribes how he restored the worship of Amen-Ra in all quarters, 

1 Hall, Near East, p. 354. Daressy (" Le Cercueil de Khu-n-aten " in 
nil. Inst. Fran. Arch. Orient., xii. (1916) ) describes a coffin found in a tomb at 
iban-el-Meluk, which seems originally to have been intended for Queen Tyi, but 
hich was, Daressy thinks, really used for Tutankhamen, and it is his body that was 
iscovered in the coffin. 2 It is fully described by Davies, Rock Tombs of El 

mama (Tombs of Parennefer, Tutu, and Ay), 1908, pt. vi., p. 16 f. It is from its 
alls that the great Hymn to Aten has been taken ; see p. 212. 3 Petrie, Hist, of 
gypt, ii. 242. 4 Maspero (Struggle of the Nations, p. 341) and Breasted (Hist, of 

gypt, p. 395) make Horemheb' the first King of the XlXth Dynasty, and they extol 
ts vigorous rule. Petrie, Budge and Hall relegate him to the close of the 
.VIHth Dynasty, following Manetho. The probability is that the latter are right. 
Sethe (Mgypt. Zeit., xlii. 134) denies this. He asserts that the name of the 
ster of Akhnaton must be read Mut-benert, and the name of the wife of Horemheb. 
ut-netemt, so that there is no evidence for the identity of the two ladies. The 
Matter is uncertain. "Birch, T.S.B.A., iii. 486 f. 



224 Nile and Jordan 

and re-opened the temples which had long been closed. 1 Another 
inscription, discovered by Maspero at Karnak in 1882, shows the steps he 
took to purify the local administration of justice. On all hands the country 
was groaning under misgovernment, bribery, corruption, spoliation, robbery 
being everywhere rampant. 2 The King's measures were soldierly in their 
directness and severity. He cut off the noses of the delinquents, 
and banished the malefactors to the frontier town of Tharu on 
the border of Canaan. The Greeks have preserved a reminiscence 
of this frontier colony of mutilated Egyptian convicts in the name 
of " Rhinocoloura." 3 Truly, Tharu must have been a singular place 
to live in ! 

It would seem that Horemheb attempted to recover the lost provinces 
of Syria and Canaan. He had in earlier years been through Palestine 
under Tutankhamen, for he speaks of being with his lord " on the day 
of the slaying of the Asiatics." 4 On the walls of the temple of Amen 
at Thebes he gives a list of the places subdued by him, from which it would 
appear that he overran a number of cities in North Syria, and attacked the 
Hittites to the north of the territory now occupied by the Israelites. The 
treaty struck with them evidences that his claim of having made a 
" conquest " of them is a mere grandiloquent boast. 5 

But what interests us specially is the probability that in this Syrian 
campaign we have an explanation of the invasion of Israel by Cushan- 
Rishathaim. The anger of the Lord was kindled against Israel, and he sold 
them into the hand of Cushan-Rishathaim, King of Aram-naharaim , and the 
children of Israel served Cushan-Rishathaim eight years* The date is precisely 
that which the Biblical chronology bears out. Horemheb's reign lasted, 
as nearly as can be ascertained, from B.C. 1370 to B.C. 1353. The ravaging 
of Palestine by the Mesopotamian King happened, as closely as we can 
estimate, from B.C. 1358 to B.C. 1350. 7 It would thus appear that though 
the campaign of Horemheb against the Hittites ended in a fairly evenly 
drawn settlement, the Hittite power was nevertheless for the time 
weakened, and an opportunity was thus afforded for the bursting 
forth from the Euphrates Valley of the people of " Aram of the Two 
Rivers," Aram-naharaim, the territory known to the Egyptians as 
" Naharaina." 8 

The name of the conqueror, " Cushan-Rishathaim," may be trans- 
lated " Cushan-Double-Wickedness " ; yet it may rather be akin to other 
Babylonian names containing the syllable risk, e.g., Ashur-m/z-ishi, King 
of Assyria in B.C. 1140, or Sin-mA, Aa-m/zat, personal names from the 
1st Dynasty of Babylon. 9 Similarly, " Cushan " suggests some link with 
the Babylonian " Kush " or " Kash " mentioned along with Aram-naharaim 

1 He installed two more Apis bulls in the Serapeum (Mariette, Serapeum, 
iii. 4, 1-6) and built a tomb for himself in the old sacred city of Memphis 
(Sharpe, Egyptian Inscriptions, ii. 92: Zeit. f. Mg. Sprache, xv. 149. 2 /Eg. 

Zeit., 1888, pp. 70-94: W. Max Miiller, Egypt. Researches, i. 57. " Strabo, 

xvi. 2, 31. It is not, therefore, at all surprising that we should possess 
a poem " In praise of Death," composed by a priest of rank, Amon Xeferhotep, 
during this reign. It is inscribed on his tomb, and reveals how wearied men were 
of the wickedness of the times : see A. H. Gardiner, P.S.B.A., xxxv. (1913), p. 165. 
4 Breasted, Anc. Records, iii. 20. 5 Rameses II, some .50 years later, refers 

to this earlier treaty as having been in existence between Egypt and the Hittite power. 
6 Judg. 3.* 7 See the method of obtaining this date in Appendix, page 515. 

8 Again and again, the Hittite power, occupying the head-waters of the Euphrates, 
acted as a kind of buffer state to prevent the Kings of the Euphrates Valley from 
rash attempts at invasion of the West. It was not till the Hittite power was finally 
smashed that the way was open for systematic attacks on the West b> the Kings of 
Nineveh. fl So Ball in Expos. Times, xxi. (1910), 192. 



The Conquest of Canaan 225 

in a letter of Abdikhiba, King of Jerusalem, as legally belonging to the 
empire of the Pharaohs. 1 Once more, then, Egypt exercised a profound 
influence on Canaan, for Horemheb's campaign in Syria brought indirectly 
in its train the eight years' subjugation and oppression of Israel, until 
the spirit of the Lord came upon Othniel, and he went out to war, and the Lord 
delivered Cushan-Rishathaim, King of Aram-naharaim, into his hand : 
and the land had rest forty years. 2 

1 T ell-el- Amama Letters, KB. v. 181, 31. Judg. 3. 10 " 



CHAPTER XVII 
The XIXth Dynasty — Seti I and Rameses II 

Horemheb dying without issue, 1 an elderly companion-in-arms of the 
deceased Pharaoh (probably no relation) seized the vacant throne, and 
founded the XIXth Dynasty. He is known to history as Rameses I. 
His reign lasted but two brief years (b.c. 1353-1351). He had time merely 
to plan and commence the building of the great Hypostyle Hall of Karnak 
(afterwards completed by his successors) when death overtook him, 
and he was forced to relinquish his sceptre to his son and co-regent, 
Seti I. 2 

On the accession of Seti I (B.C. 1351-1324) the Asiatic territories, so 
lately overrun and laid under tribute by Horemheb, burst into revolt, 
and the new Pharaoh resolved to emulate the exploits of the Theban 
conquerors of the XVIIIth Dynasty, and to blaze a track through Canaan. 
The first to rebel were the Bedouin of the Tih plateau. Into this waterless 
wilderness Seti dashed, 3 and crushed the " Shasu " with the fury of a wild 
beast. 4 He next advanced into Southern Palestine, and went up the old 
road through the Shephelah which had witnessed so many martial incursions 
by the earlier Thothmidse. Everywhere he met with ready submission. 
His chariots being unsuited for traversing the mountainous backbone of 
the country, he kept to the maritime plain, and the Israelites in their 
highland fortresses could look down on the long cavalcade of Egyptians 
slowly wending their way northwards. 5 

Emerging on the plain of Esdraelon, Seti went down to the fords of 
the Jordan, and pursued his way into the uplands of the Hauran. Here at 
Tell-esh-Shibab, Principal Sir G. A. Smith in 1901 discovered a memorial 
stele of his visit. 6 It is of basalt, executed in the purest Egyptian workman- 

1 The tomb of Horemheb was discovered by Theodore Davis in 191,3 : it is over 
300 feet long (including the entrance), and the lid of the sarcophagus, which contains 
a portrait of the King in bas-relief, was so huge that no local efforts could move it 
(Homiletic Review, 191 3, p. 35.5, and Davis, The Tomb of Harmahabi and 
Touatcinkhatnan^Li). a Named after the Syrian god, Set or Sutekh, an illustration 

of Semitic influence : c . Plcyte, Sur quelques monuments relatits an dicu Set (Leyden, 
1863), p. 15, who traces the influence of Set from dynasty to dynasty. 3 His 

route in this dry and trackless desert has been studied by Tomkins, P.E.F.Q , 1884, 
p 50 f. 4 Meyer, Die Israeliten (1906), p. 225 f., identifies these Shasu with the 

Khabiri-Hebrews, and believes that as the Israelites were already settled in Canaan, 
the Shasu may have been the southern contingents of the Hebrew stock, perhaps the 
tribe of Simeon settled in the Negeb. This is quite possible and probable. Bohl 
[Kanaanaer u. Hebrder (ioit), p. 80), however, thinks the Shasu referred to here 
may have been Edomites. 6 On the supposition that " Pa-Kanana," the 

Canaan," which Seti claims to have conquered, means Jerusalem, Hall [Near East, 
p. 556) believes that Seti captured the capital itself. But this is doubtful. Conder 
[P.E.F.Q., 1S83, p. 175) identifies " Canaan" with the ruined fortress of Kan'an, 
S.W. of Hebron. e Smith in P.E.F.Q., 1901, p. 344 : Jerusalem, ii. 19. 

226 



The XlXth Dynasty 227 

ship, not a mere imitation by an Asiatic sculptor. It must have been 
erected by some Egyptian official of high rank and of some wealth. He 
may have been the commandant of the fort erected by Seti to overawe 
the restless tribes on the east of Jordan. The stone does not so much 
commemorate the victory of the Pharaoh, as evidence the loyalty of its 
dedicator to his King. The officer wished to depict his sovereign adoring 
the god Amen and the goddess Mut, and with great pains he caused this 
very fine memorial to be carved. 1 

From the Hauran, Seti passed to Lebanon, where he captured the city 
of Yenoam. Kadesh also opened its gates to him ; and such was the 
terror revived in these quarters by the presence once more of an Egyptian 
sovereign that all the local dynasts hastened to make their submission. 
The conqueror forced them to show their loyalty by hewing down pines and 
cedars on Lebanon in his presence, to serve as lofty poles and flagstaffs 
before his temples in Thebes, and to be available for the construction of 
his sacred Nile barges. It is possible that he may have advanced as far 
north as Simyra and Ullaza in Phoenicia, and he also claims that the island 
of Asi (Cyprus) sent him tribute. 

But what is of peculiar interest to us is the fact that he mentions the 
subjugation of the tribe of Asher, 2 north of Mount Carmel, between Kadesh 
and Megiddo, 3 with its own prince Ka-da-ira-di-y. 4 It is one more 
indication of the fact for which we have already discovered so many 
other corroborations, that, long ere this, Israel had quitted Egypt and 
had been settled in their new Palestinian home. This ravaging of Canaan 
with its Hebrew inhabitants coincides exactly with the period described 
in the Book of Judges as that which followed the death of Joshua and of 
the elders who outlived him. They forsook the Lord and served Baal and the 
Ashtaroth : and the anger of the Lord was kindled against Israel, and he 
delivered them into the hands of the spoilers that spoiled them, and he sold 
them into the hands of their enemies round about, so that they could not any 
longer stand before their enemies? The harrying of the land by Seti is 
described as a bitter punishment for apostasy from fehovah, the God of their 
father, which brought them out of the land of Egypt.* Thus, once again Canaan 
was nominally annexed to Egypt, and to a certain degree it was almost 
as much a part of the Pharaoh's empire as in the palmy days of 
Thothmes III. 

Still another humiliation seems to have followed the religious 
defections of the Hebrews. Seti I in his Syrian campaign attacked 
Phoenicia, and thus obtained possession of the splendid fleet of ships for 
which Tyre and Sidon, Beirut and Aradus were always famous. In these 
ships, as well as by land, immense crowds of miserable captive Canaanite 
princes and Syrian slaves were transported to Egypt. Among these 
prisoners were many of the Khabiri-Hebrews, who thus were brought 
back to that land of bondage whence their fathers had triumphantly 
emerged. May we not see in this a remarkable commentary on the threatened 
judgment for apostasy, The Lord shall bring thee into Egypt again with 

1 See W. Max Miiller in P.E.F.Q., 1904, p. 78. 2 Papyrus Anastasi, i. 23 : 

W. Max Miiller, Asien u. Europa, p. 236 : Lepsius, Denkmaler, iii. 140 a. a Little 
can be said for Sethe's attempt (Gottingische Gelehrte Anz., 1904, p. 936) to prove that 
the " Asher " referred to in the papyrus is the great city of Assur and the empire of 
Assyria ! « Bohl (Kanaander u. Hebrder, p. 80) Hebraizes the word into 

^"Tij/P or ^TITJ and affirms that the name is un-Semitic. On the other hand, 
Prof. Obbink (Theol. Tijdsch. 1909, p. 254) attempts a clever elucidation of the word 
as truly Semitic. 5 Judg. 2. 1S u 6 v. 12 



228 Nile and Jordan 

ships, by the way whereof I said unto thee ' Thou shalt see it no more 
again ' ; and there ye shall sell yourselves unto your enemies for bondmen 
and for bondwomen, and no man shall buy you. 1 

On his return home, Seti enjoyed a great reception from his people, 
who saw in his exploits a repetition of the glorious campaigns of the previous 
dynasty. Some of the miserable crowd of captured Palestinian princes 
the Pharaoh sacrificed to Amen on his arrival at Thebes. Two hundred 
feet of the north wall of the great Hypostyle Hall at Karnak he covered 
with inscriptions and battle scenes, recording his Syrian conquests. The 
list of towns and territories alleged to have been captured is of great interest. 2 
Prof. W. Max Miiller has recently re-studied it, and has discovered a number 
of important names. 3 They include Raphia, Eltekeh, 4 a priests' city in 
the tribe of Dan, Accho 5 on the coastline of the tribe of Asher, Tyre 6 
and possibly Pala^tyrus on the mainland, Hazor 7 and Beth-anath 8 in 
Naphtali, Yenoam in South Lebanon, Ullaza in Phoenicia, Oa-ma-ud, 
the " Gumidi " of the Amarna Tablets, the " Gammadim " of Ezekiel, 9 
and Asi or Cyprus. To this list Sayce 10 adds the names of Carmel, 11 
Bethel, Pella, and Qamham or Chimham. 12 It is noteworthy that very 
few of these places captured by Seti actually belonged to the Israelites, 
or were in any way occupied by the Hebrews. Indeed it is expressly 
stated that Accho, Hazor, and Beth-anath remained as Canaanite cities, 
and that the Hebrews did not drive out their early inhabitants. 13 The 
brunt of this campaign therefore fell on cities that were mainly non-Israelitic. 

In his fourth year Seti I was again in Palestine. This time he marched 
from Phoenicia over the mountains into the Great Valley (the Biqa'a) and 
attacked Kadesh. Here he came into direct collision with the Hittites, 
and the battle ended in victory for the Egyptians. Yet, it was not a 
debacle : and Seti prudently abstained from the further prosecution of a 
campaign which threatened to cost him dearly. 14 He made a treaty with 
Mursil, the Hittite monarch, and returned to Thebes. 

Canaan being thus pacified, an era of building ensued in the Nile 
Valley. Mines 15 and quarries were re-opened in many localities, while 
chapels which had been allowed to fall into ruin were restored from the Delta 
to the Third Cataract. In Sinai we can trace evidences of Seti I's 
architectural energy. 16 The old road from Coptos to the Red Sea through 
the Wady Hammamat was restored, and a papyrus chart — the oldest 
map in the world — has been discovered, which reveals how the Pharaoh 
marked out the route across the desert to the gold mines in that region. 17 
The footpaths are traced running among the mountains, and there are 
also shown the various boring shafts, the positions of the wells dug by 
royal command and the different caravan stations. Everywhere, Seti 
strove to undo the effects of the iconoclastic fanaticism of Akhnaton, 
and to complete the work of restoration begun by Horemheb. 

1 Dout. 28. * 8 If this be really the event to which this passage refers, it has a marked 
bearing on the question of the date of Deuteronomy, which modern criticism, as a rule, 
assigns to the period when it was discovered in the House of the Lord in the time of 
Josiah (2 Ki. 22 8 ). ■ Petrie, Hist, of Egypt, iii. 16, 17 : Lepsius, Denkmaler, iii. 

126 1 3 1, 3 Midler, Egyptol. Res., i. 43. « The" Altaqu " of Sennacherib, now Beit 
Likia, 2 miles S. of Bcthhoron the Nether. Jos. iq, 44 2i. 23 The first Pharaoh to mention 
it is Horemheb: it is not referred to in the Amarna Letters. 6 The modern Acre : 

Judg. i. 81 8 Jos. 19." etc. 'Jos. 11, 1 10 - 18 12," ig, 38 Jud. 4,* 17 etc. 8 Jos. 
19, 88 Jud. i. 33 ° Ezek. 27. n 10 Sayce, Patriarchal Palestine, p. 157. ll Jos. is, 54 
1 Sam. 25.* 12 C/. Jer. 41. ,7 13 Jud. i, 31 i. 33 "See Guieysse, Rec. 

de Travaur, xi. 52, and Lushington. T.S.B.A., vi. (1878) 509-534. lb See Chabas, 

Les Inscriptions des Mines d'Or, Chalons-sur-Saone, 1862. ,e Petrie, Researches 

in Sinai, p. 10S. >' See Lepsius, Auswahl der wichtigsten Urkunden, PI. xxii. 



The XlXth Dynasty 229 

The famous " Memnonium " * at Abydos, the centre of the Osiris 
worship, with its seven chapels dedicated to Horus, Isis, Osiris, Amen, 
Harmachis, Ptah, and Seti himself, is one of his chief memorials. 2 Seti's 
grandson, Merenptah, in his mean desire to win glory for himself, inscribed 
his own cartouche on every available portion of this temple : but the 
structure is really the work of Seti, 3 built for the special worship of Osiris 
and for the celebration of the Mysteries. On its walls are inscribed every 
possible title to Osiris, such as, Osiris, chief of the gods ; Osiris, Ruler of 
the cycle of the gods ; Osiris, the Great One of Eternity ; Osiris, eldest 
Son of his Father ; Osiris, the soul of the gods ; Osiris, Ruler of the Under- 
world, etc., etc. 4 The temple contains on its main wall the celebrated 
" Tablet of Abydos," a list of 76 sovereigns ©f Egypt from Menes to Seti 
himself, a catalogue which has been of great service in determining the 
order of the successive monarchs. 

Immediately alongside of this temple erected by Seti, there was 
discovered by Naville a building unique of its kind, which has attracted 
much attention. It consists of a large rectangular structure, approached 
by a passage, hall, and chamber discovered by Professor Petrie and Miss 
Murray in 1903. These led by another passage and chamber, erected by 
Merenptah, and excavated in 1912 by Naville and Peet, into a vast hall, 
100 feet long and 60 wide, lined with pillars, which Naville unearthed 
in 1914. All round the hall are 17 cells opening on to a ledge. In the 
.centre of the hall, separated from the ledges by a stretch of water, stands 
an island with parallel rows of columns reared upon it, and with stairs 
at both ends leading down to the water. Beyond this sacred tank is a 
passage leading into a dark chamber which evidently was regarded as 
the tomb of Osiris. A hole in one of the corners of the room showed that 
it had been rifled by robbers. The whole structure is of such massive 
architecture, and of such an archaic type of severe simplicity that Naville 
has no hesitation in putting the date of its erection to the time of the 
IVth Dynasty, though both Seti I and Merenptah seem to have had some 
share in " restoring " it. 5 But the sacred tank is unquestionably the 
" well " of which Strabo speaks as being below the temple, and built like 
the labyrinth of Hawara, though on a smaller scale. 6 

But Seti's greatest work was the erection at Karnak of the immense 
Hypostyle Hall, or Hall of Columns, planned by his father and left 
unfinished. It measures 340 feet in length, and 168 feet in width, and 
contained 134 columns. One of these was reared by Rameses I, 79 by 
Seti I, and 54 by Rameses II. Twelve columns are 68 feet high and 35 feet 
in circumference, while 122 are about 43 feet high and 27 feet in circum- 
ference. 7 The massiveness 8 and costliness of these architectural labours 
evidence that, though the old Empire of the Thothmidae had considerably 
shrunk, there was, nevertheless, a volume of tribute money rolling in in 
sufficient abundance to make the Pharaoh by far the wealthiest monarch 
in the world. His funerary chapel he prepared on the most palatial scale 

1 Called so by Strabo. a See Mariette, Abydos, [i. 6, and especially 

Caulfield, The Temple of the Kings at Abydos. 3 For text of, and notes on, this 

inscription, see, Gauthier, La grande Inscription Dedicatoire d' Abydos in Chassinat, 
Bibliotheque d'Etude (1912), iv. 1-148. * See Margaret A. Murray, The Osireion 

at Abydos, 1904, p. 3. 5 See Naville in Journ. of Egyptian Archeology, vol. i., 

pt. hi. (1914), p. 159 f. 6 Strabo. 7 Budge, Hist, of Egypt, v. 14. 8 Petrie 

(Hist, of Egypt, hi. 21) says that its vast size which so strikes us, is not the 
grandeur of strength, but the bulkiness of disease. Many of the sandstone columns 
have been crushed with their own weight, and when one goes over, a whole row 
falls like ninepins, as happened in 1899. 



230 Nile and Jordan 

at Kurna opposite Thebes. For 470 feet he dug into the bowels of the 
mountain, hollowing out a labyrinth of galleries and halls, and descending 
100 feet below the level of the valley. It was discovered by Belzoni l in 
1817, and its magnificence has caused it to be regarded as the most splendid 
and wonderful of all the Royal Tombs. Its walls and staircases are covered 
with inscriptions and scenes from The Book of the Dead. 2 

When Seti died, the Egyptian Empire might seem to be as strong and 
vigorous as in the greatest days of the XVIIIth Dynasty. Its wealth 
was enormous ; its art bold, striking, and noble ; and its successful invasions 
of Syria and of Libya had inaugurated a time of peace. Yet, with all this 
ostensible strength and glory, Egypt was beginning to decay, and in Seti's 
reign she displayed to the world a sure sign of growing weakness. Just 
as China in the time of her enfeeblement (B.C. 214) erected the Great Wall, 
1,500 miles in length, in the vain attempt to keep out the northern Tartars ; 
just as Rome, in the era of her decline, built the great rampart from the 
Tyne to the Solway to prevent the incursions of the wild Caledonians, and 
fortified the 200-mile wall from the Danube to the Rhine to ward off the 
Alemanni of Germany ; 3 so Seti I betrayed to mankind the incipient 
weakness of his empire by building a wall across the isthmus of Suez to 
hold back the swarms of Asiatic Shasu or Bedouin. Centuries earlier 
there had been here a chain of forts, for they are referred to in the 
Xllth Dynasty Romance of Sinuhit.* Sinuhit mentions how he came 
to the frontier wall and found his way stopped by the sentries who in daily 
rotation guarded the rampart. But the barrier cannot have been very 
formidable, for after hiding in the bushes, he was able to dodge the sentries, 
to scale the wall, and to escape over it into the desert beyond. Now, 
however, Seti I felt compelled to erect the low rampart into a really strong 
fortification to keep back the Asiatic hordes. The old line of forts was 
known in Scripture as Shur, 6 and the road which led through it, and past 
it, was " The Way of Shur." 6 Diodorus 7 says that " Sesostris (Rameses II) 
built from Pelusium to Heliopolis (about 184 miles) a great wall, commenced 
by his father, Seti I, as a bulwark against the Asiatics." It is not a very 
probable route, and the likelihood is that the wall, as restored during the 
XlXth Dynasty, ran from the Mediterranean to the head of the Heroopolitan 
Gulf. But in any case it marked the increasing feebleness of the Empire, 
and proclaimed that Egypt was not now what it once had been. 

Whether Seti I associated his son Rameses II (b.c. 1324-1258) with 
him on the throne or not is a disputed point, 8 but the new Pharaoh certainly 
began to reign at an early age. His elder brother, who was intended for 
the succession, either died a natural death, or perished in some palace 
intrigue on the decease of his father, for his figure has been carefully erased 
from the monuments. The youthful monarch was compelled at once to 
signalize his prowess in war, for on the death of Seti the tribes both of 
Libya 9 and of Nubia broke into revolt, and only after hard fighting were 

1 Belzoni, Travels (3rd Edit.) i. 359 f. * For an account of Seti's tomb, see 

Bononi-Sharpe, The Alabaster Sarcophagus of Oimenepthah 1, King of Egypt, 1864. 
8 See Gibbon, Decline and Fall, i. 331 (ed. Bury). * See p. 77. i Gen. 20, 1 25, 19 
1 Sam. 15, 7 - 4s thou goest to Shur that is before Egypt: 1 Sam. 27.* "Gen. id. 7 

7 Diod. i. 57. 8 Budge (Hist, of Egypt, v. 18) declares that Rameses II told an 

untruth when he inscribed on the temple of Seti I at Abydos that he had been 
co-regent with his father. 9 At Marsa Matruh, a small port 150 miles west of 

Alexandria (anciently known as Panetonium) there is a small island known as "The 
Isle of the Jew." Oric Bates has shown (P.S.B.A., xxxvii. (1015) 201) that 
excavations have revealed an early Semitic settlement of the time of Rameses II, 
probably the ' which Rameses att u b I 



The XlXth Dynasty 231 

these rebellions crushed. Rameses was now, in his fourth year, in a position 
to take the old road towards Canaan, and to attempt to rival the exploits 
of his father in the field of Palestinian conquest. 

But since the days of the great Thothmes and of Amenhotep the 
Magnificent, the situation as regards Syria had materially altered. For 
one thing, the Hebrews were now in possession of the land, and the 
mountainous backbone was in particular strongly held by them. Only 
the strip bordering the Mediterranean was still more or less nominally 
under Egyptian rule. But more than that. For many years now the 
Hittite power had been consolidating in the north. The remarkable dis- 
coveries of recent years in the territories ruled by this great and almost 
forgotten people have cast a flood of light upon a position of ancient 
history which badly needed illumination. 1 Those strange monuments, those 
sculptured rocks, the weird figures cut on precipices, the still undeciphered 
script, the vast remains of walls, palaces, fortresses, and magazines which 
modern exploration has brought to light, have unfolded a new romance of 
history as thrilling as any with which we have long been familiar. The 
early incursions of Wright 2 and Sayce 3 into the history of this lost 
Hittite Empire have been followed by a host of other investigators, such 
as Humann and Puchstein, 4 Jensen, 5 Messerschmidt, 6 Winckler, 7 Myres, 8 
Hogarth, 9 and especially Garstang, 10 who in his fine monograph has 
systematized for us all that previous explorers have discovered, and has 
added much of his own. Hall 1X also has brought order out of chaos in 
the matter of the inter-relations of the Hittite and the Egyptian 
Empires. As a result of these masterly investigations, instead of the 
nebulous vagueness to which we had been accustomed, we now see a 
great strong, thoroughly organized Hittite Kingdom, with its metropolis, 
its subsidiary walled cities, its trained armies, its royal libraries, its 
national archives, its splendid Court, its massive temples, its dynasties 
of sovereigns. This resurrection of a vigorous Hittite Empire from the 
limbo of a forgotten past is as strange a romance of the beginning of the 
20th century as was the re-discovery of Nineveh in the middle of the 
nineteenth. 

It will be well to glance very briefly at the events which led to the 
Great Hittite War. 12 With Khattusil I, the 1st Dynasty of the Hittite 
Kingdom seems to have taken shape. His rule was consolidated and greatly 
expanded by his son Shubbiluliuma (or Sapalulu as he is called in the 
Egyptian monuments), who made Boghaz Kyoi his capital, and encinctured 

1 It is remarkable to read books of 30 years ago on the Hittite problem, and to 
note the extraordinary development which has meantime taken place in our knowledge 
of this race. See Hommel, Die vorsemitischen Kulturen in Mgypter unci Babylonien, 
Leipzig, 1882, p. 175 f. Sayce (Biblical World, Jan. 1905) seeks to show that Hittites 
settled in Palestine as early as the XHth Dynasty. He relies on a statement by a 
noble, Nessumontu, dated 24th year of Amenemhat I, that he overthrew the Asiatic 
troglodytes, the sand-dwellers. Breasted (ibid., p. 153) adversely criticizes this, and 
maintains that the incident was merely a foray against Semitic tribesmen east of the Delta. 
2 The Empire of the Hittites, 1884. 3 The Hittites, the story of a forgotten Empire, 

1892 and 1903: P.S.B.A., 1903, 1904, 1905, 1909. i Reisen in Kleinasien u. 

Nord. Syrien, 1890, who followed in 1912 with an exhaustive treatise, Boghaskoi die 
Bauwerke. 5 Hittiter u. Armenier, 1898, and in Hilprecht, Research in Bible Lands, 

pp. 755-793 (1905). 6 Corpus Inscriptionum Hettiticarum, 1900, 1902, 1906: 

The Hittites, 1903. 7 Mittheil d. deutsch. orient. Gesell. zu Berlin, No. 35 (1907), 

pp. 1-71. 8 Liverpool Annals, i. (1908). 9 " Hittite Problems and the 

Excavation of Carchemish " in Proc. Brit. Acad., v. (191 0, translated and curtailed 
in Annual Report Smithsonian Instit. (Washington), 1909, P- 677. 10 The Land 

of the Hittites, 1910. » Near East, chap, viii (1913). PP- 326-395- 12 Luckenbill 

has an excellent outline of Hittite history, so far as modern research has unravelled it, 
in Amer. Journ. of Theology, xviii. (1914) 24-58. 



232 Nile and Jordan 

it with formidable fortifications. Its acropolis had a wall one and a half 
miles in length — with a width across of three-quarters of a mile, while the 
whole circuit of the city's defences amounted to three and a half miles. 
The wall was over 12 feet in height, and its average thickness was 14 feet. 1 
From this strong capital fortress the Hittite monarch dominated a wide 
slice of Asia Minor, and from the head waters of the Halys and the Euphrates 
he gradually extended his power down into the regions nearer the 
Mediterranean sea-level. Carchemish on the Euphrates and Zenjirli in 
the lower hills became places of great military importance. 

The political confusion which occurred towards the close of the reign 
of Amenhotep III, and the convulsions of the Egyptian state under the 
fantastic eccentricities of Akhnaton gave to the Hittite monarch the desired 
opportunity to attack Naharaina. Entering into alliance with the Amorites, 
Sapululu invaded this little buffer state, and in a second campaign reduced 
Aleppo, Ni, Katna and other cities. We have already seen how the Amarna 
Letters reveal the welter of intrigue, barefaced treachery, and downright 
lying which was in vogue amongst the Canaanite and Syrian dynasts, 
as they coquetted alternately with the Egyptians and with the Hittites, 
and sought to keep in with both Great Powers. When Palestine was 
more and more subjugated by the Khabiri-Hebrews, and Egyptian 
supremacy in the north of Syria faded away, Sapululu seized the occasion 
to invade Mitanni once again, and to annex it formally to his Kingdom. 
He dethroned the King and placed his son Tushratta on his seat. This 
success was the climax to years of wily diplomacy and hard warfare. Ere 
he died, Sapululu was able to strike a treaty with Horemheb 2 on such 
equal terms that the Hittites were left in undisputed possession of Naharaina 
and the Amorite country to the north, while the possession of Phoenicia 
and of Canaan remained an open question to be decided later. 

Under the vigorous Seti I, as we have seen, the collision between these 
Great Powers was resumed. Mursil (or according to the Egyptian spelling, 
Maursar) was now on the Hittite throne, and ruled from the Black Sea 
to Mount Carmel and from Phrygia to the frontier of Assyria. The Powers 
grappled with each other near Kadesh, and the disciplined Egyptians put 
the more untrained Hittites to flight. Then came the treaty I have already 
referred to. 

For some fifteen years after this battle peace was preserved. But 
with the accession of the imperious and headstrong Rameses II, Egyptians 
and Hittites were again in deathgrips. In his fourth year the Pharaoh 
marched through Palestine. A reminiscence of his presence is to be seen 
in a fragment of an alabaster vase bearing his name found by Macalister 
at Gezcr, 3 as well as a scarab with his cartouche which had also on it a 
well-known type of an Egyptian charioteer. 4 In violation of his father's 
treaty he now attempted to wrest from his rival Mursil the sovereignty of 
Syria and of the north-west. A motley throng gathered to the standard 
of the Hittite King. Confederates arrived from every part of Asia Minor 
as far as Mount Caucasus. 5 The clash of the two nations once again took 
place at Kadesh on the Orontcs. 6 

1 Garstang, op. cit., p. 201. 2 It was arranged between the contracting 

monarchs that the Dog River, near Beirut, should be the boundary between their 
respective domains. 3 P.E.F.Q., 1907, p. 186. * Ibid., 1905, p. 274. * For the 
identification of the various races which formed this huge league, see Maspero, Struggle 
0/ the Nations, p. 389. • The site of the battle has been identified by Conder at Tell 

Ncby Mendeh, on the left bank of the Orontes, about 4 miles S. of the Lake of Horns : see 
the interesting report of the discovery in P.E.F.Q., 1880, p. 1O3 f. : and Besant, Thirty 
Years' Work in the Holy Lain!, p. 155 f. 



The XlXth Dynasty 233 

We have several accounts of the battle. 1 It is described on the walls of 
the temples at Abydos 2 and at Thebes ; 3 on a stele in the temple of Abu- 
Simbel in Nubia hewn out of the rock; 4 and, again, in the spirited epic 
of the poet Pentaur, who must have been an eye-witness of the engagement. 8 
These narratives supplement each other, and give us the Egyptian version 
of this renowned battle. They tell of the false information given by spies 
which nearly led to a disaster, of the exploits of Rameses, of his hewing 
down his foes like the mighty god Sutekh, of the frightful carnage brought 
on the enemy by the teeth and claws of the Pharaoh's tame lion, of the 
danger of the King when he was surrounded by 2,500 pairs of horses, of his 
appeal to Amen for help, of the succour sent by the god, and of the over- 
whelming victory of the Egyptians, the Orontes being choked with the 
carcases of the slain Hittites. It is noteworthy, however, that there is 
no mention of tribute from the enemy, and the retreat of Rameses after 
the battle seems to indicate that the losses on the Egyptian side were also 
extremely severe. 

No sooner had the Pharaoh returned to Thebes and enjoyed his triumph 
than once again the Hittites flew to arms. Palestine was invaded. Galilee 
and Southern Canaan were alike overrun by the new Hittite King Mutallu 
(or Mautenra), and Rameses had to begin once more to reconquer all the 
provinces that had been lost. 6 Commencing with the storming of Ashkelon, 
Rameses finished at Mount Tabor where the Hittite garrison was expelled 
only after a siege. 7 The Pharaoh seems even to have crossed over the 
Jordan into Bashan, for near Tell 'Ashtarah is still to be seen the 
well-known so-called " Job Stone," discovered by Schumacher, 8 on 
which Rameses II is depicted worshipping a divinity whose crown, 
horn, and Semitic title indicate that it. represents some native 
Canaanite deity for whom the conqueror felt some reverence. 9 It is not 
known who the god or goddess was, but the divinity may have 
been identified in Rameses' mind with some one in the Egyptian 
pantheon. 10 

From Canaan the victorious Pharaoh now pushed northwards up the 
coast. At the Dog River near Beirut he set up three stelae of himself which 
still survive : n at Tunip he set up a statue of his royal person : a city in 

1 Breasted [Chicago Univ. Decennial Public. 1st Ser., v. 81) has examined 
afresh the whole story of the battle, and cast fresh light on some details. 
2 Gauthier has re-edited the great inscription at Abydos in Chassinat, Bibliotheque 
d'Etude, 1914. 3 Sharpe, Egyptian Inscript., 2nd Ser., PI. yi : Tomkins. 

T.S.B.A., vii. (18S1) 390-406: P.S.B.A., iv. 6-9. The story is also brilliantly 
told in the German novel, Uarda, by Georg Ebers. 4 Champollion, Monuments, 

i. 64, 65. 5 Birch, Select Papyri, i., PI. xxiv. f. : De Rouge, Le Poime de Pen-ta-our, 

Paris, 1856 : Goodwin, Cambridge Essavs, 1S58, pp. 239-243 : Lushington, R.P., 
1st Ser., ii. 65-78: P.S.B.A., iii. (i874)'83-io3 : Breasted, Anc. Records, hi. 123 f. 
* The list of towns mentioned by Rameses II on the walls of the Ramesseum and at 
Karnak as having been captured by him in Syria is conlined mostly to central Israel 
(Ephraim) and the adjoining regions of South Galilee. Not many names can be 
identified with Biblical sites : but the list comprises names such as Jacob-el (see p. 143): 
Roshqadosh ( = Holyhead), some promontory on the coast: Shamashana : Accho 
(cf. Jud. 1 31 ) : Sumur in S. Phoenicia near Byblos : Hadasha, etc. (see W. M. Miiller, 
Egyptol. Res. i. 47: ii. 100 f.)- ' W. Max Miiller [op. cit., ii. 163) denies the 

identification of Dapur with Tabor. He gives a full account, however, of the inscription 
regarding the siege of the place. 8 Schumacher, Across the Jordan, p. 189. 

9 Clermont-Ganneau calls her " a mysterious non-Egyptian divinity " [P.E.F.Q., 
1902, p. 23), and makes valuable suggestions as to her identity. 10 Erman in 

Zeit. d. Deutsch. Palast. Ver., xiv. (1892) 142: xv. (1893) 205: also P.S.B.A., 
xvi. 90 : Sayce [Patriarch. Palest., p. 161) suggests that the god is Yakin-Zephon, 
" Yakin of the North," with the full face and crown of Osiris (see also Sayce, 
Egypt 0/ the Hebrews, p. 81). u Lepsius [Denkmdler, iii. 197) has published 

them. 



234 Nile and Jordan 

South Lebanon he re-named after himself : ■ and Arvad capitulated to 
his arms. 2 But his successes were short-lived. So Jong as Mutallu was 
on the throne, the Hittites kept up incessant warfare against the Egyptians, 
and for some fifteen years Rameses had a constant struggle to hold his own. 3 
At last on the accession of a new Hittite monarch, Khattusil or Khetasar, 
both sovereigns recognized that neither of them had gained in permanence 
one square yard of the other's territory. Countless lives and enormous 
treasure had been sacrificed without the faintest corresponding gain. The 
Hittites proposed peace, and Rameses was only too glad to agree. 

On the temple walls of Karnak and the Ramesseum the treaty thus 
arrived at was engraved. By it the monarchs mutually pledged their 
word to suspend hostilities, and to render aid to one another if either was 
attacked by a third party. 4 In 1907, Winckler discovered, in the Royal 
Library of the Hittite capital at Boghaz Kyoi, parts in cuneiform of the 
original draft of the treaty. 5 It is a very elaborate and unique document. 
It shows that the Hittite Empire was every bit as strong as the Egyptian. 
The sovereigns treated on equal terms ; and the decisive language of the 
compact struck the deathblow to any hopes the Pharaoh may have cherished 
of recovering the extensive territory once ruled over by the great 
XVIIIth Dynasty monarchs. The peace was preserved till the end of the 
long reign of Rameses II. In the 34th year of his reign the Pharaoh actually 
married the daughter of the Hittite King, and raised her to the chief rank. 6 
Thereupon the Hittite monarch himself paid a state visit to Thebes, 7 and 
henceforth remained the firm ally of Egypt. 8 

That the Hebrews were involved in these struggles is evident from 
what has been stated as to the localities swept by the opposing Egyptian 
and Hittite armies. The presence of sporadic colonies of Hittites in 
Palestine at this era is referred to in not a few Biblical statements. In 
the Amarna period it had been reported by the spies sent out by Moses that 
Amalek dwelleth in the land of the South ; and the Hittite, and the Jebusite, 
and the Amorite dwell in the mountains. 19 The command was explicit, 
Of the cities of these peoples thou shalt save alive nothing that breatheth, hit 
thou shalt utterly destroy them, the Hittite™ etc. This was in fulfilment of 
the old promise made to Moses at the Burning Bush, / am come down to 
bring them up unto a good land and a large, unto the place of the Canaanitc, 

1 W. Max Miiller (Asien u. Enropa, p. 273) concluded that the town of Rameses 
was some place in the Lebanon region : Breasted (The Battle of Kadesh, p. 11) thinks 
it may have been near the mouth of the Dog River at Beirut. Chabas (Etudes sur 
I' Antiquite historique, p. 221) and A. H. Gardiner (Journ. of Egypt. Arch., v. (1918), p. 180) 
places it in the Delta to the east of Thel. 2 An evidence of Egyptian influence 

in Byblos is afforded by a Theban monument of the XlXth Dynasty, discovered 
there by Maspero, which shows the identification of the Egyptian goddess, Hathor, 
with the Phoenician Baal-Gcbal, Corp. Inscrip. Semit., i. (1881) 1. 3 The 

inscriptions at Karnak show that these wars were mainly in Galilee. For 
the list of towns conquered, and their identifications, see Miiller, Asien u. 
Europa, p. 220: Egypt. Res., i. 45: Petrie, P.S.B.A., xxiv. (1902), p. 317. 
4 Goodwin, R.P., 1st Ser., iv. 25 f. : Chabas, Voyage d'un Egyptien, 1886, p. 33 : 
Sayce, The Hittites, p. 29 : W. Max Miiller, Mittheil. d. Vorderasiat. Gesell., 1902, pt. v. 
193. 5 Winckler, Die im Sommer, 1906, in Kleinasien aitsgefiihrten Ausgrabungen, 

and Orient. Litt. Zeit., ix. 621, and Mitth. d. Deutschen Orient. Gesell., No. 35 (1907) 
21-23. See also Garstang in Liverpool Annals of Archaol. and Anthrop., i. 42. 6 For 
the extraordinary folk-tale of how the god Khonsu was despatched from Egypt to 
Bckhten (Bactria ?) to heal the sister of this Hittite princess, who was possessed by a 

1, see Budge, Hist, of Egypt, v. 55 : Maspero, New Light on Anc. Egypt, p. 146. 
7 Hall (Near East, p. 371) says the marriage was celebrated at Tanis. 8 It was, 

doubtless after this, regarded as a wise political policy to consider the Hittite Kingdom 
as forming a buffer state between the Nile Valley and the rising power of Assyria. 
The arrival in Egypt of the Hittite King was commemorated on the front of Rameses' 
temple at Abu Simbel. "Numb. I3. 29 10 Deut. 20." 17 



The XlXth Dynasty 235 

and the Hittite, and the Amorite ; x renewed on the night of the Exodus, 
The Lord shall bring thee into the land of the Canaanite and the Hittite ; 2 
and repeated at Sinai, Mine angel shall go before thee and bring thee in unto 
the Amorite and the Hittite : 3 I will send the hornet before thee which shall 
drive out the Canaanite and the Hittite : 4 observe thou that which I command 
thee this day, behold, I drive out before thee the Amorite and the Hittite? The 
promise of Joshua was from the wilderness and this Lebanon, even unto the 
great river, the river Euphrates, all the land of the Hittites shall be your border : 6 
the living God is among you, and He will without fail drive out from before you 
the Hittite. 1 When the Hebrews were successfully sweeping all before 
them we are told that all the Kings which were beyond the fordan . . . 
the Hittites heard thereof, and they gathered themselves together to fight with 
foshua : 8 fabin sent to the Kings that were in the north . . . to the Hittite : 9 
these are the Kings of the land whom foshua smote . . . the Hittite : 10 
thus saith the Lord, the men of fericho fought against you, and the Hittite, 
and I delivered them into your hand. 11 After the capture of Bethel, the 
traitor who had betrayed the city to the Hebrews went into the land of the 
Hittites, and built a city, and called the name thereof Luz. 12 As this city 
was situated a little west of Banias, it was well within the territory assigned 
to the Israelites. But the Hebrews did not carry out the divine command 
as regards the extermination of the Palestinian Hittite colonies. They 
dwelt among the Hittites, and they took their daughters to be their wives, and 
gave their own daughters to their sons, and served their gods. lz Thus, when 
Rameses II waged war in Galilee and Ephraim against the Hittites, the 
misery of the times must have been shared in by the Israelites who were 
settled amongst them. 

But another, and a more peaceful, inter-relation between Egypt and 
Palestine of this date must be referred to. During Rameses' reign there 
was composed a kind of geographical romance styled The Travels of a 
Mohar. u Some literary Egyptian with a turn for sarcasm compiled a 
facetious story of the adventures which a tourist in Palestine would meet 
with. The author professes to have traversed Canaan from end to end, 
and he describes to a stay-at-home friend in Egypt what a dreadful place 
Palestine is. While the book is distinctly a romance, 15 and no stress can 
be laid on its descriptions literatim et verbatim, it nevertheless displays a 
very striking degree of intimacy with things and places in Canaan. The 
anarchy and confusion and general insecurity of life exhibited in the narrative 
form a remarkable commentary on the statement in Judges which refers 
to this same epoch. In those days there was no King in Israel, every man 
did that which was right in his own eyes. 16 

The papyrus enumerates no fewer than 56 places, of which 18 are north 
of Tyre and 38 in Palestine proper. Conder 17 has exhaustively gone into 
the question of the identification of these sites with place-names mentioned 
in Joshua and Judges, and he has drawn up the following list of towns 

1 Ex. 3. 8 " 2 Ex. 13. 5 3 Ex. 23. 23 4 Ex. 23.™ s Ex. 34. n 

8 Jos. i. 4 ? Jos. 3 10 8 j os 9 i b j os „ 3 10 j os I2 .7 8 

11 Jos. 24.2 " 12 Jud. i. 2a 13 Jud. 3. 5 6 M Goodwin. Cambridge Essays, 

1858, p. 267, from a hieratic papyrus in the British Museum : Chabas, Voyage d'un 
Egyptien en Syrie, 1866 : R.P., ii. (1875) 103 : Sayce. Pat. Pal., p. 209 : Maspero, 
Du Genre Epistolaire chez les Egypiiens de I'Epoque Pharaonique, 1872. 15 Lauth 

(Moses der Ebraer, Munich, 1868, p. 37) has a preposterous essay to prove that the 
Mohar is Moses ! 16 Jud. 21. 25 The last three chapters of Judges are misplaced : 

they really form a part of the beginning of the period dealt with in the Book, for in 
them Phinehas, grandson of Aaron, is still high-priest (cf. 20 23 ). 17 P.E.F.Q., 

1876, p. 74. 



236 Nile ami Jordan 

and villages to which the Mohar makes reference — Great Sidon, 1 
Zarephath, 2 Tyre, 3 Kanah, 4 Achshaph, 5 Hammath, 6 Maron, 7 Kadesh- 
Naphtali, 8 Beth-Anath, 9 Edrei, 10 Harosheth, 11 Horem, 12 Bethshan, 13 
Jezreel, 11 Megiddo, 15 Joppa, 16 Rehoboth, 17 and Gaza. 18 Other spots 
referred to may possibly be identified with Tarichaea, 19 Hukok, 20 Tsephath 
or Safed, and Raphia. 21 To these, Sayce ^ has added Tibhath, 23 Mearah, 24 
Beirut, 25 Gebal, 26 the " mountain of Asher " (another interesting 
corroboration of the fact that the tribe was already settled in Canaan), the 
" mountain of Shechem " (either Ebal or Gerizim, both of which are nearly 
3,000 feet above the sea), Hazor, 27 Adam, 28 Takhis or Thahash, 29 Kirjath- 
Anab and Beth-Sopher (place-names which seem to be the result of an 
ignorant transposition of the names of two neighbouring cities, Kirjath- 
Sepher and Beth-Anab 30 ), Bethel, Adullam, and others. Whatever may 
be the basis of the romance, whether it be the diary of a real tourist 
who wished to show off his extensive geographical knowledge, or an 
imaginary description of countries of which the litterateur had merely 
heard, the document is certainly of living human interest. 31 It shows that 
Palestine in its length and breadth was to a cultured inhabitant of Egypt 
no unfamiliar territory, and that in the later years of Rameses II (when 
the book was composed) Canaan was still theoretically reckoned as part of 
the Egyptian Empire. 32 

Sated with his Syrian campaigns, Rameses II new entered on that 
vast career of building which has stamped his personality on every site 
from one end ot Egypt to the other. Countless monuments of every 
description, size, and purpose, for a thousand miles up and down both 
banks of the Nile, evidence his extraordinary mania for erecting memorials 
of his greatness, while their vast number attest the extreme length of his 
reign, and the wealth and prodigality of his resources. Yet his colossal 
vanity made him behave very unfairly towards the works of his predecessors. 
The cartouches of earlier monarchs he deliberately erased, and temples, 
pylons, stela?, etc., of every age were appropriated and re-inscribed with 
his own name. 33 Notwithstanding this meanness, Rameses II has left 
stupendous monuments of his architectural zeal. Heliopolis 34 and Memphis 
were enriched with new structures. At the latter site, Petrie discovered 
in 1908 a gateway of red granite which Rameses had removed from the 
temple of the Sun at Abusir, along with a pair of figures, 10 feet high, also 
in red granite, of Ptah and of himself. 35 He finished the mausoleum at 
Memphis, and lavishly embellished the city with architectural designs 
of his own — granite and sandstone chambers to the east of the Sacred Lake, 36 
monumental gateways to the south, 37 and before one of them a fine colossal 

1 Jos. 11. 8 2 i Ki. 17. 9 3 Jos. 19. 29 4 Jos. 19." 6 Jos. 19 25 

•Jos. 19. 3i 7 Jos. 11. 1 (where read "Maron" instead of "Madon"). 8 Jos. 
12." "Jos. 19. 38 lu Jos. 19. 37 1J Jud. 4.* 12 Jos. 19. 38 "Jos. 

17. u 14 Jos. 19. 18 "Jos. i2. 21 li Jos. 19. 46 17 Gen. 20.- 3 

18 Jos. 15. 47 19 Josephus, Life, 32. 20 Jos. 19. 34 81 Joscphus 4 

Antiq., xni. 15, 4. %i Patriar. Pal., p. 216 f. - 3 1 Chr. 18. 8 24 Jos. 13., 

s;, Tomkins (P.E.F.Q., 1885, p. 108) identifies " Bartha " with Beirut. 
28 1 Ki. 5 la , Psa. 83 7 . Ezek. 27." 27 Jos. n." 2S Jos. i?. 3 ' 

-' Gen. 22. 24 3U Jos. 15. 49 60 31 Gardiner, Egyptian Hieratic Texts, i. 1 

(191 1 ), concludes that the story of the Mohar is really a didactic geographical 
treatise in rhetorical form. 32 Petrie has discovered at Lachish a cavetto cornice 

of this period, carved on a thin slab, which was placed over a doorway as a lintel. 
It is ol typical Egyptian character. 33 For example, at Bubastis (Naville, 

Bubastis, p. 36). 34 Pliny, H.N., xxxvi. 14. 35 Arch. Rep., 1912, p. 19, 

and Memphis, i. 6 (1909). S8 Maspero, Struggle 0/ the Nations, p. 422. ,T Herod, 
1; 1 17 1 i< >. 






The XlXth Dynasty 237 

figure in granite, originally 50 feet in height. 1 At Abydos he completed 
the " Memnonium " 2 begun by his father. At Thebes he finished the great 
Hypostyle Hall, adding to it 54 columns ; extended the temple of 
Amenhotep III ; carved out colossal seated and standing statues of himself ; 
and reared aloft gigantic granite obelisks. 3 

The Ramesseum, dedicated to Amen-Ra, is his chef d'ceuvre* It was 
formed of a succession of pillared courts leading from larger to smaller 
ones. 5 Each chamber was splendidly adorned, the solid roof studded 
with stars on a blue ground, the wall covered with sculptures depicting 
his martial exploits, and exhibiting many instances of horrible cruelty 
towards captives. Rameses loved to portray the torturing of prisoners, 
the sack of cities, the counting of the loot, the congratulations of priests 
on his return from war, the high-spirited chariot horses, the rows of slaves 
imploring mercy. Before the Ramesseum stood one of the largest statues 6 
in the world (excelled in Egypt only by the Tanis statue to be mentioned), 
a figure of the Pharaoh 58 feet high, and weighing not less than 885 tons. 7 
Its vastness can scarcely now be realized, for it has been thrown down and 
destroyed. It must have measured 22 feet from shoulder to shoulder. 
A toe is 3 feet long, a foot 5 feet across, an ear 3 feet 4 inches ! 8 Every 
figure of Rameses throughout Egypt is on the same colossal scale. The 
King is a god : he and his horses are always ten times the size of the rest 
of the army ; his subjects (nobles though they be) are mere pygmies, while 
he and the gods are represented as of the same stature. The deities take 
him by the hand as if he were one of themselves ; they introduce him to 

1 For centuries this colossal statue lay prostrate in the waters of the annual 
inundation. Major Bagnold raised it in 1888 (P.S.B.A., 1888, x. 452-463). 
a So-called by Strabo and the Greeks, a corruption of the name by which Rameses 
II styled himself " Mi-Amon "=" beloved of Amon," corrupted into " Memnon." 
3 One of these is now in the Place de la Concorde at Paris. * For full details 

of this gigantic structure, see Quibell, The Ramesseum, 1896. Breasted's words (Hist, 
of Egypt, p. 450) may be quoted, " He who stands for the first time in the shadow 
of its overwhelming colonnades, that forest of mighty shafts, the largest ever erected 
by human hands, crowned by the swelling capitals of the nave, on each one of which 
a hundred men may stand together — he who observes the vast sweep of its aisles — 
roofed with hundred-ton architraves — and knows that its walls would contain the entire 
Cathedral of Notre Dame, and leave plenty of room to spare — he who notes the colossal 
portal over which once lay a lintel block over 40 feet long, and weighing some 150 tons, 
will be filled with respect for the age that produced this, the largest columned hall 
ever raised by man." 5 In 1895, Quibell discovered in and around the Ramesseum 

over 3,000 pieces of hieratic ostraka. These were examined by Spiegelberg, and 
published in 1898. They reveal that close beside the temple was a school where boys 
were taught Egyptian orthography by dictation of the well-known classical texts. 
There must also have been a school for teaching sculpture hard by (Spiegelberg- 
Quibell, Hieratic Ostraka and Papyri in the Ramesseum, 1898). 6 Diodorus (i. 4) 

spoke of it as the statue of " Osymandyas," a late corruption of Rameses II 's throne 
name, " Usermaat-Ra," pronounced " Usimare." ' So Budge, Hist, of Egypt, 

v. 65. Petrie (Hist, of Egypt, iii. 78) says 1,000 tons : so Breasted (Hist, of Egypt, p. 445). 
8 Maspero (Struggle of the Nations, p. 420) says, " A man could sleep crouched up in the 
hollow of one of its ears as if on a sofa." Stanley (Sinai and Palestine, p. xxxviii.) 
says, " By some extraordinary catastrophe, the statue has been thrown down, and the 
Arabs have scooped their mill-stones out of his face, but you can tell what he was — 
the largest statue in the world. Far and wide that enormous head must have been seen, 
eyes, mouth and ears. Far and wide, you must have seen his vast hands resting on 
his elephantine knees . . the only part of the temple or palace at all in proportion 
to him must have been the gateway which rose in pyramidal towers, now broken down, 
and rolling in a wild ruin down to the plain. Nothing which now exists in the world 
can give any notion of what the effect must have been when he was erect. Nero, 
towering above the Colosseum, may have been something like it, but he was of bronze, 
and Rameses was of solid granite. Nero was standing without any object : Rameses 
was resting in awful majesty after the conquest of the whole of the then known world. 
No one who entered that building, whether it were temple or palace, could have thought 
of anything else but the stupendous being who thus had raised himself up above the 
whole world of gods and men." 



238 Nile and Jordan 

Amen. With one hand he crushes hordes of his foes, with the other he 
clasps that of his patron Ra. 1 Rameses is deified brute force. The same 
feature of boundless pride embodied in immense statues is exhibited 
at Abu Simbel, where a gigantic temple was hewn out of the mountain 
face, and the very rocks carved into four colossal figures of Rameses, 
each of them 60 feet high. 2 

But it was Tanis in the Delta which Rameses II practically rebuilt, 
embellished with many a beautiful temple and tapering obelisk, and raised 
to the rank of a capital. Its romantic history is worthy of more than a 
mere passing allusion. Tanis, called in the Hebrew Bible Zoan, 3 and to-day 
known as San, is located in the dreariest and most desolate part of the 
Delta, on the extreme northern edge of a vast morass. Not even a palm 
tree is to-day to be seen : no tourists penetrate to its site : the spot is given 
over to solitude except for a collection of miserable, unhealthy, filthy 
mud huts, surrounded by " a sickening mass of dead fish and live babies, 
fowls and flies." 4 Tanis is " a desolation of mud and swamp, impassable 
in winter, and only dried into an impalpable salt dust by the heat of mid- 
summer. The flat expanse, as level as the sea, covered with slowly dying 
salt pools, may be crossed for miles with only the dreary changes of dust, 
black mud, water, and black mud again. The only objects which break 
the flatness of the barren horizon are the low mounds of the cities of the 
dead : these alone remain to show that this region was once a living land, 
whose people prospered on the earth. The reddened top of the highest 
of these mounds may be seen, rising out of the flickering haze on the horizon, 
some hours before it is reached. That is the great city of San, the capital 
of Lower Egypt ! " 5 

Far back in some remote and unknown era, a band of colonists selected 
a sandy island in this desolate region, and on the river bank began to build 
the town which was destined to grow into a splendid metropolis. The 
sea, though now distant, may at that epoch have washed the city's ramparts. 
The town at its highest elevation rose only 30 or 40 feet above the plain, 
although, as we have seen, 6 there are indications that within recent years 
there has been a gradual subsidence of the Mediterranean end of the Delta, 
and a corresponding elevation of the Red Sea end. Between two sand 
dunes the settlers chose the site of their temple to be the centre of their 
new home. Originally a humble enough shrine, it grew in succeeding 
centuries so considerably that it came to occupy a great area, extending 
1,000 feet from end to end. 

It is difficult to know how far back we have to go to find the first 
beginnings of the city. The Scriptural note, Now Hebron was built seven 
years before Zoan in Egypt 7 does not help us, for we cannot tell the date 
of the foundation of Hebron. Yet the phrase excites our curiosity. What 
connection was there between the Palestinian hilltown which contains the 
sepulchres of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and this ancient city which lifted 

1 Manning, The Land of the Pharaohs, p. 122. 2 See Amelia B. Edwards, 

A Thousand Miles up the Nile, and Stanley, op. cit., p. ii. In clearing the facade of 
this temple, Barsanti found a hypaethral chapel of Rameses II of unique type. It 
still contained the ritual furniture for the worship of the Sun-god and of Thoth. The 
furniture comprised a shrine upon an altar-shaped base containing a solar scarabaeus 
with a lunar ape of Thoth, an altar approached by steps, having statues of four adoring 
apes upon it at the corners, and two obelisks. For a full description of the temple, see 
Dumichen, Der /Egyptische Felsentempel von Abu-Simbel und seine Bildwerke und 
Inschriften, Berlin, 1869. 3 Zoan is mentioned in Scripture seven times. 

* Petrie, Tanis, i. (1885), p. t. This admirable monograph gives an excellent account 
ol the early history of the city. 5 Petrie, op. cit., p. 1. 6 See p. 164. 'Num. 13. 22 



The XlXth Dynasty 239 

itself above the broad swamps that foim an extension of Lake Menzaleh ? 
Was there community of origin ? 1 Were Hebron and Zoan alike founded 
by Semites ? Were the founders akin to each other, or antagonistic, and 
why are the two cities coupled together in ancient tradition ? No answer 
has as yet been forthcoming to these questions : we are wholly in 
the dark. 

Among the ruins of the temple are two blocks of granite bearing the 
name of Meri-Ra, or Pepi I, of the Vlth Dynasty. As Pepi I was one of 
the early conquerors of Canaan, 2 it may be that it was through his 
Palestinian campaigns that the early connection between Hebron and 
Tanis was formed. But from the nature of the granite it seems likely that 
the statue was really brought to Tanis in later ages from Dendera, 3 and 
that the city did not originate so early. Very abundantly, however, is 
the vigour of the Xllth Dynasty represented. A red granite colossus of 
Amenemhat I ; 4 an Osiroid statue of Senusert I in black granite of most 
exquisite workmanship ; 5 a black granite colossus of Amenemhat II ; 
a colossus in yellow quartzite of Senusert II ; a statue of his wife Nefert 
in black granite bearing a massive wig which surrounds her cheeks and 
descends to her breast ; 6 a restoration of the temple of Senusert III in 
pink granite, with an inscription calling him " Beloved of Osiris," show the 
devotion of the Xllth Dynasty monarchs to the spot. 7 

In 1861, Mariette 8 discovered at Tanis an avenue of human-headed 
sphinxes which he at first ascribed to the Hyksos regime from the fact 
that the name of Apepi was cut. on their right shoulders. Subsequently, 
De Rouge 9 showed that Apepi had appropriated the work of an earlier 
monarch. 10 Later, Maspero pointed out that Pasebkhanut II of the 
XXIst Dynasty had also tampered with the sphinxes. Finally in 
1893, Golenischeff n ended a long controversy by proving that the sphinxes 
were really the work of Amenemhat III of the Xllth Dynasty, whose 
physiognomy is portrayed in them. Indeed the whole district between 
Tanis and Bubastis is thickly studded with monuments which tell of the 
" Golden Age" of Egypt under the Amenemhats and Senuserts, wherever 
excavations are attempted. At spots such as Fakus 12 or Tell-Nebesheh, 13 
fragments of stelae, statues, porticoes, columns, architraves, obelisks, and 
sphinxes make their appearance. 

The only record we have of the presence in Tanis of the Kings of the 
XVIIIth Dynasty is the statement that the Hebrews, then resident in 
the land of Goshen at no great distance, were oppressed by them, and that 
here some of the plagues were seen in operation. God set his signs in Egypt 
and his wonders in the field of Zoan : u marvellous things did He in the sight 
of their fathers, in the land of Egypt, in the field of Zoan. 15 

1 Cf. Chapman in Hastings' D.B., iv. 985, art. Zoan. 2 See p. 65. 

3 Petrie, Tanis, i. 4. Yet Griffith, Tanis, ii. 15, claims Pepi I as the founder of 
temples in Dendera, Tanis, Heliopolis, and Bubastis, in chronological order. 4 The 
large, smiling face, thick lips, and benevolent rather than energetic countenance, are 
described by Amelia B. Edwards in Harper's New Monthly, 1886. p. 716. s In 

the XlXth Dynasty, Merenptah basely appropriated and spoiled both the colossus 
and the statue. 6 Figured in Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, p. 501, who describes 

the difference in the feeling of the artists who worked in stone in Dynasties TV — VI 
from that of the eminent sculptors of the Xllth Dynasty. 7 See under Senusert HI, 

p. 84. 8 Mariette, Notice des Principaux Monuments, 1864, pp. 233, 264. 9 Rev. 

Archdologlque, i8ot, p. 250. 10 It is evident from this that some of these 

XV 1th Dynasty Kings were in no way devoted solely to the cult of their Semitic gods, 
Sutekh or Ptah, but rather followers of Osiris, and the gods of Upper Egypt. ll Pec. 

de Travaux, xv. 131-136. 12 See Naville, Goshen and the Shrine of Sajt-el- 

Henneh p. 22. l3 Petrie, Nebesheh, 18S8, PI. ix. 1. 14 Psa. 78." 

15 Psa. 78." 



240 Nile and Jordan 

But by the time of the XlXth Dynasty, the Pharaohs were recognizing 
that if they were to keep a watchful eye on their shadowy Canaanite 
possessions they must not spend all their days far up the Nile at Thebes. 
They must remain in the Delta, within easy striking distance of Palestine 
in the event of a revolt. It was, therefore, one of the distinguishing features 
of the reign of Rameses II that he transformed Tanis from being a 
provincial town into one of the great capitals of Egypt, making it a rival even 
to Memphis or Thebes. 1 He introduced to the spot a large new population, 
and beautified the city with the utmost splendour of architecture. 2 He 
erected a gigantic pylon before the great temple with huge granite colossi 
of himself 22 feet in height. 

But the most extraordinary exhibition of the pride and might of 
Rameses was seen in the enormous statue of himself near the pylon, which 
towered above all the other buildings, and dwarfed even the sacred 
sanctuary. Merely fragments of the colossus now remain, but from measure- 
ments of the surviving portions, it is possible to reconstruct the whole. 
The figure alone must have been 75-80 feet high : the crown another 
14J feet, the pedestal 27 inches. Thus, the huge statue, the largest ever 
executed, must have stood erect 92 feet, carved probably out of one block 
of stone, and in all likelihood weighing 900 tons ! 3 This immense mountain 
of a man stood gazing across the plain, visible miles away, " a colossus 
unsurpassed by any monolith of previous or later times." Beyond the 
pylon, for upwards of 150 feet, Rameses reared an avenue of columns, 
all monoliths, shaft and capital being in one piece, 39 feet high. Beyond 
this avenue of obelisks and monuments a great historical series of royal 
statues stood in a line across the temple. 4 Every statue and monument 
of earlier monarchs, Theban or Hyksos, he shamelessly appropriated, 
and his cartouche is found everywhere, after erasing that of the founder. 
Although when resident in Thebes, Rameses joined with the priests of 
Amen in denouncing the cult of Set, associated as it was with memories of the 
hated Hyksos, when he dwelt in Tanis it was Sutekh or Set whom he specially 
honoured. 5 Rameses II believed in " doing at Rome as the Romans do," 
for the population of Zoan was largely Semitic, and he desired to be popular. 
Even his favourite daughter Rameses named " Bint-Anath," a Semitic 
name meaning " daughter of Anath," a Syrian goddess. One of the royal 
horses was named " Anath-herte," " Anath is satisfied," 6 showing how 
keenly the Pharaoh wished to stand well in the estimation of his Semitic 
subjects. Tanis was therefore more Semitic than Egyptian, yet it appeared 
to the wondering eyes of the Arab tribes of the desert as the amazing city 
of tapering obelisks, white-pillared avenues, black sphinxes, red granite 
statues, and colossal stone personifications of the awful power of the 
Pharaoh. 

That Rameses II still retained nominal sovereignty over Sinai is 
evidenced by his rebuilding the sanctuary wall at Serabit-el-Khadem, and 
by his erection of several stelae there. 7 He began a canal from Bubastis 
to the Bitter Lakes, which was intended to unite the Nile with the Red 

1 See De Rouge, Note sur les principaux resultats des Fouilles executed en Egypte, 
Paris, 1861. 2 He erected no fewer than 14 obelisks, all of which are now prostrate 

(Breasted, Hist, of Egypt, p. 445). 3 Petrie, Tanis, i. 22, 23. 4 Petrie, Tanis, i. 15. 

5 At Avaris, Petrie (Hyksos and Israelite Cities, p. 15) discovered scarabs of 
Rameses II, one of which showed him sacrificing a gazelle to Ptah : another 
revealed Sutekh with the horned cap and long streamer winged like Baal-zebub of 
0/ Ekron, and standing on a lion in the manner of a Syrian god. 

6 Breasted, Hist, of Egypt, p. 449. 7 Pctne, Researches in Sinai, 
p. 108. 






The XlXth Dynasty 241 

Sea, 1 but he never completed it. To meet his enormous outlays on 
building he developed the gold mines of the Wady 'Ulaki near Kubban, 2 
in addition to other mines which yielded a steady revenue. For it must 
be remembered that by this time Canaan, which in the period of the great 
XVIIIth Dynasty Kings had contributed so substantial a part of the wealth 
of Egypt, had practically ceased to send any tribute, and it was incumbent 
on the Pharaoh to look around for new sources of the necessary gold. 

The claim that Rameses II was the Pharaoh of the Oppression has 
often been made, 3 and still is, 4 but it has little to commend it, and an 
ever-growing mass of evidence is steadily accumulating against it. The 
main reason for the assertion was the statement in Exodus that the Israelites 
built for Pharaoh store-cities, Pithom and Raamses? I have already shown 
how inadequate a foundation this is on which to build a theory so extensive 
and so precarious in the light of other considerations. There was a territory 
known as " Rameses " as far back as the period of the Hyksos. 6 The 
site of the city known by that name is now ascertained to be Tell er Retabeh. 
But excavations on the spot reveal that its origin must be pushed back 
much further than the time of Rameses II. At the early period indicated 
it may not have borne the name of " Rameses," which " may perfectly 
well be the interpretation of a scribe who knew its name as that of an 
Egyptian city which existed in his time in and near the land of Goshen." 7 
Conder even suggested 8 that the name of the city originally appeared 
in a cuneiform tablet, and was represented by an ideogram which in later 
ages was transcribed as " Raamses." He imagined that the Hyksos city 
Zoan, which under the restoration of Rameses II was called " Pi-Ramessu," 
or " the chief town of Rameses," may have been intended. 9 If the 
identification be correct, it is abundantly evident that, as Tanis was already 
in existence in the Xllth Dynasty and famous in the XVIth and 
XVIIth Dynasties, the most that the Israelites could have done would 
be to " rebuild " it. Yet, it is practically certain that Raamses is not 
Tanis, but Tell er Retabeh, and as Petrie 10 has found there stone vases 
of the Old Kingdom, with weights and scarabs of Dynasties IX to XII, 
it is clear that the " building " by the Hebrews can have been only some 
extensive restorations. 11 

But though the unhappy distinction of being the Pharaoh of the 
Oppression belongs to Thothmes III rather than to Rameses II, there are 
enough memorials of the latter to show the utter heartlessness and the 
supreme pride of a man who regarded his fellow-mortals as beings of entirely 
a different clay from himself. He died in the 67th year of his reign, aged 
about 100 years. His mummy, discovered at Deir-al-Bahari, 12 is now in 

1 Aristotle, Meteorol., i. xiv. : Strabo, i. 1, 31: xvii. 1, 25: Pliny, H.N., 
vi. 29. 2 Birch, Trans. Roy. Soc. Liter., 1852: R.P., viii. 75. s E.g. 

by Lepsius, Chronol., p. 323 f. Reahncycl. f. Prot. Theol. u. Kirche, i. 173 : 

Bunsen, Bibelwerk, i. p. ccxii. and v. 133 : Chabas, Melanges Egyptol., i. 43 : Recherches, 
p. 139 : Ewald, Hist, of Israel, ii. 76 : Delitzsch, Genesis* p. 450 : Brugsch, Hist, of 
Egypt, ii. 128 : Ebers, Durch Gosen zum Sinai, p. 78 : Riehm, Handworterbuch d. 
biblischen Alterthums, p. 333. 4 So still Sayce, Petrie, Budge, Griffith, etc. 

5 Ex. 1." « In the time of Joseph, Gen. 47. X1 'Hall, Near East, p. 405. 

8 Conder, The First Bible, p. 165. 8 Cf. Meyer, Gesch. d. Alterthum, p. 240. 

10 Petrie, Hyksos and Israelite Cities, p. 28 f. 21 Unquestionably Rameses II 

built a temple in Raamses, for Petrie {ibid., p. 29) discovered the temple fort 
on which the Pharaoh is depicted smiting a Syrian before the god, Atmu. 
12 A bright, suggestive article, " Finding Pharaoh," or the rediscovery of the tomb 
of Rameses II, is written by E. L. Wilson in The Century Illust. Monthly Magaz., 
xxxiv. (1887), p. 3 : and another on " Pharaoh the Oppressor and his daughter in 
the light of the monuments," by John A. Paine, ibid., p. 11, although in each case the 
identification of Rameses II with the Pharaoh of the Oppression is erroneous. 



242 Nile and Jordan 

the Cairo Museum. 1 The classical writers of later ages 2 spoke of him 
under the name of " Sesostris," and attributed to him many world-wide 
exploits to which he can lay no claim. So far from being the universal 
conqueror who subdued Thrace, Colchis, Scythia, Media, Persia, and India, 
at the close of his reign Egypt was actually a more limited Empire than 
before the rise of the great XVIIIth Dynasty. The years of war with the 
Hittites had drained and exhausted the vitality of the nation. The lavish 
expenditure on temple and sanctuary building from one end of Egypt to 
the other, all of which when completed required to be subsidized, endowed 
and equipped with their companies of priests : the vast luxury and unwhole- 
some prodigality with which Rameses II sought to outdo even the 
magnificence of Amenhotep III ; the costliness of his huge seraglio and of 
the army of parasitic retainers at his Court : the senile decay which overtook 
him in his closing years, and which prevented him from taking any steps 
to defend his dominions from swarms of invaders — all these things 
conspired to bring Egypt to the brink of bankruptcy and ruin. Had he 
reigned longer, his entire empire would have collapsed. But in succeeding 
ages, men forgot these ominous signs of decay, a halo of glory gathered 
round his head, and he has been known for centuries, unworthy though 
he was of the title, as " Rameses the Great." 

1 It was unrolled by Maspero in 1886 (Maspero. Les Momies, p. 560). Excellent 
photographs of Rameses II, his mummy and his statues, etc., will be found in 
Brugsch-Maspero, La Trouvaille de Deir-el-Bahari, Cairo, 1881. 2 Herod., ii. 

102-110, who states that he had himself seen the image of Sesostris carved on the 
rock on the road between Ephesus and Phokaea with the words on it, " I have won this 
land with the shoulders." That the image is really of Hittite origin was proved by 
Sayce, who has told the story of his visit to the spot, and of his identification of the 
inscriptions in The Hittites, pp. 54-70. See also Diodorus, i. 53-57. 






CHAPTER XVIII 

Merenptah and the Close of the XIXth Dynasty 

From the in sons and 51 daughters 1 of Rameses II, whose names are 
given on an inscription at Wady Sebu'a, Merenptah, the thirteenth son, 
succeeded (b.c. 1258-1238). The twelve older sons of Rameses had 
predeceased their aged father, including Kha-em-uast, his favourite, who was 
high-priest of Ptah, the real founder of the Serapeum, 2 and a man of such 
force of character that, if he had lived, the course of history might have 
been greatly changed. Merenptah was already an old man when he stepped 
on the throne. 3 

He was immediately called on to face revolts in almost every part of 
his empire. In his third year he was compelled to make a warlike 
incursion into Canaan, which had attempted to throw off the Egyptian yoke. 
The evidence for this military expedition is found in the famous " Merenptah- 
Stele," discovered by Petrie at Thebes in 1896, which has had an epoch- 
making influence in modifying the views of Egyptologists as to the date 
of the Exodus. Utilizing the back of a magnificent black granite stele 
of Amenhotep III, Merenptah inscribed thereon a paean of triumph — 
"Devastated is Tehennu (Libya): Kheta (the Hittites) is pacified : Canaan 
is seized upon by calamity of every kind : Ascalon is carried away : Gezer 
is captured : Yenoam 4 is made as a thing that is nought : Israel is wasted, 
he hath no seed : Khal (Palestine) is become as a widow before Egypt : 
and all the lands together are at peace. Every one that is rebellious is 
bound by King Merenptah, given life like the Sun every day ! " 5 

This celebrated inscription has already gathered round it a great 
literature. When its discovery was first reported, 6 there was with many 
scholars 7 a disposition to maintain that " wasting " of the people of Israel 
referred to the extermination of the male children of the Hebrews during 
their Oppression in Egypt. 8 But this theory was soon abandoned as 

1 He must have had many more besides those enumerated : he also married 
several of his own daughters ! Cf. Foucart in Hastings' E.R.E., iii. 533, art. 
Children. 2 Till his time each Apis Bull had been interred in a separate tomb. 

But now a tunnel was cut out of the solid rock, and each Bull was placed in a special 
funerary chamber, which was afterwards walled up. 3 He had been associated 

with ins lather on the throne for some time in the period of his father's abject senile 
decay. 4 Probably Yanuh near Tyre, the Janoah of 2 Ki. 15 29 , see A. E. 

Whatham in Bibliotheca Sacra, lxxv. (1918) p. 547. 5 See Spiegelberg in Zeitsch. 

f. /Egypt. Sprache, xxxiv. {1896), p. 1. In 1 910, Legrain succeeded in restoring 
a number of newly-found fragments of the inscription, and in inserting them into 
their correct places in the stele. The portions were published in Rec. de Travaux, 
xxxi. 176. «By Prof. Petrie in Conlemp. Rev., May 1896. 'So Macintyre, 

Colbeck, Lias in Expos. Times, vii. 445 : Sayce, ibid., p. 522 : viii. 89 : Dawson, 
ib„ viii. 17: Sellin, Neue Kirchzeitschrift, No. 6 (1896). 8 Ex. 1." 22 

243 



244 Nile and Jordan 

untenable. The conclusion was inevitable, namely, that Israel must have 
quitted Egypt much earlier than the time of Merenptah and the Hebrews 
must already have been settled in Canaan. 

This position, however, has not yet met with universal acceptance. 1 
For example, Steindorff 2 drew attention to the fact that, in the inscription, 
" Israel " has affixed to it the determinative for " foreign people," not 
" foreign country." Meyer 3 has explained this to mean that " Israel 
at that time had not yet finally settled down." But the absence of the 
determinative for " foreign land " merely proves that the settlement of 
the Hebrews in Palestine was so recent that the Egyptian officials had not 
yet adapted their minds to the new conditions. For many centuries 
Palestine had been known to Egypt under the names " Haru," " Khal," 
" Pa-Kanana," etc. Now, however, Canaan was largely occupied by the 
victorious incomers, the Hebrews. Nevertheless, the permanence of their 
possession of the land was still in Egyptian eyes doubtful, while the 
former heathen inhabitants still abounded in such numbers that, 
although Israel was predominant, the country was scarcely as yet 
finally associated with their name. It was difficult for the conservative 
Egyptian scribes to grasp the idea that Palestine must now have its 
name changed in their vocabulary, and that the Israelites were really the 
possessors of that territory and not mere temporary squatters. Yet 
this indication of Egyptian indecision is a very faithful reflection 
of the actual state of affairs as depicted in the Books of Joshua and 
Judges. 

The alternatives to the conclusion that Israel must have been settled 
in Palestine by the time of Merenptah are these : (i) Israel had just escaped 
from Egypt on the death of Rameses II and on the accession of Merenptah : 
(2) Israel had not even by this time gone down from Canaan into Egypt, 
or begun the years of bondage there : or (3) part of Israel may have 
remained on in Palestine, and part may have gone down to Egypt, and 
the Egyptian contingent, after a successful Exodus, may have rejoined 
their compatriots. It will be well to examine these three alternatives 
to what I regard as the only satisfactory solution of the problem, viz., 
that Israel entered Egypt under the Hyksos, that the Oppression took 
place mainly under Thothmes III, that the Exodus happened under 
Amenhotep II, and that the " Israel " mentioned in the Merenptah-stele 
are the Khabiri-Hebrews who had recently been settled as the conquerors 
of Palestine. 

(1) The supposition that the " Israel " of the stele were the Hebrews 
who had escaped from Egypt after the decease of Rameses II, the alleged 
" Pharaoh of the Oppression," is negatived by the fact that it was in the 
third year of his reign that Merenptah ravaged the Israelites. 4 Where, 
then, is there room for the forty years' wandering in the wilderness ? The 
theory plays utter havoc with the Biblical story. If Merenptah be the 
" Pharaoh of the Exodus," it implies an entire recasting of the Scripture 
narrative, which again and again records a sojourn in the Sinai peninsula 
of forty years. The theory also is open to the serious difficulty that the 

1 Brandt (Theol. Tijdschrift, Sept. 1906) believes that Merenptah attacked the 
Israelites while they were out of Egypt, but holds that the inscription does not make 
it clear whether the latter were settled in Palestine as yet, or not. Agreeing practically 
with this view is Mullens, Expos. Times, viii. (1897) 286. 2 Zeit. f. alttest. Wissens, 

1896, pt. ii. 331. 3 Ed. Meyer, Die Israeliten, etc., 1906, p. 223, " Israel damals 

noch nicht zur vollen sesshaftigkeit gelangt." 4 The cogency of this is acknowledged 
by Prof. W. M. Midler (Encycl. Bibl., hi. 3688, art. Pharaoh), who says that 
the " Merenptah-theory " has been finally upset by this discovery. 



Close of XlXth Dynasty 245 

Khabiri, whom we have seen must be identified with the Hebrews, were 
already settled in Canaan in the Amarna period, during the preceding 
Dynasty. 

(2) The second alternative is that the Israelites had as yet never 
quitted Canaan, that their residence in Egypt was still to come, 
and that, therefore, it was possible for Merenptah to describe them as 
dwelling in Palestine. This is Professor Eerdmans' contention. 1 He 
ruthlessly contracts the Old Testament chronology, places the descent 
into Egypt of the patriarchs and their families in the years subsequent 
to Merenptah's invasion, under Siptah the last of the XlXth Dynasty, 
and dates the Exodus as taking place in the lifetime of Rameses XII ! 
Though Eerdmans is able to bring out some striking coincidences, the theory 
is so impossible to reconcile with the Old Testament that it may be left 
on one side, for if the Hebrews quitted Egypt as late as Rameses XII, 
whose reign lasted from B.C. 1115 to B.C. 1088, where is there room for the 
long period of the Judges before Saul comes on the scene about B.C. 1050 ? 
The scheme is too revolutionary and fantastic to win acceptance. All 
the evidence goes to prove that the Hebrews migrated from Canaan down 
to Egypt centuries earlier. 

(3) The last alternative is that only part of " Israel " descended into 
Egypt with Jacob, that part remained behind in Canaan, and that it was 
this remnant " Israel " whom Merenptah attacked, while their compatriots 
were still in the Sinai desert, having successfully emerged from Egypt 
on the death of Rameses II. This theory is a very popular one at present, 
but scarcely two of its advocates agree as to details. 2 Thus, Burney, 3 
reasoning from the identity of the Khabiri with the Hebrews ; the fact 
that Seti speaks of the tribe of Asher ; the evidence as to the ravaging of 
Israel obtained from the Merenptah-stele ; the supposition that " Gad ' 
as a tribal name is probably connected with the deity Gad, the patron of 
Fortune, 4 whose name is found in Baal-gad 5 and Migdal-gad ; 6 and from 
the fact that Asher and Gad were inferior tribes as descendants of the 
concubine Zilpah, argues that Dan and Naphtali, sons by another concubine, 
were equally inferior. He therefore regards these four tribes as being 
part of the Khabiri who entered Canaan some centuries before the mass 
of the Israelites under Joshua. They took no part in the Exodus, and 
knew not Moses. They worshipped Jehovah under the form of a calf. 
But Moses revealed to the " Goshen tribes "the true name and nature of 
Jehovah. When these " Goshen tribes " under Joshua entered Palestine, 
they found their brethren already there, not knowing the prohibition of 
images as in the second commandment of the Decalogue. Hence the 
" Goshen " Israelites had to contend not merely with the Canaanite 

'Eerdmans, Expositor, Sept. 1908: Alt-testamentliche Studien, ii. (1908), p. 67 f. 
2 Stade (Biblische Theologie d. A.T. (1905) 58) divides the Hebrew race into the 
" Jacob " tribes and the " Israel " tribes. The former migrated into Egypt, and 
came out under Merenptah : the latter were in Canaan before the time of Merenptah. 
So also Weinheimer (Zeit. Morgenl. Ges., lxvi. (1912) 365-388), who urges that the 
' Hebrews " are differentiated from the " Israelites " both in the Old Testament 
and in the Egyptian inscriptions, and that the invasion of Palestine by the " Hebrews" 
is to be identified with that by the Khabiri, whereas the settlement of the " Israelites" 
did not take place till two centuries later. Steuernagel {Die Einwanderung der 
Israelitischen Stdmme in Kanaan, 1901) argues that the " Leah tribes " were already 
in Canaan at the Amarna period, the " Rachel tribes " merely entered Canaan 
under Joshua. 3 Journ. of Theol. Studies, April, 1908. * Isa. 65. 1X 

5 Jos. 13. 5 6 Jos. 15. 37 Luckenbill (Amer. Journ. of Theol. xxii. (1918) p. 41) 
maintains that " Israel " conquered Canaan in the Amarna period, but one 
(Levi ?) or more of the Southern tribes sojourned in Egypt in the time of 
Rameses II. 



246 Nile and Jordan 

beastliness, but with the semi-paganism of the four tribes of Dan, Naphtali, 
Gad, and Asher. Thus ensued a constant struggle between two ideals in 
religion until the prophets arose to vindicate the views of the " Goshen 
tribes." 1 

How far removed this theory is from that unfolded in the Biblical 
narrative is manifest. These four " inferior " tribes are repeatedly referred 
to in Scripture as being an integral part of the host that quitted Egypt at 
the time of the Exodus. All through the Wilderness wanderings, these 
tribes are as much in evidence as any of the rest, indeed the tribe of Dan 
is markedly prominent both in a good and a bad degree. For it was not 
only Oholiab of the tribe of Dan 2 who was the skilled artificer of the 
Tabernacle, but it was the son of an Israelitish woman, whose father was an 
Egyptian, Shelomith, the daughter of Dibri, of the tribe of Dan, 3 who in the 
wilderness was stoned to death for blasphemy. 

Petrie's view 4 is somewhat akin to Burney's. He thinks that " some 
Israelites continued in Palestine during most, or all, of the time that the 
others were in Egypt," and that the " Israel " devastated by Merenptah 
consisted of those tribes which either never descended at all into Egypt, 
but remained on in Palestine, or else which returned to Canaan as soon 
as the famine in Joseph's time was over. 5 To this it may be answered 
that the repeated assertion of the Bible is that all the sons of Jacob migrated 
simultaneously to Egypt, 6 and there is neither mention nor hint that 
any of them, even the " inferior " tribes, remained in Canaan. Reference 
is always made to the fact that the tribes in the wilderness were twelve 
in number, not eight or ten as necessitated by the above theory. Moses 
builded twelve pillars according to the twelve tribes of Israel : 7 the stones 
of the high-priest's breastplate shall be according to the names of the children 
of Israel, twelve : 8 the princes of Israel, being twelve men, they were each one 
for his father's house : 9 / took twelve men of you, one man for every tribe: 10 
it was twelve men out of the tribes of Israel, for every tribe a man, 11 who carried 
the twelve stones 12 from the Jordan to commemorate the crossing of the 
river by the twelve tribes, and so on. In addition, Eerdmans has pertinently 
argued 13 that we know nothing of tribes that did not go down to Egypt. 
If there were such tribes, would they have forgotten this remarkable fact 
in their national history ? Would they have failed to record it ? The 
sojourn in Egypt was inglorious. It was a nation of slaves whom Moses 
rescued. If there were tribes that never were in bondage in the Delta, 
would they not have gloried in the fact, and have refused to be identified 

1 Similarly Prof. L. B. Paton maintains (Amer. Journ. of Theol., xviii. (1914), 
p. 208 : in /. of Bibl. Lit., xxxii. (1913), pp. 1-53) that Reuben, Simeon.. Levi, and Judah 
the older Leah tribes of the genealogies, were identical with the Khabiri migration 
of the Amarna letters. The younger Leah tribes, Issachar and Zebulon, were a later 
wave of the Khabiri migration, or an offshoot from the older Leah tribes. The 
Rachel tribes came out of Egypt under Moses and Joshua, and about B.C. 1200 forced 
their way into Canaan between the two divisions of the Leah tribes. 2 Ex. 31,* 

35, 34 38- 23 3 Lev. 24. 10 ll In addition to these, Dan, as a tribe, is mentioned 

inNum. i, 12 38 39 2, 25 31 7, 66 io, 25 13, 12 26, 42 34," Deut. 27, 13 33, 22 Jos. 19, 4047 48 21 Ba3 ; 
Naphtali, as a tribe, is referred to in Num. i, 15 42 43 2, 29 7,'* io, 27 13," 26, 48 50 
34, 28 Deut. 27, 13 32, 23 34^ Jos. 19, 32 39 20, ' 21 6 32 ; Gad is mentioned as a tribe in 
Num. 1 14 24 25 2 14 7 42 10 20 13 15 26 ls 18 32 1 2 6 25 29 31 3S 34 34 14 Dcut. 27 13 
33, 20 Jos. 4, 12 13, 24 23 18, 7 20, 8 21, 7 38 22 9 " 34 ; Asher as a tribe is noticed in 
Num. i, 13 40 41 2, 27 7, 72 io, 26 13, 13 26, 44 47 34, 27 Deut. 27, 13 33, 24 Jos. 19. 24 31 34 
4 Petrie, Egypt and Israel, p. 35. 5 This is also the view of Driver, Schweich 

Lectures, 1909, p. 39. 6 Gen. 46, 16 17 23 24 Ex. i. 4 7 Ex. 24. 4 8 Ex. 28. 21 

9 Num. i. 44 10 Deut. i. 23 ll Jos. 3, 13 4 . 2 12 Jos. 4. 3 13 We 

may use his argument here quite legitimately, though Eerdmans, as we have seen 
(p. 245), employs it in support of his own untenable hypothesis that the Descent into 
Egypt took place at the end of the XlXth Dynasty. 



Close of XlXth Dynasty 247 

and included with those who had been serfs in Egypt ? Yet not a hint 
of this do we get : the nation is uniformly treated as one solid whole. 

Equally unsatisfactory is the theory of Spiegelberg. x As we have seen, 
he had at first contended that the stele regarded " Israel " as merely a tribe, 
without definite geographical location, but a re-study 2 of the monument 
led him to change his view, and to arrive at the conviction that a particular 
territory was indeed intended. So far good ; but few are likely to follow 
him in his subsequent opinion that the Khabiri-Hebrews settled in 
Palestine were ravaged by Seti I ; that they kept in touch with their 
brethren, the " Goshen tribes " in Egypt ; that Merenptah subdued them ; 
that they afterwards assisted the " Goshen tribes " to quit Egypt ; that 
the latter, however, returned to Egypt, and that about B.C. noo they 
took part in battles which eventually freed Syria and Palestine from the 
Egyptian supremacy. To such a theory, and to many analogous, 3 the 
contention of Prof. Lieblein i applies with great force that the idea that 
there were large contingents of the Hebrews who remained behind in 
Palestine, and did not descend into Egypt, is negatived (if one accepts 
the Bible narrative as accurate at all) by the fact that, when the Hebrews 
eventually reached Canaan, they met with none but enemies, who were 
all by the Divine command to be exterminated. This could not have 
been the case had the dwellers there been of the same family, for then 
these compatriots of theirs ought to have received the incomers as friends 
and allies. Why the total silence of the Bible as to these alleged fellow 
tribesmen and kindred Israelites ? Why are the inhabitants of Canaan 
uniformly described as so vile that the land spued them out ? For all 
these abominations have the men of the land done, which were before you, and 
the land is defiled : 5 the land vomiteth out her inhabitants. 6 Maspero agrees 
with Lieblein's strictures, but says that " the parentage must have been 
forgotten at the time of the Exodus ! " 7 Professor Prasek, 8 who believes 
that the tribes of Judah, Asher and Simeon remained behind in Palestine 
when the tribes of Joseph and Jacob (" viewed as one whole, a single tribe 
of Israel ") descended into Egypt, goes the length of asserting that " the 
movements of the latter, the ' Goshen tribes,' from Paran onward, were 
probably carried on in conjunction with the tribes of Judah and Simeon," 
who co-operated in the subjugation of Canaan. Of course, there is not a 
word of proof of this : it is pure conjecture, not history. 

As these three alternatives, therefore, present extraordinary difficulties, 
and necessitate violations of the Biblical narrative, and as they involve 
a drastic re-casting of the whole scheme of Scriptural chronology, many 
of the leading Egyptologists have been compelled to discard altogether 
the untenable theory that Merenptah was the " Pharaoh of the Exodus," 
and to revert to the view which is entirely consistent with the statements 
of the Bible and the evidence of the monuments, namely, that the departure 
from Egypt took place during the XVIIIth Dynasty. Thus, Fries 9 
considers that " the mention of Israel on the stele necessitates the placing 
of the Exodus earlier than the time of Merenptah." Prof. Breasted 10 
affirms that " the idea that Merenptah was the Pharaoh of the Exodus 

1 Spiegelberg, Der Aufenthalt Israels in JEgypten im Lichte d. tzgyptischen 
Monumente, Strasburg, 1904. 2 Orient. Litt. Zeit., xi. 403. 3 L. E. Steele 

{Irish Church Quarterly, i. (1908), p. 136) has still another view that under 
Amenhotep III, Hebrew colonists returned from Egypt and settled in groups in 
Palestine. 4 P.S.B.A., 1907, xxix. 216. 6 Lev. 18." « Lev. i8. M 

T Struggle of the Nations, p. 444. 8 Expos. Times, xi. (1900), p. 507. 9 Sphinx, 
i. 207. 10 Biblical World, 1897, p. 62. 






248 Nile and Jordan 

must be given up, unless the Wilderness wandering be given up also." 
Prof. W. Max Muller * says that " the popular theory that Merenptah 
was the ' Pharaoh of the Exodus ' has been completely routed by the 
discovery of the ' Israel ' stele." Even Wallis Budge, 2 who argues strongly 
for the old Merenptah-Exodus theory, is forced to confess that, if Israel 
be truly mentioned on the stele, " we must admit that the Israelites left 
Egypt before the reign of Merenptah, and were settled in Palestine at the 
time his inscription was written." Bohl 3 maintains that " the Israelites 
did not quit Egypt for the first time under Merenptah, but had already 
emigrated under an earlier Pharaoh." In this he is supported by 
Prof. Obbink. 4 Hommel, 5 after strenuously maintaining the Merenptah- 
Exodus theory, has made a recantation of his former views, and now urges 
that Amenhotep II must have been the monarch under whom the Exodus 
took place. 6 Lieblein, 7 who had long been a vox clamantis in deserto, 
rejoiced when the Merenptah-stele appeared to confirm his once discredited 
views, and hailed the new evidence which annihilated the falsely cherished 
date of the Exodus. Hall 8 has accepted the evidence of the stele, 
and believes that the Israelites who descended from the hills to 
fight against Merenptah were indeed the Hebrews, who had been settled 
in Canaan for many years. 9 Luckenbill is driven to the same 
conclusion : 10 and Daressy has expressed his grave doubts whether 
Merenptah by any possibility could have been the Pharaoh of the 
Exodus. 11 

That the conquest of Palestine referred to on the stele was no mere 
idle boast is evidenced by other testimony. The so-called " Diary of a 
Frontier-Officer," 12 from the third year of Merenptah's reign, mentions 
a well, a fortress, and a city, all of which are named after Merenptah, and 
twice he speaks of " the place where the King was." Count von Calice 13 
has identified the well with that twice referred to in the Hebrew Scriptures 14 
as the fountain of the waters of Nephtoah, which he reads as the fountain of 
Merenptah. If, as Conder 15 suggests, the spot be the same as Etam, 
now Ain Atan, south of Bethlehem at the so-called Pools of Solomon, it 
shows us the Pharaoh in the very heart of the Israelite territory, encamped 
within striking distance of Jerusalem, the capital. 16 The identification has 
been accepted by Sayce. 17 Again, that the capture of Gezer had 
entailed much toil is witnessed to by the fact that Merenptah assumed 
the special title " Conqueror of Gezer " in his inscription in the 
temple of Amada. 18 Macalister also found in Gezer 19 an ivory pectoral 



1 Egypt. Fes., i. 27. 2 Hist, of Egypt, v. 108. 8 Bohl, Kanaander u. Hebraer, 

pp. 82, 91, 95. * Theol. Tijdsch., 1909, pp. 238-258. 5 Anc. Heb. Trad., p. 227: 
Expos. Times, viii. 15. s Expos. Times, x. 210, 278. 7 P.S.B.A., xxi. (1899) 65. 

8 Near East, p. 413. 9 If the Bible statement that Moses was 80 years of age at the 
time when he stood before Pharaoh is accepted, it is manifest that this completely rules 
out Merenptah as the Pharaoh of the Exodus. If Moses was born, as is supposed on 
this theory, during the reign of Rameses II, the Pharaoh of the Oppression, and as 
Rameses II reigned 67 years, how could Moses be So in the third year of Merenptah ? 
10 Amer. Joum. of Theology, xxii. (1918) 39. 11 Daressy in Bull. Inst. Egypt., 

v. ser. xi. (1917-18) 39. 12 Papyrus Anastasi III: Breasted, Anc. Rec, iii. 

629-635: Gressman-Ranke, Altorient. Texte u. Bilder zum A.T. (1909) i. 249. 
13 Orient. Litt. Zeit., 1903, p. 224. "Jos. 19, 9 18, *s mil S3 \2 ]U'£ 15 In 
Hastings' D.B., iii. 513. Others suggest Lijta, 3 miles N.W. of Jerusalem, but not 
with such good reason. 16 Lieblein, op. cit., says that this fountain was probably 

named so, after an encampment of Merenptah during the war in the fifth year of his 
reign. 17 Expos. Times, xxix. (1917), p. 72. 18 Breasted, Anc. Rec, iii. 

259, 606. 19 Macalister also found in the same stratum a large collection of 

coloured paste beads, scarabs, a head of Sebek in paste, and many other F.gyptian 
objects (P.E.F.Q., 1903, p. 122). 












Close of XlXth Dynasty 249 

bearing his cartouche. 1 If then we piece together the evidence, we see 
that Merenptah first of all attacked Ascalon 2 in the Shephelah, then 
Gezer, 3 then Yenoam. It is difficult to identify this spot. Daressy 4 
proposed to locate it at Janum 5 or Beni-Naim, east of Hebron, and he 
conjectured that the Israelites ravaged by Merenptah were settled 
round Hebron, near the tombs of their patriarchs. If this be so, great 
must have been the anguish of the Hebrews as they again saw their old 
foes in the very centre of their land, not merely on the seaside plain but 
far up in the mountains of Judah ! Others have identified Yenoam with 
Jabneel, 6 and still others with Yenoam in Lebanon which Seti I had 
captured. 7 In any case, whatever may have been the route followed 
by Merenptah, we see Canaan once more ravaged by a cruel conqueror, 
and a Pharaoh attempting to repeat the old desolating tactics of the 
monarchs of the XVIIIth Dynasty. 8 

Two years after this Palestinian campaign, Merenptah was face to face 
with a foe who nearly overturned his throne. There came against Egypt 
a coalition of enemies more formidable than any since the Hyksos invasion. 
No longer was Egypt the victorious ravager of the territories of others : 
she had now to stand at bay, and very narrowly did she escape a complete 
overthrow. The different peoples of Europe, Asia, and Africa along the 
Mediterranean seaboard, smarting over the wrongs of centuries, united in a 
vast league to crush the great proud empire which had treated them with 
such callous indifference to their feelings. From almost every shore of the 
iEgean and the Levant, and even from far-off Italy, fleets of corsairs 
swarmed down on the Delta. The sea was white with the sails of ships filled 
with men consumed with a passion to humble the arrogance of the Pharaoh, 
and to annex a portion of the enormous wealth of Egypt. Besides the 
Libyans of North Africa there were Shardina (Sardinians, 9 or perhaps 
Sardians 10 from Asia Minor), Tursha (Etruscans, 11 or Tylissians of Crete 12 ), 
Akaiwasha (Achaeans 13 or Greeks from Peloponnesus) Luka (Lycians), 
Shakerusha (Sagalassians of Pisidia 14 ), and the Mashauash (Maxyes 15 ). 

1 The Excavation of Gezer, i. 15: ii. 331. 2 Cf. Judg. i. 18 3 Cf. Judg. i. 29 
* Rec. de Trav., xxi. 30, and Rev. Archeol., 1898, p. 263 : cf. Clermont-Ganneau, ibid., p. 
429. 6 Jos. 15. 53 6 Jos. 15, X1 the Jamnia of 1 Mac. 4. 15 ' Miiller, Asien u. Europa, 
p. 201. 8 It is likely that to this period we must also ascribe the bronze Egyptian idol 
with gold collar, and the bronze statuette of a she-goat with two kids sucking, which Bliss 
dug up at Lachish (P.E.F.Q., 1893, p. 12), as well as the large kohl vase found at Lachish 
by Petrie, which was certainly imported from Egypt (Petrie, Tell-el-Hesy (1891), p. 43). 
All these considerations go to show how untenable is Naville's contention (Journ. 
of Egypt. Afchceol., 1915, ii., pt. iv. 195) that Merenptah never invaded Syria at all. 
He takes the inscription to refer merely to Merenptah's victory over the Libyans, and 
says it is impossible that in the early part of his reign he could have marched through 
Palestine. The references to Gezer and Ascalon he explains by saying that there had 
been war between these two townships, in which Gezer was the conqueror. But is it 
in the least likely that the Pharaoh would take note, on a triumphal stele in Thebes, 
of the vict ory of one petty Canaanite town over another in a territory over 500 miles 
distant ? Surely not. And moreover, Prof. Naville ignores the archaeological evidence 
for the presence of Merenptah in Palestine, which I have just mentioned. His analysis 
of " The Diary of a Frontier Official " is equally unsatisfactory. His explanation of 
the reference on the stele to Israel is so indefinite and ambiguous, that it is impossible 
to understand what he really means. One cannot help feeling that the whole 
argument is vitiated by a determination to cling to the notion that Merenptah must be 
the Pharaoh of the Exodus, an idea against which facts are accumulating every year. 

9 So Petrie, Hist, of Egypt, iii. 113, who thinks they also include other tribes lying 
towards Carthage : so also Breasted, Hist, of Egypt, p. 467, and Miiller, Egypt. Res., i. 27. 

10 Hall, Egypt and Western Asia. p. 366. " So Miiller and Breasted, op. cit. 
12 Hall, ibid. 13 It is interesting to note here the august name of " Greeks " on a 
monument of the thirteenth century B.C. 14 Breasted {op. cit., p. 467) identifies 
them with the Sicilians. 15 On the identity of these various allies, see Petrie, 
P.S.B.A., xxvi. (1904) 36: Max Miiller, P.S.B.A., 1887-88, x. 147-154: 287-289: 
Golenischeff, JEgypt. Zeitsch., xl. 101 : Hall, Oldest Civilization of Greece, p. 173. 



250 Nile and Jordan 

In great fear, Merenptah fortified the cities of the Delta, and then attacked 
the invaders near Memphis. The foreign coalition was defeated with 
immense slaughter, thousands being killed and thousands captured. The 
booty was prodigious, and included 9,000 copper swords and over 120,000 
other weapons. It was a narrow escape, and Egypt knew it. In a 
revulsion of joy when the danger had passed, the land exulted exceedingly. 
Merenptah signalized his victory by carving the famous stele above referred 
to, which has had such an extraordinary influence in modifying the views 
of Egyptologists as to the date of the Exodus. 

It is of interest to observe that an inscription of Merenptah has been 
discovered with a significant statement on it referring to the land of Goshen 
where the Israelites had been settled. " The country around," he states, 
" was not cultivated, but left as a pasture for cattle, because of the strangers. 
It was abandoned since the time of the ancestors." Another proof is thus 
furnished, that since the date of the departure of the Hebrews, the territory 
formerly occupied by them had been left practically uncultivated and wild. 
The statement of Merenptah is therefore in close agreement with what we 
have already seen to have been the condition of the land of Goshen under 
Amenhotep III, who had used it as a great game preserve. 1 It is also a 
further piece of evidence revealing the impossibility of the Exodus having 
taken place under Merenptah. In the 8th year of the latter's reign, we find 
the officer in charge of the " Shur," the frontier wall, stating that in 
accordance with royal instructions he had admitted through the wall, and 
had settled in Thuku (Succoth) and by the Lakes of Pi-tum (Pithom), 
certain tribes of the Shasu (Bedouin) with their cattle, to feed themselves 
and their herds under the protection of Pharaoh. 2 If the Exodus 
had only just taken place, is it likely that Merenptah would have been 
willing to admit tribes of other Semites so soon afterwards ? Would not 
he, and all Egypt, by this time have been sick of Hebrews and all Semitic 
allies ? 3 

The fact that Merenptah was an old man at his accession, and the 
circumstance that he succeeded a monarch who had eclipsed all others 
in the number and grandeur of his architectural efforts, prevented him 
from leaving a name behind him as a great builder. He copied 
Rameses IPs bad habit of destroying the monuments of his predecessors, 
and usurping their works as if they were his own. Thus he demolished 
the splendid sanctuary of Amenhotep III on the western plains of Thebes, 4 
and sawed asunder its magnificent statues to serve as blocks for the erection 
of a mortuary temple for himself. 5 At Tanis he built largely, appropriating 
Xllth Dynasty statues and Hyksos sphinxes with cool impartiality. The 
palace he erected at Memphis has been excavated by the Philadelphia 
Expedition under Fisher, and proves to be one of the most imposing, 
magnificent, and luxurious private residences ever built. Its Throne 
Room, its bathrooms, bedrooms, and place for the royal couch, were all 
on the most splendid scale. 6 The temple he constructed or rebuilt at 
Memphis, unearthed by Petrie, 7 seems to be the " temple of Proteus," 
described by Herodotus. 8 The temple of Aphrodite mentioned by the 

1 See p. 201. 2 Papyrus Anastasi, vi., and Brugsch, Hist, of Egypt, 2 ii. 133. 
3 See on this point Lieblein, P.S.B.A., xxi. (189Q), p. 65 f. "Breasted, Hist, of 

Egypt, p. 471. 5 This temple is described by Petrie, Six Temples at Thebes, 1897, 

p. n. * Fisher in Philad. Museum Journal, viii., No. 4 (1917). 7 Arch. Rep. 

Egypt. Explor. Fund, 1907-08, p. 15 : Petrie, Memphis, i. 11. His palace at Memphis 
was excavated by the University of Pennsylvania : a description of its plan and its 
contents was given by C. S. Fisher in The Museum Journal, vhi. (1917), pp. 211-230. 
3 Herod, ii. 112. 



Close of XlXth Dynasty 251 

Greek historians as being within the temenos of the Proteus temple was 
probably a shrine of Hathor. Merenptah also erected a stele at Serabit-el- 
Khadem, and inscribed a doorway there, thus maintaining the old tradition 
of sovereignty over the Sinai peninsula. 1 His tomb he prepared in the 
Valley of the Tombs of the Kings at Thebes, and his mummy is now in 
the Cairo Museum. 

Confusion and anarchy followed the decease of Merenptah, and even 
the order of succession of the remaining Kings of the XlXth Dynasty is 
wholly uncertain. 2 The most probable view is that a usurper, Amenmeses 
(b.c. 1238-1237), seized the throne, and reigned a short time. 3 Beyond 
repairing some temples, and building a tomb for himself in the Valley of 
the Tombs of the Kings, he did nothing worthy of remembrance. 

The next sovereign of the Dynasty seems to have been Seti II 
(b.c. 1237-1232), who as governor of Nubia used his opportunities at the 
propitious moment to seize the vacant throne. Little, however, did he 
do to win renown. Some fleeting success in Palestine in his second year, 
a few restorations of crumbling temples, the erection of a small sanctuary 
at Karnak, and some other trifling building operations, summarize the 
energies of his brief rule. 4 Reigning from Tanis, he asserted his over- 
lordship of Sinai by inscribing his name on the pylon of the temple at 
Serabit-el-Khadem. 5 

It was during his reign that a scribe Anna composed the celebrated 
Tale of the Two Brothers, 6 which has often been asserted to be the original 
of the Biblical story of Joseph and Potiphar's wife. 7 The trend of recent 
criticism, however, is in an entirely different direction. While some have 
urged that a legend of the real incident which took place during the Hyksos 
period may have lingered on and become a folk-tale by the time of 
the XlXth Dynasty, it is certainly much more likely that the two narratives 
have nothing whatsoever of a common origin. Gardiner 8 has shown 
that Bata, the hero of the story, is a mythological personage, as the elder 
brother is clearly Anubis. And as the name Bata has been recovered in 
a hieratic ostrakon in the Museum of the Society of Antiquaries in 
Edinburgh, it shows that the idea that the Tale refers to Joseph rests on 
no solid foundation. The actors are divine, and the incidents are derived 
mostly from the mythological traditions of the Egyptians. 

Seti II seems to have been succeeded by Siptah 9 (c. b.c. 1232-1224) 
and his royal wife, Ta-usert, 10 who expunged the cartouche of their hated 
predecessor from all available monuments, and kept up the fiction of a 

1 Petrie, Researches in Sinai, p. 108. 2 On the disputed question of these 

successions, see Petrie, P.S.B.A., xxvi. (1904), p. 37 : Reisner in /. of Egypt. Arch., vi. 
(1920), p. 49 : Ayrton (P.S.B.A ., xxviii. 185) arranges the succession thus : — Ta-usert 
was wife of Seti II : surviving him, she reigned for a time independently : Amenmeses 
then usurped the throne, but Siptah, son of Ta-usert, was put into possession of his 
rights by Bai. According to Maspero, Ta-usert was the queen of Siptah, and 
afterwards queen of his successor, Seti II (see Davis, The Tomb of Siptah, the 
Monkey Tomb, and the Gold Tomb, 1909). Budge {Hist, of Egypt, v. 133) gives the 
order — Seti II, Amenmeses, Siptah. 3 Petrie, Hist, of Egypt, iii. 121, inverts the 

order of succession, and regards Amenmeses as a son of Seti II. 4 There are 

those who make brave attempts to show that the Exodus of the Israelites took place 
during Seti II's reign. The theory is hopeless. The latest attempt is by Whatham 
in Bibliotheca Sacra, Ixxv. (1918), p. 543. 5 Petrie, Res. in Sinai, p. 108. 

8 See Renouf, R.P., ii. 133 : Petrie, Egyptian Tales, 2 Ser., 1895, p. 36: Maspero, 
Conies populaires de I'E^gypte Ancienne, 1906 : Budge, The Dwellers on the Nile, pp. 
115-120. 7 Gen. 39. 7 20 8 P.S.B.A., xxvii. (1905), p. 185. » Daressy 

(Rec. de Trav., xxxiv. 39) has shown that as the real designation of Siptah is Rameses, 
he is really Rameses III, and all the Ramessids after Rameses II are thus wrongly 
numbered ! 10 Ta-usert's tomb was explored in 1907, and yielded magnificent 

necklaces, pendants, bangles, rings, etc. in gold and silver P.S.B.A.. 1908, p. 74). 



252 Nile and Jordan 

vigorous empire for some eight years. 1 The real ruler of the country, 
however, was the chancellor Bai, and the energy of Siptah was, in legend 
at least, overshadowed 2 by that of his royal wife through whom his 
accession was legitimized. 3 An inscription at Wady Haifa mentions the 
fact that a " royal ambassador " was sent by the Pharaoh to Syria. What 
amount of intercourse with Canaan this implies is quite unknown : it may 
have been nothing more than some commercial transaction. 4 

1 For an account of the temple of Ta-usert, see Petrie, Six Temples (1897), 
p. 13 : Siptah's temple is also described, p. 16. 2 Prof. Elliot Smith, on examining 

the mummy of Siptah, has discovered that he suffered from a club-foot (Journ. of 
Egypt. Arch., i., pt. iii. (1914), p. 189). 3 For the discovery of the tomb of Siptah, 

see Ayrton, P.S.B.A., xxviii. (1906), p. 96. 4 Sayce in Rec. de Trav., xvii. 161. 






CHAPTER XIX 

The Twentieth Dynasty 

The period subsequent to the close of the XlXth Dynasty was marked 
by utter anarchy. 1 Egypt groaned under the tyranny of a Syrian usurper 
whose real name was unknown, although it used to be read as Arisu 2 
(b.c. 1224-1206). By what means he reached the place of power we know 
not, yet it is remarkable to note that Canaan now avenged herself on her 
old oppressor. Every governor in the Nile Valley was compelled to pay 
tribute to the foreign upstart, and the tax, of course, came out of the 
pockets of the lower classes. Assassinations were rife, famine decimated the 
population, Libyan invaders plundered far and wide, and deep was the 
misery of the land. To the proud Thebans it must have been peculiarly 
galling to remember how, in olden times, their fathers had driven out the 
Semitic Hyksos, and had conquered Palestine. Now they were themselves 
under the heel of the loathed Semite ! 

It was therefore with intense relief and joy that at last Egypt saw 
another strong man arise to found a new dynasty, and to vindicate the 
ancient majesty of Thebes from the insults of this Asiatic usurper. This 
patriot was Setnekht, probably a descendant of Rameses II. In his brief 
reign (b.c. 1206-1202) he expelled the Syrian tyrant, restored peace to the 
distracted land, 3 and handed over a united Kingdom at his death to his 
son Rameses III 4 (b.c. 1202-1170). 5 

But Rameses III needed all the courage and ability (of which he had 
no small store) to save Egypt from destruction at the hands of savage 
invaders. The ancient empire was rapidly decaying. She was like a 
wounded lioness around whom meaner beasts of prey were gathering, 

1 See Eisenlohr, T.S.B.A., i. 355-384: The Great Harris Papyrus, ed. Birch, 
PI. 76: Birch, R.P., rst Ser., viii. 46-47. 2 As we have already seen (p. 245). 

Prof. Eerdmans (Expos., Sept. 1908) thinks there is a possibility that in " Arisu " we 
find a corruption of "Joseph." It is certain that Genesis tells us the same particulars 
about Joseph as the Great Harris Papyrus tells about " Yersew " or " Arisu." But 
if the Israelites merely entered Egypt under Siptah, and left it under Rameses XII 
in B.C. 1 100, it is absolutely impossible to find room for the whole period of the 
Wilderness Wanderings, and of the Judges, before the arrival on the scene of David 
about b.c. 1000. Another equally absurd idea is that of Forbes (P.E.F.Q., 1897, p. 226) 
that Arisu was Aaron, the brother of Moses ! Similarly Heath (The Exodus Papyri, 
l8 55, p. 9 f.) pleads that the Exodus took place during the reign of this Syrian usurper, 
while Seti II was in hiding for thirteen years in Ethiopia. But his absurd identifications 
have long been exposed. See Goodwin, Cambridge Essays, 1858, and De Rouge, 
Moise et les Hebreux, p. 6. 3 He erected the last of the Wady Maghara steles 

at the temple of Serabit-el-Khadem (Petrie, Res. in Sinai, p. 108). 4 The story 

of the rescue of Egypt from this anarchy is told by Rameses III (R.P., ist Ser., vi. 
23-70: viii. 5-52). 5 The dates of the XXth Dynasty have been revised by 

Petrie, P.S.B.A., xxvi. (1904). 

253 



254 Nile and Jordan 

licking their chops in anticipation of a royal feast ! Forgetting the defeat 
inflicted on them by Merenptah half a century before, the Libyans and 
their sea-allies twice flung themselves on Egypt, and twice were hurled 
back by Rameses with enormous loss. 

The first attack took place in the fifth year of the new reign. The 
coalition of foes was gathered from a strikingly wide area, revealing how 
intimate were the relations subsisting in this early age between the various 
peoples of the Mediterranean basin, maritime and otherwise. In , the 
league were Libyans from North Africa, Philistines and Teukrians from 
Crete, Greeks from the ^Egean, Sardians and other peoples from Asia Minor, 
tribes from Seir or Edom, Bedouin nomads and other wandering races. 1 
But the Pharaoh gained the day. There was a fierce naval and land 
encounter ; the coalition was shattered : 12,500 of the foe were left on the 
field, and 1,000 were captured. For the time, Egypt breathed again, 
and there were great rejoicings that Rameses had annihilated the vast 
piratical armada from over the seas. 2 

In his eighth year Rameses III had a still more formidable confederation 
to face. It was an invasion more alarming than any since the period of 
the Hyksos ; and had not the King possessed an unusual amount of martial 
energy and strategic skill, it would have gone hard with the Empire. It 
would almost seem as if every nation bordering the Mediterranean, from 
Italy in the West to Crete and Cyprus in the east, joined in the attack 
by sea, while thousands of Asiatic foes poured down from the highlands 
of Asia Minor in numbers that seemed incalculable. 

To the Bible student the most interesting of these groups of invaders 
is the Philistines, who now for the first time make their appearance in 
general history. 3 It is now agreed that the Philistines came from Crete, 
and therefore that the old identification 4 of the " Pulusati " of the Egyptian 
monuments with the Philistines was correct. 5 What has been designated 
the " Late Minoan III " period of Cretan civilization was characterized 
by ceaseless upheaval, a grim contrast to the old halcyon days of the grand 
Minoan Era. The entire Eastern Mediterranean was now a welter of 
migrations, expulsions, wars, and piracies. Two centuries before, the 
sack of Knossos had ended the glories of the Cretan Empire, but the ancient 
thalassocracy lingered on in ever diminishing volume. Now through the 
pressure of new nations pushing down from the north, the " Peoples of the 
Sea " were forced to sail forth from their ancestral home in Crete in search 
of new settlements. These warlike refugees precipitated themselves on the 

1 For attempted identifications of these peoples, see King and Hall, Egypt and 
Western Asia, p. 368, and Budge, Hist. 0/ Egypt, v. 150. Miiller {Egypt. Res., ii. 117 f.) 
elaborately discusses the question of the Shardini and their allies, the Libyans. 
2 See also Chabas, Recherches pour servir a I'histoire de la XIX^ e Dynastie, 1873. 
p. 34 f - 3 The question is embarrassed by the mention of Philistines in 

Gen. 21, 32 31 26, 1 8 » ]5 18 Ex. 13," 15," 23, 31 Jos. 13, 2 3 etc. Various 
explanations of this are possible. There may have been sporadic migrations of 
Philistines from Crete into Palestine at a date much earlier than that during which 
the main body appeared. Or the term may be used in the Hexateuch to signify the 
people of the country which was afterwards colonized and owned by the Philistines, 
a mere geographical expression, or employed proleptically. See the question discussed 
by W. J. Beecher in Hastings' D.B., iii. 847, art. Philistines. Hall {P.S.B.A.. 
xxxi. (1909), p. 233) criticizes the theory that would admit of Philistines being in Palestine 
in the Patriarchal Age (especially Noordtzij, De Filistijnen, hun Afkomst en Ceschiedenis, 
1905), and maintains Moore's view (Encycl. Bibl., art. Philistines) that the Genesis 
references are quite unhistorical. Martin A. Meyer, Hist, of the City of Gaza, p. 27, 
considers the references simply anachronisms. * Osburn, Egypt, her testimony to 

he truth (1846), pp. 107, 137, 141, with representations of Philistine war galleys. 
6 So now Lenormant, Meyer, Maspero, Petrie, Budge, Miiller (Asien u. Europa, pp. 368 
387-390), Hall, Ann. of Brit. School at Athens, viii. 157 : Near East, p. 71 f. 



The Twentieth Dynasty 255 

coastline of the Levant, and devastated the shore from Cilicia in the north 
to Phoenicia in the south. 1 It was a permanent occupation of Palestine 
which they planned, for they brought with them their wives, children, 
and entire possessions. While their immense fleet of war galleys crept 
along the coast, their heavy, two-wheeled oxcarts lumbered down the 
shore carrying their womankind and chattels. Before landing in Syria 
they had ransacked Cyprus. The remnant of the Hittite power, had been 
unable to face the storm and had retired inland : and now, as the swarm 
poured southwards towards the Delta, it seemed impossible that Egypt 
could escape submergence. 

In this crisis Rameses acted with promptness and valour. Not waiting 
to be attacked, he advanced from his frontier fortress Zar, and marched 
into Canaan to meet the foe. His fleet meanwhile sailed northwards, 
and lay ready for emergencies. A tremendous land battle ended in the 
utter rout of the invaders, who fled to the seashore to embark with all 
speed. But in the nick of time the Egyptian war-galleys arrived. The 
hapless fugitives were caught " between two fires." The Pharaoh's ships 
rammed the pirate vessels and sank them. There was a savage slaughter 
and the Philistine fleet was annihilated. 2 It is curious to note that the 
Egyptians had fighting on their side as mercenaries " Shardini," or 
Sardinians, and other Italian peoples. They fought against other Shardini 
who were allies of the Philistines. Though the site of the battle is 
uncertain, some placing it in one of the harbours of Phoenicia, 3 others at 
the mouth of the Pelusiac branch of the Nile, 4 the onward advance of the 
Philistines was checked. The remnant that escaped the sword were 
permitted to settle down in the Palestinian Shephelah, and from this date 
we find the Philistines occupying a strip of the Canaanite territory, 5 and 
proving a formidable body of enemies to the Hebrew tribes who occupied 
the mountain districts. In course of time they actually gave their name 
to the whole country of " Palestine," or " Philistine-land," though it 
was merely an insignificant section of it which they really held. 6 

This invasion, with its sequel of a permanent settlement of Philistine 
foes within the land allotted to the twelve tribes, is not infrequently referred 
to in Scripture. The Caphtorim, which came forth out of Caphtor (Crete) 
destroyed the Avvim (early Neolithic races) which dwelt in villages as far as 
Gaza. 7 Have not I brought up the Philistines from Caphtor?* The Lord 
will spoil the Philistines, the remnant of the isle of Caphtor. 9 The early 
geographical list in Genesis similarly described them as the Caphtorim, whence 

1 Yet Conder strangely denies the connection between the Philistines and Crete 
(P.E.F.Q., 1909, p. 268). 2 The fight is depicted on the walls of the temple of Medinet 
Habu. The Philistines and their allies have light galleys, with high prows and lofty sterns, 
adorned with heads of fierce birds at stem and stern, and furnished with a single bank of 
oars. The Egyptian ships are lower in the water, the bows are decorated with animal 
heads, but the sterns are plain. 3 So Breasted, Hist, of Egypt, p. 480. 4 So Hall, 
Near East, p. 382. 5 See Myres, " The Philistine graves found at Gezer," in 

P.E.F.Q., 1907, p. 240 f. 6 The LXX always translates the word " Philistines " 

by 'AWoipuKat — aliens. The inhabitants of Gaza used to maintain that there 
was a connection between their god Marna and the Cretan Jupiter. Tacitus (Hist., 
v. 2) asserts that the peoples of Palestine were immigrants from Crete. The early 
name of Gaza was Minoa from Minos, the famous Cretan King. For abundant proofs 
revealed by recent excavations in Philistine cities, that the late JEgean culture discovered 
in Palestine was of Cretan origin, see F. B. Welch, " The influence of the Mgea.a 
civilization on South Palestine," in P.E.F.Q., 1900, p. 3-12. See further, 
R. A. S. Macalister, The Philistines, their history and civilization, 1913. For the 
remarkable parallel between the history of the Philistines and that of the Hebrews, 
their different destinies, and the deep religious reason for their diversity of fortune, see 
G. A Smith, Hist. Geog. of the Holy Land, p. 175. 7 Deut. 2 23 s Amos 9.' 

»Jer. 47.4 



256 Nile and Jordan 

went forth the Philistines. 1 After the time of Rameses III, the Philistines 
with their fierce and warlike disposition, their knowledge of technical arts 
and crafts brought from that wonderful iEgean civilization of which they 
were the final representatives, and their alliance with the surviving remnants 
of the primitive races of Canaan, the Rephaim (or giants) and others, 2 
proved irreconcilable foes to Israel during the latter period of the Judges, 
until their power was at last shattered by Saul and David. But their 
presence in the south-west of Canaan was not without its benefits. They 
acted as an effective buffer State between Egypt and Palestine, 3 and 
from the era of Rameses III we hear no more of inroads by Egyptian armies 
until the reign of Solomon. 4 

The victorious Pharaoh deemed it politic to make a triumphal progress 
through the regions which the Philistines had lately traversed. He swept 
through Canaan in the old grand style of the Thothmidae. He stormed 
at least five walled cities, 5 and his track was marked by blazing townships 
and ruined cornfields. He claims to have advanced as far as Naharaina 
and the Euphrates, but there is reason to believe that Rameses simply 
copied 6 on his monument names of places which he found on the stelae 
of his predecessors, and which he himself never visited. Nevertheless, 
we are not without evidences of his presence in Canaan. 7 From the strata 
in Lachish which correspond to this period, Bliss s unearthed a bronze figure 
of Ptah probably once coated all over with gold. At Gezer, Macalister 
found a fragment of a green alabaster vase bearing the name of Rameses III. 9 
Rameses himself records that cities were set apart in Palestine for Amen-Ra, 
and that he built in " Pa-kanana " (Canaan) a mysterious house like " the 
horizon of heaven which is in the sky " {i.e., the abode of the Sun-god) with 
a great statue of " Amen-of-Rameses-ruler-of-Heliopolis," to which the 
people of Canaan brought tribute, " for it was divine." 10 Where in Palestine 
this temple of Amen stood, with its great image of the Sun-god, we have no 
idea : n but its erection must have betokened a re-emergence of the old 

1 Gen. io. u As mentioned on p. 170, the clause regarding the Philistines seems 
misplaced. It should come after Caphtorim. 2 See p. 26. Goliath was 

politically a Philistine, though racially he was probably one of the Rephaim, a relic 
of the primitive Neolithic races that had once held Palestine in their grip. 3 See 

Sayce, Expos. Times, viii. 182. 4 The title borne by the five Philistine princes — 

seren "HD 1 Sam. 5 8 — suggests an affinity with the Hellenic Tvpawos, a word 
which may go back to /Egean times, and may have been taken over into Hellenism 
from Knossian days. (Kretschmer, Einleit. in die Gesch. d. Griechischen Sprache, 
PP- 373. 377-) 5 In the Great Harris Papyrus, Rameses III says " I filled his 

(Amen's) house with male and female slaves whom I brought from the lands of the 
Asiatics." 6 Muller (Egypt. Res. i. 49) has shown that Rameses III, or his architect, 

simply went to the temple of Karnak, and copied the necessary amount of names of 
Syrian towns from the lists of Thothmes III and Rameses II, without asking if those 
names agreed in the least with those in the region where he himself had warred. In 
his haste he copied even some African names among the Syrian ones ! " However, 
this kind of lazy piracy was, at all times, so common among the Egyptian scribes that 
most likely they saw no fraud in it, and we may doubt if its discovery was ever 
punished. The whole difference between the amiable superficiality of the Egyptians 
and the stern, dry, but accurate mind of the Semites is recognized in such frequent 
cases. In Babylon and Nineveh such patent dishonesty has no real analogies. There 
impaling and mutilation may have punished what in Egypt was a small literary liberty." 
Notwithstanding this severe criticism, the list of Rameses III gives us such Biblical 
names as Beth-dagon, Jos. 15 41 : Qar-betaqa = Qirbezeq, from Bezek ; cf. Adoni- 
bezek : Rani-el =Levi-el ? : Tisupi (the thunder god of N. Syria) =Teshup, etc. 

7 Mackenzie (Excavations at Ain Shems (Beth-Shemesh), 1913, p. 56) shows that 
some of the tombs at Bethshemesh of this period reveal traces of Egyptian influence. 

8 Bliss, A Mound of Many Cities, pp. 68, 131 f. 9 P.E.F.Q., 1908, pp. 84, 111. 

10 Cook, The Religion of Ancient Palestine, p. 77: Breasted, Am. Rec, iv. 123. 

11 Maspero (Hist. Anc, ii. 475) says that Pa-Kanana means a city of Galilee : Muller 
(Asien u. Europa, p. 205) identifies the word with Canaan generally : Conder (P.E.F.Q., 
1896, p. 255) with Kanah near Tyre. 



The Twentieth Dynasty 257 

claim of Egypt over Palestine, inasmuch as the Canaanite dynasts were 
compelled to offer tribute to it every year. 

It is highly probable that we have a definite allusion to this campaign 
of Rameses III in the narrative in Judges of the twenty years' oppression 
of the Israelites by Jabin II of Hazor. For the captain of his host was 
Sisera, who dwelt in Harosheth of the Gentiles : he had nine hundred chariots 
of iron, and twenty years he mightily oppressed the children of Israel. x The 
name " Sisera " has a marked affinity with Egyptian nomenclature : 2 
it may mean Ses-Ra, " servant (or child) of Ra. " 3 He was probably the 
paka, or Egyptian Resident at the Court of Jabin, and with his formidable 
military force maintained the Egyptian suzerainty over the land. The 
contemporaneous chronology of Egypt and of Canaan permits of this 
identification, 4 and we thus see that when Barak destroyed the power of 
Jabin, and Sisera was slain, it was really a blow struck by the Hebrews 
against their ancient oppressors the Egyptians. It is certainly remarkable 
that the opening words of the song of Deborah